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HARVARD 
COl.l.KGE 
LIBRARY 


Q 


xv  READINGS 


ON  THE 


INFERNO;/ OF  DANTE 

CHIEFLY  BASED  ON 

THE  COMMENTARY  OF  BENVENUTO 

DA   IMOLA 


BY  THE 

^ON"!-^-  WILLIAM  WARREN  VERNON  M.A. 

Mftb  an  ^nttoDuctfon 

BY 

IE  REV.  EDWARD   MOORE  DD.   Hon.  D.  Litt  Dublin 
Principal  of  St.  Edmund  Hall,  Oxford. 


IN  TWO   VOLUMES 

n 


VOL.  I      ^^     - 


% 


XonDon 

MACMILLAN    AND    CO. 

AND  NEW  YORK 
1894 

TAe  Right  of  Trnnslnium  and  Keprodnction  it  Reterved* 


ITo  tbe  Aetnots 


OF    THE    VERY    REVEREND 


RICHARD    WILLIAM    CHURCH,    D.CL. 

Dean  of  St,  PauPs, 


DEDICATED, 


WITH  A  DEEP  SENSE  OF  GRATITUDE  AND  REVERENCE, 


BY 


WILLIAM  WARREN  VERNON 


January,  1894. 


PREFACE. 


|v  Readings  on  the  Purgatorio  (London, 
Macmillan,  1889,  2  vols.),*  as  therein 
'  explained,  grew  out  of  a  series  of  lec- 
tures to  a  few  private  friends  at  Florence.  The 
kind  reception  given  to  that  work  since  its 
publication  has  encouraged  me  to  produce  the 
present  book,  which  deals  with  the  Inferno,  and 
1  trust  that  life  and  ability  may  be  vouchsafed 
me  to  cope  with  the  mystic  beauties  of  the 
Paradiso,  and  to  complete  this  attempt  to  make 
plain  to  a  beginner  the  difficulties  of  the  three 
immortal  cantiche. 


*  The  first  edition  of  the  Readings  on  the  Furgalorie 
being  now  exhausted,  I  have  begun  to  prepare  a  second 
edition,  which  will  be  re-modelled  and  almost  entirely 
re-written. 


viii  Preface. 

In  printing  these  volumes,  my  intention  has 
not  been  to  enter  into  rivalry  with  the  many 
excellent  prose  translations  now  accessible  to 
the    English    readei     '        '  ire    to    claim 

the  merit    of  a    cei  of   plan    and 

execution.      The  R  e  Purgaiorio, 

as  the  late    Dean    i  ;d  out  in  his 

beautiful  IntrotluclJc  lly  lectures  to 

students.      They  takt   ^..^ <^iish  reader  for 

the  first  time  step  by  step  with  the  poet  through- 
out his  dread  pilgrimage.  They  endeavour  to 
make  clear  the  difficulties  of  language,  the 
obscurities,  the  vague  historical  and  literary 
references,  and  to  afford  a  clue  to  the  extra- 
ordinary topographical  embarrassments  which 
meet  the  reader  at  every  turn.  My  method 
has  been  to  deal  with  the  text  a  few  lines  at  a 
time,  and  to  give  a  literal  translation  of  it,  while 
a  running  commentary  and  a  plentiful  supply  of 
parallel  passages,  with  notes  and  illustrations 
drawn  from  ancient  and  modern  commentators, 
show  the  order  and  method  of  the  narrative,  as 


Preface.  ix 

well  as  the  general  plan  of  the  Poem  in  relation 
to  the  other  writings  of  Dante. 

There  is  a  close  connexion  between  the  three 
cantiche^  which  were  intended  by  the  writer  as 
one  harmonious  work,  in  which  each  action, 
speech  and  scene,  has  a  settled  meaning  in  re- 
lation to  the  entire  Poem.  "  This  comprehensive 
mastery  over  the  whole,"  says  Dean  Church,  '•  is 
just  what  a  learner,  struggling  with  the  difficul- 
ties of  translation,  and  the  perpetually  recurring 
interruption  and  entanglement  of  notes,  so  easily 
loses.  Striking  or  hard  passages  arrest  or  interest 
him  ;  but  the  transitions  are  so  abrupt,  and  the 
explanations  are  so  condensed  and  concise,  that 
he  often  finds  it  a  hard  matter  to  follow  the 
continuous  line  of  the  poets  thought  But 
Dante  certainly  did  not  intend  to  be  read  only 
in  fine  passages :  with  his  immense  and  multi- 
farious  detail,  he  meant  us  to  keep  in  view  the 
idea  which  governs  the  whole  from  the  first 
part  to  the  last." 

Dante  used  the  Italian  language  as  an  instru- 


I 


X  Pre/ace. 

ment  for  convcj  ing  human  thought  with  a  direct 
force  and  a  conciseness  of  expression  beyond 
even  the  miglit  of  Tacitus.     The  translation  is 

offered  as  a  fair  r '-'■■ —  of  the  poet's 

meaning  for  the  us«  jse  knowledge 

of  Italian  is  limite  tretend  to  con- 

vey the  full  beauty  he  marvellous 

and  restrained  enei  chiselled  lan- 

guage.    That  impo.  ust  be  left  for 

abler  pens  than  mine.  My  chief  aim  has  been 
to  show  the  beautiful  symmetry  of  the  Divina 
Commedia,  plaimed  by  its  designer  on  a  scale  of 
magnificence  and  loftiness  of  purpose,  perhaps 
unrivalled  in  the  literature  of  any  age  or  country. 
We  find  in  the  Divina  Commedia  not  only  a 
complete  system  of  civil  and  ecclesiastical 
government,  but  also  a  microcosm  of  the 
thoughts,  the  aspirations,  the  learning,  the  arts, 
the  sciences,  the  hopes  and  the  fears,  the  loves 
and  the  hates  of  the  Middle  Ages. 

My  Readings   are    based   generally    on    the 
famous  lectures  in  Latin  of  Benvenuto  da  Imola 


Preface.  xi 

(a.d.  1375),  which  have  only  lately  been  printed. 
These  lectures  were  delivered  by  one  who  lived 
close  to  Dante's  own  time,  and  Benvenuto's. 
remarks  on  tlie  living  persons  mentioned  in  the 
Poem  are  therefore  particularly  valuable.  His 
observations  on  the  subtle  allegorical  meanings 
also  deserve  serious  attention  as  coming  from 
one  who  may  be  said  to  speak  in  the  full  light 
of  tradition.  The  ordinary  reader  may  feel 
rei>elled  at  the  enormous  bulk  of  Benvenuto's 
Commentary  (in  five  large  volumes)  of  which  I 
have  endeavoured  to  give  the  pith  and  sub- 
stance. I  have  also  made  full  use  of  the  other 
early  commentators,  from  Pietro  di  Dante,  the 
son  of  the  Poet,  down  to  Gelli,  the  quaint  old 
hosier  of  Florence,  the  Tuscan  of  Tuscans,  who 
by  patient  study  raised  himself  to  become  the 
lecturer  on  Dante  in  his  native  city,  during 
the  cultivated  age  of  Leo  X. 

Above  all,  and  on  this  I  cannot  lay  too  much 
stress,  I  have  always  kept  in  view  the  fact,  so 
often  lost  sight  of,  that  Dante  was  a  Florentine, 


xii  Preface. 

and  wrote  for  Tuscans.  Let  any  one  well 
acquainted  with  Italy  contrast  the  harshness  of 
.the  accent  and  the  poverty  of  the  language, 

spoken  both  in   °--'' ""'   in   Lombardy, 

with  the  malchle;  :  pronunciation, 

and  the  boundles  ms,  to  be  found 

among   the    peas  tiill    country    of 

Pistoja,  and  they  able  to  under- 

stand that  every  ante  wrote  had 

a  set  purpose,  and  must  always  be  investi- 
gated from  the  Tuscan  point  of  view. 

After  much  thought  I  have  decided  to  follow 
Witte's  text  (Zrt  Divina  Commcdia  di  Dante 
AUighieri,  Berlino,  1862),  with  occasional  ex- 
ceptions. 

Here,  as  before,  I  feel  a  pleasure  in  express- 
ing my  sincere  acknowledgments  to  that  great 
Dantist,  Dr.  Scartazzini.  All  students  of 
Dante  owe  him  a  deep  debt  of  gratitude 
for  the  vast  erudition  and  originality  of  thought 
displayed  in  his  invaluable  commentaries.  I 
have  made  much  use  of  his  published  writings, 


Prtface,  xiii 

but  I  have  further  to  thank  him  for  personal 
friendship,  for  many  kind  and  encouraging 
letters,  and  for  the  ready  help  which  he  has  at 
all  times  ungrudgingly  given  me. 

I  must  moreover  offer  my  heartfelt  thanks  to 
Dr.  Moore,  Principal  of  St.  Edmund  Hall, 
Oxford,  whom  I  am  proud  to  call  my  friend, 
and  to  whom  few  will  deny  the  position  of  our 
leading  Dantist  in  England.  I  thank  him  for 
the  generous  aid  he  has  been  good  enough  to 
give  throughout  the  progress  of  my  work ;  for 
the  friendly  and  constant  care  with  which  he 
has  ever  been  willing  to  supervise  it ;  and  for 
the  admirable  Introduction  with  which  he  has 
enriched  my  labours. 

I  should  indeed  be  ungrateful  were  I  not 
here  to  record  my  unfeigned  sense  of  obligation 
to  another  friend,  Mr.  H.  R.  Tedder,  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Athenaeum  Club.  He  has  done  far 
more  than  I  could  possibly  expect  of  him  in 
revision,  while  the  patience  and  attention  with 
which  he   has  always  granted  me  the    assis- 


xiv  Prtface. 

tance  of  liis  great  literary  experience  merit  the 

cordial  thanks  which  I  hereby  tender  him. 

To  my  Wife  is  due  the  credit  of  the  ample 
Index.  Throughout  thp  four  years  I  have 
been  engaged   up  her  sympathy, 

help  and  encourag  en  of  priceless 

value  to  me. 

From  my  cousl  M>rge  Elliot,  I 

have  frequently  re(  aluable  advice 

and  assistance. 

My  long  intimacy  with  Sir  James  Lacaita 
has  Ijcen  no  less  than  an  education  to  me  in 
all  subjects  connected  with  Dante  from  an 
unequalled  master. 

I  must  not  forget  one  to  whom  1  owe  it  that 
I  have  any  knowledge  of  Italian  at  all,  and  who 
more  tiian  fifty  years  ago  gave  me  the  example 
of  Dante  study.  1  mean  my  Father.  My 
early  recollections  of  life  in  Florence  commence 
at  a  time  when  the  great  philologist,  Vincenzio 
Nannucci,  and  Giunio  Carbone,  the  translator  of 
the   Vocubolario  Dantcsco  of  Blanc,  were  in  sue- 


Preface.  xv 

cession  my  Father's  secretaries ;  and  when  his 
house  was  constantly  frequented  by  such  men 
as  Baron  Seymour  Kirkup,  Pietro  Fraticelli, 
Brunone  Bianchi  and  other  distinguished 
Dantists.  And  I  must  also  pay.  a  small  tribute 
of  grateful  remembrance  to  my  aged  master 
Signor  Tommaso  Gordini  (still  alive  at  Flor- 
ence) who  first  taught  me  Italian  in  the  year 
1840. 

My  sister-in-law  the  Dowager  Lady  Vernon  ; 
the  Dowager  Duchess  of  Sermoneta ;  Signor 
Agnelli,  author  of  the  Topo-Cronografia  Dan- 
tesca^  and  his  publisher  the  Commendator  Hoepli 
of  Milan,  have  kindly  permitted  me  to  reproduce 
illustrations  which  I  hope  will  add  to  the  use- 
fulness of  my  work. 

Among  other  modern  scholars  by  whose 
labours  I  have  profited,  I  may  mention  the 
names  of  Bartoli,  Blanc,  Bowden,  Butler,  Camer- 
ini,  Carlyle,  Gary,  Gayley,  Fay,  Ford,  Fraticelli, 
Haselfoot,  Hettinger,  Lamcnnais,  Longfellow, 
Lubin,  Molbech,  Norton,  Philalethes,  Plumptre, 


xvi  Preface. 

Poletto.  Pollock,  Di  Siena,  Tommasfeo,  Wright, 
and  Witte. 

In  making  these  special  acknowledgments  I 
have  not  exhausted  the  list  of  those  to  whom  I 
have  been  iiidebt  orrowed  words, 

expressions,  illust  tes,  from  many 

more  learned  thai  [uote  the  words 

of  Brunette   Lati  loved  teacher : 

"  Et  si  ne  di  je  p  res  soil  estrais 

de  men  poure  sens,  ne  de  ma  nue  science ; 
mais  il  est  autressi  comme  une  bresche  de  miel 
cueillie  de  diverses  ilors ;  car  cist  livres  est 
compiles  seulement  de  mervilleus  diz  des  autors 
qui  devant  noslre  tens  ont  traiti^  dc  philosophie, 
chascuns  selonc  ce  qu'il  en  savoit  partie." 

William  Warkiim  Veunon. 
Tkt  AlhtiiteuHi, 

Pa/1  Md//,  S.W. 

January,  iS(j4. 


INTRODUCTION. 


0  the  great  majority  of  ordinary  readers 
Dante  is  known  only  or  chiefly  as  the 
author  of  the  Inferno.  To  a  large  number 
indeed,  only  as  the  author  of  selected  episodes, 
and  those  selected  naturally  as  presenting  some 
of  the  most  vivid  descriptions,  the  most  original 
conceptions,  the  most  highly  coloured  scenes  in  that 
division  of  the  Poem  which  offers  most  scope  for 
episodes  of  this  particular  kind.  Obviously,  the 
result  is  a  most  distorted  and  one-sided  conception 
of  the  genius,  and  also  of  the  character  of  the  poet. 
Hence  many  shallow  criticisms  and  ofl'-hand  con- 
demnations, and  that  even  on  the  part  of  such 
eminent  writers  and  critics  as  Voltaire,  Goethe,  and 
Landor.  These  when  spontaneously  occurring  to  a 
casual  or  superficial  reader  are  excusable,  and  in 
some  sense  almost  natural.  But  when  they .  are 
pressed  upon  us  by  professed  teachers  or  critics,  we 
suspect  that  our  would-be  guides  have  consciously 
or  unconsciously  been   following  the  method  urged 

b 


xviii  fntroduction. 

upon  Balaam  by  Balak  in  rcrercnce  to  the  Israelites: 
"come  .  .  .  unto  another  place  whence  thou  shall  see 
but  the  utmost  part  of  them,  and  shall  not  see  them 
all,  and  curse  me  them  from  thence." 

The  first  and  most  necessary  corrective  step  is  to 
remove  from   iiny  s  ition,  and   before 

pronouncing'   jiidjfnr  ir   to   see  some- 

thing   more    tlian    "  t"  of  the  poet's 

mind  and  licart,  b>  le  other  co-ordi- 

nate divisions  at   h  poem,  if  of  no 

more   of  his   writir  e,   happily,    now 

abundant   facilities  iy   provided   for 

students  of  every  degree,  and  not  the  least  in 
respect  of  the  Purgatorio  by  the  earUer  labours  of  the 
indefatigable  author  of  the  present  work.  It  is  not 
too  much  to  say,  that  anyone  familiar  with  the  Pur- 
gatorio only,  or  with  the  Paradiso  only,  would  form 
a  conception  of  the  poet  and  of  the  man  Dante  so 
totally  different  from  that  formed  by  a  reatler  of  the 
Inferno  only,  tliat  it  would  seem  inconceivable  that 
both  portraits  could  possibly  belong  to  the  same 
individual. *!-  Hut  it  would  be  beyond  the  purpose  of 
these  few   pages  to   dwell   further  upon    this.     The 

*  The  iiiiporUiiti;  of  lliis,  in  llie  ease  of  DajUe,  aribcs  Troni 
the  fact  thai,  a^  Mr.  Lowell  hab  i>bi.erved,  "uU  lii^  works  (willi 
(he  possible  exception  of  ihe  l)e  Vulgari  Eluquio)  are  aulobio- 
firapliic,  and  all  of  Ihem,  including  Ihai,  ate  parts  of  a  mutually 
related  aysiem  of  which  Ihe  central  point  is  the  individuality 
AwA  experience  of  the  pocl." 

t  Mr.  Kuskin  boldly  declares  that  it  is  only  "  shallow  people 
who  think  Uantc  stern."     Modern  Painters,  vol.  iii,  p.  164. 


Introduction.  xix 

readers  of  this  book  are  concerned  for  the  present 
with  the  Inferno  only.  It  may  be  worth  while  then 
to  suggest  to  such  readers  some  considerations  which 
may  prevent  the  conception  formed  of  the  Poet  from 
this  partial  study  of  his  great  work  from  being  wholly 
false,  or  at  least  grievously  distorted,  though  it  must 
necessarily  remain  imperfect  and  one-sided. 

It  will  not  be  needful  to  give  detailed  references 
to  the  passages  in  Dante  which  form  the  main  grounds 
of  the  adverse  criticisms  to  which  I  have  referred. 
The  general  result  may  be  briefly  summarised  thus : 
Dante,  it  is  urged,  often  describes  the  sufferings  of  the 
lost  with  details  which  to  our  notions  are  coarse  and 
revolting  (this  is  a  censure  as  old  as  Machiavelli). 
Such  details,  moreover,  are  sometimes  so  grotesque 
and  contemptuous  as  to  imply  utter  heartlessness  on 
his  part ;  nay  more,  he  goes  out  of  his  way,  both  in 
his  language  and  in  the  actions  which  he  attributes 
to  himself,  to  insult  some  of  the  helpless  and  hopeless 
victims,  and  even  to  aggravate  their  sufferings.  But  let 
us  allow  some  recent  writers  to  speak  for  themselves, 
that  it  may  be  seen  that  the  misconception  against 
which  we  are  protesting  is  not  imaginary.  Here  are 
some  samples  :  "His  treatment  is  constantly  heartless 
and  vindictive."  "There  are  few  rays  of  Christ's 
spirit,  and  little  echo  of  His  voice.**  **  In  his  glorious 
melodrama  a  terrible  spirit  of  intolerance  is  with  us 
from  first  to  last{\)y  The  writer  of  the  last  two  extracts 
seems  not  to  have  heard  of  the  Purgatorio  and  Para- 

diso.    He,  at  any  rate,  had  seen  but  "  the  utmost  part " 

b2 


XX  fntroductmi. 

of  the  author  he  presumes  to  criticise.  "  One  side  of 
Dante's  natun.,"  says  another  (who  at  least  has  the 
grace  to  admit  this  limitation)  "is  passionate,  vindic- 
tive, demonic  !  His  use  of  the  Almighty  thunders  for 
all  who  hapjicn  to  disnlftaw  him  /an  absolutely  false 
statement,  by  the  waj  :)  "  is  persistent 

and  methodical !  "    ^  is  sort  might  be 

added.     This  is  cnou  those  who  still 

claim  for  the  author  r«(?  the  office  of 

a  leader  and  teacher  i  th  century,  and 

as  we  dare  to  adii,  for  do  well  to  deal 

with,  and  if  possible  ti.  _  :  clouds  of  error 

and  misconception. 

Let  it  be  clearly  understood  once  more  that  the 
considerations  which  follow  are  addressed  not  to 
mature  students  or  scholars,  but  rather  to  that  large 
and,  it  is  believed  increasing,  class  of  ri:aders  who 
certainly  (as  well  as  those  who  are  far  advanced  in 
the  study  of  Dante)  will  derive  the  most  valuable 
help  from  this  work  of  Mr.  Vernon,  and  in  particular 
will  find  the  copious  historical  illustrations  full  of  life 
and  interest  and  instruction.  1  refer,  in  particular,  to 
persons  who  have  but  little  or  moderate  proficiency 
in  Italian,  and  who  probably  lack  the  leisure  or 
opportunity  for  a  study  of  the  contecnporary  or 
precedent  literature,  without  which  Dante  (not  only 
like  other  authors,  but  perhaps  to  a  degree  beyond 
almost  all  other  authors)  caiuiot  be  adecpiately  appre- 
ciated. Many  persons  thus  situated  have  a  keen  and 
a  most  natural  desire  to  know  and  understand  some- 


Introduction.  xxi 

thing  of  the  work  of  the  man  whom  Mr.  Ruskin  has 
ventured,  though  perhaps  with  exaggerated  enthu- 
siasm, to  characterize  as  "  the  central  man  of  all 
the  world,  representing  in  perfect  balance  the  imagi- 
native moral  and  intellectual  faculties,  and  all  at  their 
highest." 

(i)  First  of  all,  as  I  have  just  hinted,  no  poet  can 
be  adequately  judged  "  out  of  his  context,"  if  we  may 
so  put  it ;  or  in  other  words  without  regard  to  the  age 
and  conditions  in  which  he  lived  and  worked.  There 
is  an  average  level  in  every  age  of  accepted  ideas, 
feelings  and  beliefs,  on  religious,  moral  and  social 
questions,  just  as  there  is  in  physical  knowledge, 
above  which  indeed  a  great  poet  or  prophet  is 
bound  to  some  extent  to  rise,  but  out  of  which 
he  cannot  wholly  emerge.  Due  allowance  must 
always  be  made  for  this  inevitable  atmosphere  of 
contemporary  thought  and  habits ;  or,  as  an  old  writer 
has  happily  expressed  it,  for  the  different  **  climates 
of  opinion"  peculiar  to  different  ages.  We  must 
not  criticize  a  writer  or  teacher  of  the  thirteenth  or 
fourteenth  century  by  the  canons  and  ideas  of  the 
nineteenth. 

"  Molto  h  lecito  Ik,  che  qui  non  lece."* 

No  one,  for  example,  would  condemn  the  pious 
Nicias  in  ancient  times,t  or  the  pious  Newton  in 
later  days,  for  being  a  slave  holder,  in  the  way  that 


*  Par,  i,  55. 

t  Freeman's  History  of  Sicily^  vol.  iii,  p.  157. 


xxii  Introduction. 

a  pious  Christian  of  the  nineteenth  century  would 
justly  be  condemned  for  such  a  practice.  Now 
what  were  the  surroundings,  or,  to  use  a  phrase 
now  much  in  fashion,  the  "environment"  in  which 
through  many  a  lone  vear  the  sreat  poem  was 
gradually  and   laborl  ut?" 

It  was  an  age  of  tion  of  Church 

and  State,  when  spir  o  be  well  nigh 

extinct  in  the  one,  an  le  other.  It  was 

an  age  of  cruelty,  tre;  ss,  violence  and 

general  unrest.     Whi  himself  was  no 

student  or  rechi.se,  bu.  3ng  in  the  very 

thick  of  the  turbid  stream.  Kcmemberiny  this,  we 
are  no  longer  surprised  if  there  are  dark  passages  in 
the  In/eriio  marked,  or,  it  may  be,  stained,  by  some 
of  the  prevailing  ferocity  of  the  age.  We  should 
rather  wonder  that  it  includes  passages  of  sucli  patho.s 
as  the  episodes  of  Francesca,  Hrunetto  Latini,  and 
Pier  delle  Vigne.  Hut  the  sustained  tenderness,  calm 
and  brightness  of  the  I'lirgiitorio  and  Parailiso  remain 
the  greatest  marvel  of  all.  That  such  a  plant  (to  use 
a  metaphor  of  Dante's  own)  could  be  produced  in  so 
deadly  a  swamp  t  is  little  less  than  phenomenal. 

(2)  But  there  is  another  "context"  in  connexion 
with  which  the  I'oet's  work  must  be  viewed,  vi/..,  his 
own  fundamental  beliefs  and  deeply  rooted  convictions 

•  See  Par.  xxv,  1-3. 

t  Compare  inf.  xv,  74-75  : 

S'  alcuna  surge  ancora  in  lor  JeUme." 


Introdtutian,  xxiii 

respecting  the  great  problems  of  Providence  and  of 

human  life.    These  form  the  frame-work  by  which  all 

the  products  of  his  thought  in  matters  speculative  or 

practical  are  shaped  and  regulated.    This  is  the  more 

important  in  proportion  to  the  depth  and  earnestness 

of  such  convictions  ;  and  surely,  if  ever  a  man  were 

"  terribly  in  eiarnest,"  if  ever  there  were  a  man  who 

felt  that  he  had  "  a  mission/*  that  he  was 

else  erring  greatly, 
A  consecrated  spirit,* 

that  man  was  Dante.  He  had  much  more  in  com- 
mon with  the  Hebrew  prophet  than  with  the  modern 
poet.  One  of  the  most  axiomatic  and  fundamental 
beliefs  in  Dante's  mind  (as  is  abundantly  clear  from 
the  pages  of  the  De  Monarchid)  was  that  God  had 
declared  in  unmistakeable  tones  his  purpose  for  the 
right  conduct  of  the  world  ;  viz.,  that  there  should  be 
one  Universal  Emperor  for  things  temporal,  one 
Universal  Pope  for  things  spiritual,  co-operating 
with  one  another  in  harmony  and  without  jealousy. 
Dante  felt  no  more  doubt  of  this  (whatever  we  may 
think  of  it)  than  of  his  own  existence  or  that  of  the 
world  itself;  nor  could  he  imagine  any  reasonable  or 
unprejudiced  Christian  entertaining  any  such  doubt. 
Feeling  and  believing  this,  and  regarding  any  hesi- 
tation about  it  as  involving  moral  perversity  rather 
than,  or  in  addition  to,  intellectual  obliquity,  those 
who   in   practice   opposed   the  development  of  this 


*  Wordsworth. 


xxiv  Introiluctum. 

Divinely  revealed  plan,  he  **  found  to  be  fighting 
against  God."  The  spirit  so  vigorously  expressed  by 
the  Psalmist  was  aroused  in  like  manner  in  Dante. 
Through  his  zeal  for  Grod  and  God's  service  (as  it  pre- 
sented itself  to  him)  he  *"  hated  them  right  sore  even 
as  though  they  were  his  enemies."*  Triumphant 
exultation  over  the  vindication  of  God's  justice  in 
the  punishment  of  His  foes  follows  naturally.  And 
this  feeling  also  seemed  to  have  received  the  sanction 
of  the  Psalmist :  ''  The  righteous  shall  rejoice  when 
he  seeth  the  vengeance,  he  shall  wash  his  footsteps  in 
the  blood  of  the  ungodly  "if  and  again,  "When  the 
ungodly  shall  perish  thou  shalt  see  it"|  As  a  further 
corollary,  the  suppression  of  any  movements  of 
natural  pity  became  a  religious  duty,  for 

Chi  h  piu'scellerato  che  colui 

Che  al  giudizio  divin  passion  porta  ?  § 

I  am  not  defending  this  attitude  as  right,  but  from 
such  a  standpoint  as  that  of  Dante  it  was  inevitable. 
The  explanation  is  nothing  more  or  less  than  that  un- 
hesitatingly accepted  as  sufficient  in  respect  of  the 
so-called  "  imprecatory  Psalms,"  by  thousands  of 
readers  who  have  no  difficulty  in  believing  their 
author  to  have  been  "  inspired  "  in  a  sense  which 
no  one  has  ever  claimed  for  Dante. 

(3)  If  this  be  true,  it  goes  far  to  remove  the  gross 
misconception  or  misrepresentation  referred  to  above, 


♦  Ps.  cxxxix,  22.  t  Ps,  xxxvii,  35. 

t  Ps.  Iviii,  la  §  Inf,  xx,  29- 3a 


Introduction.  xxv 

that  Dante  uses  the  Almighty  thunders  for  all  who 
happened  to  displease  him  I  It  is  clear  that  much  at 
least  of  the  scorn  and  hatred  which  is  exhibited  in  the 
Inferno  is  (I  am  far  from  saying  justified)  but  certainly 
lifted  on  to  an  entirely  different  level  from  the  display 
of  private  animosity  or  spite.  But  I  have  no  hesita- 
tion in  going  further  than  this,  and  maintaining  that 
there  is  absolutely  no  evidence  whatever,  in  any  single 
case,  of  Dante  having  used  the  opportunities  offered 
him  for  gratifying  personal  enmity  or  gibbeting  pri- 
vate foes.  Nor,  on  the  other  hand,  has  he  allowed 
personal  affection  to  open  the  gates  of  Heaven  to  his 
friends,  since  there  is  only  one  in  Paradise  (Carlo 
Martello  of  Hungary)  who  could  perhaps  fall  under 
this  description. 

His  distribution  both  of  rewards  and  punishments 
offers  many  strange  anomalies,  but,  however  they  may 
be  explained,  personal  likes  and  dislikes  do  not  pro- 
vide the  key  to  them.  When  critics  denounce  Dante's 
condemnation  of  those  whom  they  most  misleadingly 
describe  as  "  political  opponents,"  we  must  remember 
the  totally  different  meaning  which  would  attach  to 
this  term  under  the  circumstances  of  those  times,  and 
from  the  religious  point  of  view  of  Dante  himself 
It  is  the  most  transparent  fallacy  thus  to  employ 
a  familiar  modern  term  which  has  widely  different 
associations. 

(4)  We  next  deal  with  another  common  fallacy 
scarcely  less  mischievous.  Dante  is  often  credited 
or  discredited — as  no  man,  and  least  of  all  no  poet. 


xxvi  IntroducHoH, 

ought  to  be — with  the  full  realization  and  formal  be- 
lief of  any  statement  or  description  to  be  found  in  his 
writings ;  nay  more — ^and  this  is  no  uncommon  prac- 
tice in  ordinary  life,  and  still  more  in  theolc^cal  con- 
troversy— with  the  logical  consequences  of  any  such 
statements,  without  the  slightest  proof  of  these  having 
been  consciously  realized  or  thought  out  by  the 
author  himself.  But  let  us  ask  this  question.  Except 
that  everything  is  set  forth  by  Dante  with  a  vividness 
of  detail  and  intensity  of  imagination  which  is  quite 
unique ;  and  further  that — as  a  fundamental  part  of 
the  plan  of  the  Poem — ever3rthing  is  presented  under 
the  form  of  a  supposed  personal  experience  of  his 
own,  does  he  go  beyond  the  theological  beliefs  and 
professions,  I  will  not  say  of  his  own  days,  but  of 
much  later  and  even  recent  times  ?  Have  not  many 
modem  Christians,  of  undoubted  piety  and  sincerity, 
used  language  and  expressed  beliefs  of  equal  severity 
in  regard  to  not  only  classes  of  sinners,  but  even 
individuals  known  to  themselves  in  public  or  in  pri- 
vate life,  whom  they  have  held  to  be  (often  on  most 
insufficient  grounds)  at  enmity  with  God  ?  Have  they 
not,  sadly  but  surely,  anticipated  for  them  an  eternal 
future  no  less  horrible,  if  perhaps,  thanks  to  some 
growth  in  general  refinement,  somewhat  less  grotesque 
in  its  details,  than  anything  imagined  by  Dante  ?  The 
fact  is,  that  men  in  all  ages  are  better  than  their 
creeds  or  professions,  and  ought  not  to  be  strictly 
judged  by  them.  As  I  have  elsewhere  observed,  many 
things  are  uttered  with  the  lips  which  are  not  in  any 


Introduction.  xxvii 

effective  sense  believed ;  and  much  is  believed^  and  so 
sincerely  that  men  would  even  suffer  and  die  for  it, 
which  has  never  been  fully  realized^  much  less  thought 
out  into  its  logical  consequences. 

(5)  Another  consideration  must  be  specially  ad- 
dressed to  those  whose  acquaintance  with  Dante  is 
limited  to  the  Inferno^  viz.  that  this  division  of  the 
Poem  deals  with  the  Inferno  and  nothing  else.  It  is 
the  detailed  description  of  hell,  and  further  of  the 
most  typical  and  conspicuous  sinners  in  hell,  those 
guilty  of  the  most  odious  or  contemptible  or  per- 
nicious crimes,  the  greatest  enemies  or  oppressors  of 
the  human  race  or  of  society,  in  the  then  recent 
memory  of  man,  those  whose  bad  pre-eminence  in 
evil  places  them  in  a  position  like  that  of  the  saints, 
when  the  poet's  theme  is  Paradise.  As  Dante  says 
himself,  it  is  useless  to  waste  words  on  any  others. 

Per6  ti  son  mostrate  in  queste  rote, 
Nel  monte,  e  nella  valle  dolorosa^ 
Pur  1'  anime  che  son  per  fama  note. 

Par.  xvii,  136-8. 

The    nature   of    the    subject    matter   being    once 

realized,  one  scarcely  needs  to  cite  such  anticipatory 

apologies  as  Dante  has  occasionally  made : — 

Qual  ella  sta,  parole  non  ci  appulcro. 

Inf,  vii,  60. 
or  again  : 

nella  chiesa 

Coi  santi,  ed  in  tavema  coi  ghiottoni. 

Inf,  xxii,  14-15. 

(6)  After  all,  Dante  makes  no  claim  to  infallibility. 
Wc  certainly  will  not  do  him  such  ill  service  as  to 


•  ^. 


/  •> 


xxviii  Introduction. 

claim  it  for  him.  We  must  never  let  profound  admi- 
ration degenerate  into  an  irrational  worship.  Much 
harm  has  been  done  in  his  case,  as  in  that  of  some 
scriptural  writers  or  characters,  by  such  indiscriminate 
zeal.  In  one  case  as  in  the  other,  we  must  not  for- 
get, even  in  the  enthusiasm  of  a  moment,  that  we  are 
dealing  with  men,  who,  however  exalted  in  genius  or 
in  character,  are  men  of  like  passions  with  ourselves; 
and  we  need  not  attempt  to  conceal  or  deny  in  Dante 
the  possession  of  fervid  and  even  impetuous  passions, 
which  he  shares  with  many  great,  many  saintly,  many 
inspired  characters  of  all  ages.  But  while  we  are  not 
concerned  to  deny  his  faults  and  imperfections,  we 
must  protest  vigorously  against  their  exaggeration  or 
misrepresentation.  Such  faults  as  he  had  are  likely 
to  have  been  present  in  strength,  for  there  was  nothing 
weak  or  hesitating  about  Dante.  And  if  so,  we  may 
console  ourselves,  if  consolation  be  needed,  with  the 
reflection  of  the  moralist :  "  II  n'apparticnt  qu'aux 
grands  hommes  d'avoir  dc  grand  dcfauts  I" 

All  who  are  familiar  with  Mr.  Vernon's  excellent 
Readings  on  the  Purgatorio^  which  have  been  so  much 
appreciated  that  a  second  edition  is  already  in  pre- 
paration, will  know  the  sort  of  help  they  may  look 
for  from  him  now  in  respect  of  the  Inferno,  and  they 
will  certainly  not  be  disappointed.  Those  who  are 
beginning  the  study  of  Dante,  will  find  a  singularly 
careful,  clear  and  accurate  prose  translation.  Further 
help  is  given  to  the  reader,  by  the  occasional  insertion 


Introduction,  xxix 

of  a  word  or  two  in  brackets  (like  the  italicised  words 
in  the  Authorized  Version  of  the  Bible),  by  which  the 
sense  is  often  rendered  clearer,  and  the  translation  is 
made  to  run  more  smoothly  without  any  sacrifice  of 
its  literal  exactness.  Moreover  the  text  is  broken  up 
into  portions  of  a  few  terzine  at  a  time,  for  separate 
translation,  and  the  connection  of  these  portions  is 
brought  out  by  a  few  intermediate  sentences  of  para- 
phrase or  explanation.  Mr.  Vernon  has  spared  no 
pains  in  collecting  from  a  large  range  of  commen- 
tators, ancient  and  modern,  a  great  wealth  of  illu.s- 
trations  of  the  historical  and  other  allusions  which 
abound  everywhere  in  Dante.  The  copious  extracts 
which  he  has  given,  from  a  variety  of  authors,  are  full 
of  interest  and  instruction  for  every  class  and  degree 
of  students  of  the  Divine  Poem.  Yet  the  whole  is 
presented  in  such  an  unartificial  and  even  familiar 
manner,  that  the  reader  is  pleasantly  carried  along 
without  any  feeling  that  he  is  being  lectured  to. 

E.  MOORE. 


sy .  ^ 


LIST  OF   PLATES   AND   ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Vol.  I. 

PACK 

*  The  Death  Mask  of  Dantb,  in  profile  (piaU)  JFraniispiece 

'  Plan  of  the  Inferno,  after  the  measurements 

OF  Velluteixo  (folded  plate)  .        .    xlviii 

'  Plan  of  the  Inferno  and  Itinerary  of  Dante 

(folded  plate) i 

^  Music  to  lines  of  Canto  V,  "Noi  leggevamo," 

COMPOSED    BY   ROSSINI    FOR    LORD   VeRNON       .         1 73 

The  Wheel  of  Fortune  (woodcut)  .229 

Itinerary    of    Dante     within    the    City    of 

.  Dis  (tvoodcul) 299 

> 

^  The  Cosmography  of  Dante  (large  folded  plate) 

Pocket  at  end 

Map  of   Italy  in    the   time    of   Dante  (large 

folded  plate) Pocket  at  end 


RECORRECTED  ERRATA. 


Voul. 
Page  36 
»  107 

»  160 


„  164 

w  255 


>l  308 

»';  334 

..  432 
>l  438 

..  447 
».  572 


{.line  18).    /w- "  Zaini "  read  "  Zani.** 

{footnote  t).  /?V>r  "  Edwaid  Waller  »  r^tf</  "  Edmund 
Waller." 

{leut  two  lines).  For  *'  he  was  hospitably  enter* 
tained  by  Guido,  the  great  Lord  of  Polenta,  Fran- 
cesca's  ^ther/'  read  "  he  was  hospitably  entertained 
by  Guido  Novello,  the  great  Lord  of  Polenta,  Fran- 
cesca's  nephew.'' 

(line  1 1).    For  "  E  nominciai "  read  "  E  cominciai." 

(In  translation  at  bottom  of  page).  For  "  with  sin-laden 
denizens,  with  mighty  garrison,"  read  "  with  its  sin- 
laden  denizens,  with  its  mighty  garrison." 

line  25).    For  "  Caroccio  "  read  "  Carroccio,^^ 

{fine  18).    For  " si  empio"  read  "  j)  empioJ* 

(Jootnote^  line  i).  For  "from  the  Vulg/*  read  "from 
the  De  Vulg," 

(lines  18,  19).  For  "pictured  them  running,"  read 
"  pictured  the  shades  running." 

(line  i).  For  "after  Attila,  they  would  "  read  "  after 
Attila,  would." 

(lines  24,  25).  For  "  than  the  goat "  read  "  than  to  the 
goat." 

(line  4).    For  "  Petti "  read  "  Pclli." 


PROLEGOMENA. 


PAGE 

I. — The  Cosmography  of  Dante  .       .  xxxiii 

Hell xxxvi 

Purgatory xli 

The  Dimensions  of  Hell  xlii 

H.— Symmetrical  Plan  of  the  Divina 

COMMEDIA xlix 

HI.— Date    wjikn     the    Inpeicno   was 

written 1 

IV. — The  Beauties   of  the  Inferno    .       Ivi 

v.— Dante's  Itinerary  through  Hell.     Iviii 

VI.— Chronological  Tables  .       .   Ixxx 


I.— THE  COSMOGRAPHY  OF  DANTE. 

Iefore  readers  of  the  Divina  Comnudia  can 
form  a  just  comprehension  of  the  many 
allusions  Dante  makes  to  the  structure  of 
the  universe,  it  is  necessary  for  them  to  have 
some  notion  of  the  system  of  cosmography  that  pre- 
vailed in  his  days.  This  was  known  as  the  Ptolemaic 
system,  so  called  after  Ptolemy  of  Pelusium,  the 
celebrated  astronomer,  who  died  A.D.  i6i. 

To  this  system  Dante  added  certain  creations  of 
his  own,  and  we  shall  find  that  he  has  linked  the 
astronomical,  or,  as  they  were  then  styled,  the  astro- 
logical, doctrines  of  the  scholiasts  with  an  allegorical 
system,  that  is  mainly  the  fruit  of  his  own  imagi- 
nation. 

The  Ptolemaic  system  supposes  the  Earth  to  be 
stationary  in  the  centre  of  the  universe,  and  the 
planets  to  revolve  round  it,  within  concentric  spheres, 
and  in  the  following  order :  (l)  The  Moon ;  (ll)  Mercury ; 
(III)  Venus  ;  (iv)  the  Sun  ;  (v)  Mars ;  (vi)  Jupiter; 
and  (vil)  Saturn.  In  addition  to  these  seven  spheres, 
there  are  three  others  still  more  vast,  namely, 
(VIII)  that  of  the  fixed  stars ;  (IX)  the  Crystalline 
Heaven,  more  generally  known  as  the  Primnm 
Mobile ;  and  last  of  all  (X)  the  Empyrean,  or  Cielo 
Quieto,  Besides  these  there  are  two  spheres  sup- 
posed to  belong  to  the  earth  itself,  namely,  the 
sphere  of  air,  and  the  sphere  of  fire. 

c 


11 1  til 


.t  ui   Liic  moon,  IS  moved  by  the  aii|^cls  ; 

second    by    the    archangels  ;     the    third    by   the 

ncipalities  ;    the   fourth  by  the  powers;    the  fifth 

the  virtues ;   the  sixth  by  the  dominations  ;    the 

enth  by  the  thrones;   the  eighth  by  the  cherubim  ; 

ninth  by  the  seraphim  (Par.  xxviii,  98-126). 

"  I  cerchi  primi 
T'  hanno  mostrati  i  Serafi  e  i  Cherubi." 

Quegli  altri  amor,  che  intorno  a  lor  vonno, 
Si  chiaman  Troni 

L'  ahro  temaro,  die  cos)  gemioglia 

Prima  Dominazioni,  e  poi  Virtudi ; 
L'  ordine  terzo  di  Podestadi  ee. 
Poscia  nei  due  penuhimi  tripudi 

Principati  ed  Arcangeli  si  girano  ; 
L'  ultimo  h  tutto  d'  Angelici  ludi." 

)  the  above  order  of  the  heavens  and  the  hierar- 

\    of    angels,    Dante    adapted    an     allegorical 

m  of  his  own,  which  is  shown  in  the  following 

We  shall  see  in  it  that  the  so-called  sciences 


Prolegomena. 


XXXV 


The  Cosmical  System  according  The  Allegorical  System  ac- 
to  the  teaching  of  the  Scho-  cording  to  the  conception  of 
liasts.  Dante,  in  Conv.  ii,  14,  6,  in 

which  he  says  we  must  reflect 
upon  a  comparison  between 
the  order  of  the  heavens  and 
that  of  the  sciences. 


The 
Four  Elements. 


(9 

g 


Grammar. 

Dialectic. 

Rhetoric. 

Arithmetic. 

Music. 

Geometry. 

Astrology. 

Physics  and  Metaphysics. 

Moral  Science. 


Sciences  of  the 
Trivium, 

Sciences  of  the 
Quadrivium, 


The  Earth. 
The  Waters. 
Sphere  of  Air. 
Sphere  of  Fire. 

1.  The  Heaven  of  the  Moon.\ 

2.  „  Mercury. 

3.  „  Venus. 

4.  „  the  Sun. 

5.  „  Mars. 

6.  „  Jupiter. 

7.  „  Saturn. 

8.  The  Heaven  of  Fixed  Stars. 

9.  The  Crystalline  Heaven,  or 

Primum  Mobile, 
la  The  Empyrean,  Firmament,   Theology, 
or  Quiet  Heaven. 

The  earth  is  round,  and  divided  into  two  hemi- 
spheres, the  one  inhabited  by  Man,  and  the  other, 
which  Dante,  following  the  belief  of  the  time  and  the 
opinions  of  St.  Augustine,  believed  to  be  wholly 
uninhabited.  In  Inf,  xxvi,  1 17,  he  calls  this  Southern 
Hemisphere,  "  il  mondo  senza  gente." 

In  the  ConvitOy  Tr.  iv,  cap.  8,  Dante  describes  the 
earth  as  having  a  diameter  of  6,500  Italian  miles,  so 
that  each  degree,  according  to  the  data  of  Archimedes, 
consisted  of  fifty-six  and  one-third  miles,  and  the 
earth's  circumference  extended  to  20,400  miles. 

Jerusalem  is  situated  in  the  very  middle  of  our 
hemisphere. 

"  Gik  era  il  Sole  all'  orizzonte  giunto, 

Lo  cui  meridian  cerchio  coperchia 
Jerusalem  col  suo  piu  alto  punto."   (Purg,  ii,  1-3). 

C  2 


xxxvi  Prolegomena. 

In  Ezekiel  (v,  5)  we  read:  "Thus  saith  the  Lord 
God,  This  is  Jerusalem  :  I  have  set  it  in  the  midst  of 
the  nations  and  countries  that  are  round  about  her." 

Dante  imagines  the  Mountain  of  Purgatory  to  be  on 
an  island  in  the  midst  of  the  ocean  in  the  southern 
hemisphere,  precisely  at  the  Antipodes  to  Jerusalem. 
The  two  arc  referred  to  in  the  following  i)assages  : — 

"  £  se'  or  sotto  1'  emisperio  giunto 

Ch'  h  contrapposto  a  quel  clie  la  gran  secca 
Coperchia,  e  sotto  il  cui  colmo  consunto 
Fu  r  uom  che  nacque  e  visse  senza  pecca." 

(Inf.  xxxiv,  1 1 2- 1 1 5). 
Dentro  raccolto  immagina  Sion 
Con  questo  montc  in  sulla  terra  stare 
S),  che  ambo  c  due  hanno  un  solo  orizzon, 
E  diversi  emisperi."       {Purg.  iv,  68-71). 

According  to  these  views,  a  diameter  of  the  earth 
which  would  have  Mount  Sion  for  one  of  its  extremi- 
ties, would  have  the  Mountain  of  Purgatory  for  the 
other.  Precisely  half  way  between  the  two,  and  in 
the  very  central  point  of  the  terraqueous  globe, 
Lucifer  stands  fixed,  with  his  head  towards  Jeru- 
salem, and  his  feet  towards  Purgatory. 

Hell, 

When  Lucifer  was  expelled  from  Heaven,  the 
velocity  with  which  he  fell,  and  the  weight  of  sin  he 
bore,  caused  him  to  strike  the  globe  so  violently  as  to 
im^ert  its  conditions ^  the  land  of  the  southern  hemi- 
sphere being  forced  to  the  north,  and  the  waters 
changing  in  their  turn  to  the  south.  For,  to  avoid 
so  grievous  a  sinner,  the  very  earth  recoiled  in  horror, 
and  the  matter  displaced  by  his  passage  through  the 


Prolegomena.  xxxvii 

southern  hemisphere  rushed  upwards  and  became 
the  Montain  of  Purgatory.  In  the  void  thus  caused 
in  the  bowels  of  the  earth  was  Hell  (see  canto 
xxxiv).  Dante  has  followed  the  great  writers  of 
antiquity  in  placing  Hell  in  the  regions  beneath  the 
earth,  but  with  this  difference,  that  whereas  Homer, 
Ovid,  Virgil,  and  others  have  been  content  to  leave 
the  form  of  the  Lower  World  to  their  readers*  con- 
jecture, Dante  has  given  to  his  Hell  determinate 
shape,  plan,  and  size. 

Dante  imagines  that  Hell  is  situate  beneath  the 
surface  of  the  northern  hemisphere,  as  we  have  just 
noticed,  in  an  immense  empty  space  in  the  form  of 
an  inverted  cone.  The  apex  of  this  cone  is  supposed 
to  be  the  relatively  small  sphere  of  ice  called  Giudecca^ 
into  the  centre  of  which  Lucifer  is  frozen  ;  some  have 
maintained  that  his  navel  was  the  centre  of  the  Uni- 
verse. The  base  of  the  cone  is  towards  the  surface 
of  the  Northern  Hemisphere,  but  at  what  depth 
below  it  is  not  stated,  nor  do  commentators  agree. 

The  Hell  of  Dante  would  seem  to  be  approached 
from  the  surface  of  the  earth  by  a  descending  hollow 
way  until  the  gate  is  reached,  on  passing  through 
which  an  enormous  subterranean  cavern  is  found, 
having  possibly  at  its  upper  edge  a  circumference  of 
over  a  thousand  miles.  From  the  gate  the  cavity, 
being  funnel-shaped,  narrows  more  and  more  at  each 
descending  stage,  until  at  last  it  closes  fast  round  the 
waist  of  Lucifer  at  that  point  to  which  all  weights  are 
drawn.    {Alqual  si  traggoti  d'  ogni  parte  ipesi). 

Along  the  sides  of  the  funnel-shaped  void  run  a 
number  of  concentric    terraces  of  immense  extent, 


xxxviii  Prolegomena, 

called  by  Dante  circles,  and  these  by  successive 
degrees  narrow  down  to  the  bottom  of  Hell. 

Before,  however,  arriving  at  the  first  of  these  circles, 
Dante  imagines  there  to  be  a  kind  of  debateable 
land  within  the  territory  of  Hell,  but  not  within 
Hell  proper,  which  latter  only  b^ns  after  the  river 
Acheron  has  been  passed  in  Charon's  ferry  boat. 
Here  is  the  vestibule  of  Hell,  usually  spoken  of  as 
the  Antinfemo^  and  this,  added  to  the  nine  circles  of 
Hell,  gives  in  all  ten,  the  symmetrical  and  perfect 
nuniber  to  which  Dante  aspired. 

Opinions  have  greatly  differed  as  to  whether  the 
funnel-shape  of  Hell  narrowed  down  gradually  and 
evenly,  or  whether  it  did  so  by  more  abrupt  interrup- 
tions of  its  regular  order.  There  seems  rather  to  be 
a  preference  for  the  latter  alternative,  and  if  this  view 
be  adopted,  then  we  must  imagine  that  about  half- 
way down  the  funnel  there  exists  a  sort  of  diaphragm 
with  an  immense  chasm  in  the  centre;  and  below 
this,  again,  a  second  of  lesser  size,  but  of  tremendous 
depth,  and  a  third  smaller  both  in  diameter  and  in 
depth.  The  first  would  be  the  descent  from  the  city 
of  Dis  to  the  River  of  Blood  ;  the  second,  the  Great 
Abyss  {Burrato)  down  to  the  Circles  of  Fraud  ;  and 
the  third,  the  Pit  {Pozzo)  leading  from  the  Circles  of 
Fraud  down  to  the  ice  of  Cocytus. 

Let  us  now  consider  the  classification  by  Dante  of  the 
sins  punished  in  Hell.  His  classification  is  by  divisions, 
sub-divisions,  and  sub-divisions  of  sub-divisions. 

There  are  two  maindivisions  of  Hell  proper, namely, 
the  circles  outside  the  City  of  Dis,  in  which  sins 
of  Incontinence  are  more  lightly  punished,  and  the 


Prolegomena.  xxxix 

circles  within  the  city  of  Dis,  which  form  nether  hell, 
and  at  the  bottom  of  these  Lucifer  is  fixed. 

The  Antinferno,  or  vestibule  of  hell,  is  devoted  to 
the  punishment  of  those  who  have  been  alike  in- 
different to  good  and  evil.     Canto  iii. 

The  sins  of  Incontinence  are  dealt  with  in  five 
circles,  namely : 

Circle  /,  called  Limbo,  in  which  the  unbaptized  but 
blameless  heathen  abide  without  punishment.  Canto  iv. 

Circle  II,  The  Unchaste.  „       v. 

Circle  III  The  Gluttonous.  „     vi. 

Circle  IV.  The  Avaricious  and  Prodigal.        „    vii. 

Circle  V.  The  Wrathful  and  the  Sullen  or  Slothful. 

Cantos  vii  and  viii. 

As  Dante  considered  the  sins  of  Incontinence  to  be 
sins  of  the  weakness  to  which  human  flesh  is  liable, 
the  five  circles  representing  that  class  undergo  com- 
paratively light  penalties. 

Circle  VI  is  the  city  of  Dis  itself,  which  is  reached 
after  crossing  the  Stygian  Marsh.  This  is  a  class  by 
itself,  being  in  fact  the  vestibule  of  nether  Hell.  In  it 
.are  those  guilty  of  heresy  and  the  epicurean  philoso- 
phers. (Cantos  ix  and  x.)  It  is  here  we  reach  the  first 
great  chasm  which  separates  upper  from  lower  HelL 

Below  this  point  there  are  two  great  classes : 

(a)  Crimes  of  Violence.     Circle  vii  ;  and 

(b)  Crimes  of  Fraud.     Circles  viii  and  ix. 
Circle    VIL     Violence    is    sub-divided    into    three 

rounds.     {Gironi) : 
First   Round.     Violence  against  one's  neighbour. 
Here   are    punished    Murderers    and    Tyrants. 
Canto  xii. 


xl  Prolegomena. 

Second  Round.     Violence  against  oneself.     This 

class  contains  Suicides  and  absolute  Dissipators 

of  their  wealth.    Canto  xiii. 

Third  Rouncl.    This  class  has  three  sub-divisions : 

(a)  Violence    against     God ;    ije.    Blasphemy. 

Cantp  xiv. 
(0)  Violence  against    Nature;     i>.    Unnatural 

crimes.    Cantos  xv.  and  xvi. 
(y)   Violence  against  Art,  by  which  Usury  is 
meant.     Canto  xvii. 
We  now  come  to  the  great  Abyss  (Burrato)  at  the 
bottom  of  which  Fraud  is  sub-divided  into  two  great 
classes,  namely : 

(a)  Ordinary  Fraud,  where  no  trust  has  been  given. 

Circle  viii ;  and 
(^)  Aggravated  Fraud,  where  trust  has  been  given  ; 
i.e.  Treachery.     Circle  ix. 
Circle  VIII.  Ordinary  Fraud  is  further  sub-divided 
into  ten  classes,  namely  : 
Bolgia  I.  Seducers.  Canto  xviii. 

Bolgia  2.  Flatterers.  „     xviii. 

Bolgia  3.  Simonists.  „     xix. 

Bolgia  4.  Diviners.  „     xx. 

Bolgia  5.  Barrators  or  Traffickers  in  public  offices. 

Cantos  xxi.  and  xxii. 
Bolgia  6.  Hypocrites.  Canto  xxiii. 

Bolgia  7.  Robbers.  Cantos  xxiv.  and  xxv. 

Bolgia  8.  Fraudulent  Counsellors. 

Cantos  xxvi.  and  xxvii. 
Bolgia  9.  Disseminators  of  discord.     Canto  xxviii. 
Bolgia  10.  Falsifiers  of  all  kinds. 

Cantos  xxix.  and  xxx. 


Prolegomena,  xli 

Each  of  these  ten  sub-divisions  is  called  a  Boigia, 
or  pouchy  and  the  whole  group  of  ten  is  called  Maie- 
bolgey  evil  pouches. 

After  this  the  third  chasm  occurs,  and  at  the  bottom 
of  it  we  find  the  place  of  punishment  of 
Circle  IX.  Aggravated  Fraud,  or  Treachery. 
This  is  again  sub-divided   into  four  classes,   or 
rings : 

First  Ring.  Caina.  Betrayers  of  kindred. 

Canto  xxxii. 
Second  Ring.  Antenora.  Betrayers  of  their  country. 

Cantos  xxxii.  and  xxxiii. 
Third  Ring.  Tolomea.  Betrayers  of  guests. 

Canto  xxxiii. 
Fourth   Ring,   the   small   sphere.     Giudecca.     Be- 
trayers of  Benefactors.  Canto  xxxiv. 

Purgatory. 

The  Mountain  of  Purgatory  is  represented  as  being 
very  similar  in  form  to  the  great  cavity  of  Hell.  It 
is  like  a  truncated  cone,  and,  while  not  having  quite 
such  huge  proportions  as  Hell,  is  yet  of  so  great  an 
elevation  as  to  soar  beyond  the  spheres  of  air  and 
of  fire,  and  to  terminate  only  in  the  sphere  of  the 
moon.  It  is  here  that  I  would  venture  to  enter  a 
protest  against  the  graphic  illustrations  which 
seem  to  represent  Purgatory  as  a  small  hill  or 
peak,  of  which  the  top  might  easily  be  seen,  with 
some  half  dozen  human  figures  on  each  terrace. 

Immensity  is  the  key-note  of  all  Dante's  concep- 
tions, and  whereas  his  Paradise  extends  into  the  un- 
defined and  boundless  expanse  of  the  most  distant 


xlii  ProUgomma. 

heavens,  so  must  we  picture  to  ourselves  his  Hell 
and  his  Purgatory  occupying  the  widest  limits  that 
the  finite  proportiuns  of  our  planet  will  allow. 

The  divisions  of  Palpatory  are  described  in 
ReadiHgs  oil  llic  Purgatorio  (London,  i88g.  2  vols, 
cr.  Svo),  and  those  of  Pi  "  "'  '  ne  future  time 
be  discussed  in  Rmdin^  o. 

DlMENSl 

It  is  obvious  that  ai  ic  dimensions 
of  Dante's  Hell  must  ecturat.  The 
diameter  of  the  Earth  to  the  Moun- 
tain of  Purgatory  is  iioi n  6500  miles  ; 

and  he  represents  himself  as  having  traversed  this 
vast  space  in  a  period  of  45  hours  ;  namely,  24  hours 
in  descending  from  the  Entrance  Gate  of  Hell  down 
to  Lucifer  in  the  Arctic  Hemisphere,  and  21  hours 
in  re-ascending  in  the  Antarctic  Hemisphere  from 
Lucifer  to  the  shores  of  the  Mountain  of  Purgatory. 

The  Divina  Commedia  is  a  vision,  and  allowance 
must  therefore  be  made  for  the  marvellous  and  the 
impossible.  Dante  has,  however,  given  his  readers 
certain  data  from  which  some  approximate  deductions 
may  be  formed,  of  his  ideas  of  the  dimensions  and 
measurements  of  Hell. 

In  Infenio  xi,  16-18,  Virgil,  in  explaining  to  Dante 
the  nature  of  the  various  circles  of  Hell,  while  they 
are  on  their  way  down  from  the  Sixth  to  the  Seventh 
Circle, 

"  Figliuo]  mio,  dentro  da  cotesti  sassi, 

son  ire  cerchietti 

Di  grado  in  grado,  come  quei  che  lassi." 


Prolegomena.  xliii 

In  Inferno  v,  1-3,  Dante  says : 

"  Cos)  discesi  del  cerchio  primaio 

Gill  nel  secondo,  che  men  loco  cinghia, 
£  tanto  piii  dolor." 

These  two  passages  seem  to  show  that  the  circles 
are  formed  upon  a  principle  of  regular  proportion, 
and  upon  an  evenly  diminishing  scale.  Dante  has 
also  given  us  two  measurements  in  Malebolge^  where 
he  and  Virgil  are  in  nearly  the  narrowest  regions  of 
Hell.  When  we  compare  the  two  and  carry  on  the 
comparison  upwards  from  circle  to  circle  to  the 
uppermost  ring  of  all,  we  are  able  to  form  an  idea  of 
the  enormous  size  of  the  Hell  he  imagined. 

In  canto  xxix,  8-9,  Virgil,  reproving  Dante  for 
taking  too  much  notice  of  certain  personages  among 
the  disseminators  of  discord  in  the  ninth  Bolgia^ 
tells  him  that,  if  he  thinks  of  counting  them,  he  had 
better  remember  that  the  Bolgia  has  a  circuit  of  22 

miles. 

. 

"  Pensa,  se  tu  annoverar  le  credi, 

Che  miglia  ventidue  la  valle  volge." 

In  Inf,  XXX,  84-87,  Maestro  Adamo  tells  Dante 
that  if  he  could  only  move  along,  dropsical  as  he  is, 
an  inch  in  a  hundred  years,  he  would  already  be  on 
the  road  to  see  his  former  employer,  the  hated  Count 
of  Romena,  suffering  like  himself,  but  in  another  part 
of  the  Bolgia,  which  is  half  a  mile  broad,  and  has  a 
circuit  of  1 1  miles. 

"  lo  sarei  messo  g^k  per  lo  sentiero, 
Cercando  lui  tra  questa  gente  sconcia. 
Con  tutto  ch'  ella  volge  undici  miglia, 
£  men  d'  un  mezzo  di  traverso  non  ci  ha." 


xliv  Prolegomena. 

Therefore,  proceeding  from  these  data  by  arithme- 
tical progres,sion.  if  the  circuit  of  the  Tenth  Bolgia  is 
1 1  miles,  and  that  of  the  ninth  22  ;  then  that  of  the 
eighth  will  be  33  ;  of  the  seventh  44 ;  of  the  sixth  55  ; 
of  the  fifth  66  ;  of  the  fourth  7;  ;  of  the  third  88 ;  of 
the  second  99;   and  ,  with  a  radius 

equal  to  ij\  miles.  :s  be  multiplied 

by  9.   we  get    157^  ,   and   nearly  a 

thousand   miles   of  ci  the  Antinferno, 

just  within  the  gates 

But  it  is  evident   fr  ages  in  the  /«- 

fer>to  that  a  vast  spac  1  the  Circles  of 

Incontinence  and  tho:  nd  an  infinitely 

greater  one  between  the  Circles  of  Violence  and 
those  of  Fraud,  and  Professor  Agnelli  in  his  valuable 
work,  Topo-Cronografia  Dantesca,  Milan  1891,  says  he 
feels  that  he  will  not  be  deviating  too  far  from  Dante's 
intentions,  in  assigning  about  one  fourth  of  the  whole 
depth  of  Hell  to  the  complex  descent  of  tlie  first  six 
circles ;  and  an  equal  distance  between  the  sixth  and 
the  seventh  circle.  The  remaining  half  of  all  Hell 
can  then  be  apportioned  to  the  two  classes  of  Fraud 
in  the  eighth  and  ninth  circles.  In  other  words,  we 
may  consider  the  upper  half  to  be  from  the  gate  of 
Hell  to  Geryon  on  the  verge  of  the  Great  Abyss, 
and  the  lower  half  from  Geryon  to  Lucifer.  We  must 
however  remember  that  any  attempts  to  determine 
the  depth  of  this  Hell  in  a  precise  manner  are  im- 
possible. _We  have  absolutely  no  information  to  guide 
us  as  Co  the  thickness  of  the  crust  of  the  earth  over- 
hanging this  gigantic  chasm,  and  although  we  can 
calculate  the  distance   of  the  semi-diameter  of  the 


Prolegomena.  xlv 

earth  from  the  surface  of  one  of  its  hemispheres  to 
its  centre,  we  have  no  means  of  calculating  the  dis- 
tance from  the  earth's  surface  to  the  beginning  of  the 
first  circle. 

This  subject  was  a  favourite  one  among  students 
of  Dante  in  the  sixteenth  century,  and  several 
geometricians  of  eminence  made  the  most  elaborate 
computations  and  imaginary  plans  of  Hell,  which, 
however  ingenious,  all  break  down  in  some  important 
detail.  One  of  them  calculates  such  a  comparatively 
thin  crust  of  earth  above  the  opening  of  Hell,  as  would 
infallibly  have  caused  the  whole  mass  to  fall  into 
the  chasm.  Another  gravely  asserts  that  the  dis- 
tance Antaeus  lifted  down  the  Poets  was  eighty 
miles. 

The  first  to  deal  with  the  above  details  was  Antonio 
Manetti,  a  geometrician  of  Florence,  who  wrote  at 
some  date  previous  to  the  publication,  in  148 1,  of  the 
Commentary  of  Cristofero  Landino,  who  in  his  turn 
states  that  he  follows  in  Manetti's  footsteps,  although 
he  arrives  at  very  different  results.  Manetti  was  also 
followed  by  Pier  Francesco  Giambullari,  1544,  and  by 
the  great  Galileo  Galilei  in  1632,  although  there  are 
doubts  as  to  the  authenticity  of  the  authorship  of  the 
two  lectures  attributed  to  him  in  which  he  supports 
Manetti. 

It  would  seem  to  be  the  opinion  of  Professor  Ag- 
nelli that  Manetti  only  worked  out  his  plan  as  far  as 
the  Seventh  Circle,  after  which,  for  some  unknown 
reason,  the  completion  was  left  to  others,  who  ful- 
filled their  duty  so  very  imperfectly,  that,  mechani- 
cally speaking,  the  vast  fabric  of  Hell,  as  conceived 


xlvi  Prolegomena. 

by  Manetti,  rests  upon  a  base  so  flimsy  as  to  be 
crushed  down  at  once. 

As  the  system,  then,  of  Manetti  remains  defective, 
we  will  not  further  consider  it,  nor  the  many  others 
that  are  either  servile  imitations,  or  which  differ  from 
it  only  in  unimportant  details  ;  and  let  us  rather  turn 
our   attention   to  that  of  Allessandro  Vellutello  of 
Lucca,  the  author  of  an  illustrated  dissertation  upon 
the  topog^phy  of  the  Inferno,  which  was  published  at 
Venice  in  1 596,  at  the  b^inning  of  the  joint  commen- 
tary of  the  Divina  Commedia  by  himself  and  Landino. 
This  system  of  Vellutello  is  the  one  which,  on  the 
whole,  Prof.  Agnelli  prefers ;  and  principally  for  the 
reason  of  the  great  divisions  that  it  makes  between 
the    Incontinent,  the  Violent,  and  the   Fraudulent, 
with  far    more  marked  separations  of  their    places 
of  punishment  than    any   other    commentator   has 
done. 

According  to  Vellutello  the  diameter  of  Hell  at  the 
entrance  gate  is  315  Italian  miles,  and  he  computes 
precisely  the  same  distance  as  the  depth  from  the 
inside  arc  of  the  vault  of  Hell  down  to  Lucifer. 

This  depth  is  distributed  as  follows  : 

From  the  gate  of  Hell  to  the  inside  arc  of  the 

vault  of  Hell,  19}  miles. 
The  Circles  of  Incontinence,  1.^.,  from  the  gate 

of  Hell  to  the  descent  from  the  city  of  Dis,  at  the 

point  where  the  Poets  encounter  the  Minotaur,  70 

miles. 

From  the  Minotaur  to  the  Circle  of  the  Violent, 

70  miles. 

From  the  Circle  of  the  Violent,  at  the  point  where 


Prolegomena. 


xlvii 


they  mounted  upon  the  back  of  Geryon,  to  the  bottom 
of  the  Great  Abyss,  where  they  enter  McUebolge^  140 
miles. 

From  the  topmost  edge  oi  McUebolge  to  the  cen- 
tral point  of  the  Earth  at  the  bottom  of  Hell,  15^ 
miles. 

Thus  we  get : 

I9f  +  70  +  70  +  140  +  isJ  =  315  miles  for  the 
depth  of  Hell. 

As  regards  the  width  of  the  Circles  and  Chasms, 
Vellutello  distributes  them  thus : 


MILES. 

Antinfemo  and  Acheron              Half  diameter 

17* 

First  Circle 

Limbo 

17* 

Second  Circle 

Sensual 

17* 

Third  Circle 

Gluttonous 

17* 

Fourth  Circle 

Avaricious  and  Prodigal 

17* 

Fifth  Circle 

Descent  to  the  Styx    17  miles 

n 

Passage  of  the  Styx     17  miles 

■     35 

Sixth  Circle 

In  the  City  of  Dis         i  mile 

Seventh  Circle 

First  round         5*83  miles 

>» 

Second  round     5*83  miles 

■ 

17* 

}) 

Third  round        583  miles 

)) 

Half  diameter  of  the  first  seven 

Circles 

140 

» 

The  other  half  diameter 

140 

»» 

Diameter  of  the  Great  Aby 

ss 

35 

» 


Diameter  of  all  Hell  315 

The  diameter  of  the  Eighth  and  Ninth  Circles  is  contained  in 
that  of  the  Great  Abyss.  Each  of  the  first  nine  Bolge  is  i  mile 
across,  and  each  rampart  }  of  a  mile.  The  tenth  Bolgia^  we 
know  (Inf,  xxx,  84-87),  is  only  \  a  mile  across,  and  Vellutello 
gives  )  of  a  mile  to  the  last  rampart  from  Malebolge  to  the  edge 
of  the  Pit  where  the  Giants  stand. 
Therefore  we  get  for  Malebolge  : 


xlviii                        ProUgomena. 

First  Bolgla 

Half  diameter 

1 

mite 

First  Rampart 

„ 

« 

„ 

Second  Bo/f;i\, 

„ 

1 

„ 

Second  Ram  [.an 

„ 

1 

„ 

Third  Boli^iu 

„ 

1 

„ 

Thir(l  Rampart 

„ 

1 

1 

„ 

Fourth  Bolgiu 

M 

Fourth  Ramparl 

> 

H 

Fifth  Belgi,, 

I 

„ 

Fifth  Rampart 

1 

„ 

Sijtih  BolgU 

1 

„ 

Sixth  Rampart 

■ 

c* 

„ 

Seventh  Bolgi,! 

■ 

p 

M 

Seventh  Rampart 

m 

Ei 

„ 

Eighth  BoJ,;i,i 

1 

„ 

Eighth  Rampart 

„ 

i 

„ 

Ninth  Bolgia 

„ 

1 

„ 

Ninth  Rampart 

„ 

i 

Tenth  Bolgia 

k 

„ 

Tenth  Rampart  bordering  the  Pit     „ 

\ 

Half  diameter  of  the  Pii 

t  or  Co( 

:ytus 

17 

i 

'7i 

;; 

The  oiher  half  diametei 

■  of  the 

whole  Abyss, 

including  AfaUMge  and  ihe  Pit 

'7i 

.. 

Total 

3S 

Each  division  or  ring  of 

Cocyiu 

s  has  a  half  diameter  of  125 

metres,  which,  multiplied  by 

4.  give 

s  500  metres  01 

-the 

half  mile 

quoted  above.    The  total  di 

ameier 

then  of  Cocyt 

us  W( 

juld  be  I 

mile,  but  already  included  in  the  above  calculations. 

N.U,-The  miles  in  these 

calculations  are  1 

lalii 

in  m 

lies. 

i  « -  i  I 


Prolegomena.  .  xlix 


II.— THE  SYMMETRICAL  PLAN  OF  THE 
DIVINA  COMMEDIA. 

In  all  the  divisions  of  his  poem  Dante  scrupulously 
observes  a  symmetrical  order.  Each  of  the  three 
Cantiche  has  thirty-three  Cantos,  inasmuch  as  the 
first  Canto  of  the  Inferno  must  be  considered  as  the 
Introduction  or  Preface  to  the  whole  Poem.  And,  in 
fact,  in  the  Inferno,  the  Invocation  is  not  in  the  first 
Canto,  as  it  is  in  the  Purgatorio  and  Paradiso^  but  in 
the  second. 

It  is  evident  that  Dante  in  his  preliminary  plan 
allotted  a  definite  proportion  of  space  to  each  of  his 
three  great  Divisions.  In  Purg.  xxxiii,  139-141,  he 
distinctly  states  that  he  cannot  exceed  his  own  pre- 
scribed limits. 

*'  Ma  perch^  piene  son  tutte  le  carte 
Ordite  a  questa  Cantica  seconda, 
Non  mi  lascia  piik  ir  lo  fren  delP  arte." 

The  hundred  Cantos  of  the  Divina  Comnudia  con- 
sist of  14,233  verses  of  which 

The  Inferno  has  4,720  verses. 
The  Purgatorio,  4,755  verses. 
The  Paradiso,     4,758  verses. 
A  parallel  case  is  noted  by  Professor  Charles  Eliot 
Norton,  as  regards  the  poems  in   the-  Vita  Nuova 
which  Dante  has  constructed  with  the  most  perfect 
symmetry,  namely  : — 10  Minor   Poems,   i   Canzone, 
4  Minor  Poems,  i  Canzone,  4  Minor  Poems,  i  Can- 
zone, 10  Minor  Poems. 

d 


Prolegomena. 


-THE  DATE  WHEN   THE  INFERNO 
WAS  WRITTEN. 


Mr.  James  RusseliL 
Essays, 'London,  iSgo.v 
subject :  "  All  that  is  c 
Commedia  is  that  it  w 
teen  years  which  inter 
ment  and  death  {130 
made  to  fix  precisely 
but  without  success,  i. 


'^OHte,  Literary 
ibserves  on  this 
n  regard  to  the 
iring  the  nine- 
!)ante's  banJsh- 
pts  have  been 
different  parts, 
:es  of  opinion 


are  bewildering."  Scartazzini's  remarks  {Prolegoment, 
ch.  HI,  pp.  417-435}  are  deeply  interesting.  He  is 
strongly  of  opinion  that  Dante  did  not  sit  down  and 
write,  first  the  Inferno,  then  the  Purgatorio,  and  thirdly 
the  Paradise,  one  after  the  other,  but  rather  that  in 
the  first  instance  he  projected  his  Poem  of  one 
hundred  cantos,  and  that  he  began  doing  so  at  the 
time  when  he  wrote  these  concluding  words  of  the 
F(>(j  A'wi'^a  (Norton's  Translation,  Boston,  1867,  pp. 
96-97)  1  "  I  saw  things  which  made  me  resolve  to 
speak  no  more  of  this  blessed  one  (Beatrice),  until  I 
could  more  worthily  treat  of  her.  And  to  attain  to 
this,  I  study  to  the  utmost  of  my  power,  as  she  truly 
knoweth.  So  that  if  it  shall  please  Him  through 
whom  all  things  live  that  my  life  shall  be  prolonged 
for  some  years,  I  hope  to  say  of  her  what  was  never 
said  of  any  woman.  And  then  may  it  please  Him, 
who  is  the  Lord  of  Grace,  that  my  soul  may  go  to 
behold  the  glory  of  its  lady,  namely,  of  that  blessed 


Prolegomena.  li 

Beatrice,  who  in  glory  looketh  upon  the  face  of  Him, 
qui  est  per  omnia  sacula  benedictus^  From  this  we 
see  that  Dante's  work  of  preparation  had  already 
commenced.  Scartazzini  thinks  that  the  preparation 
was  undoubtedly  the  drawing  out  the  plans  of  the 
architecture  of  the  edifice  which  he  purposed  to  erect 
But  this  framework  alone  was  not  a  thing  he  could 
accomplish  in  one  year  or  even  two.  He  had  pro- 
bably sketched  out  the  intended  argument  of  every 
Canto.  Scartazzini  does  not  deny  that  the  Commedia 
was  worked  out  to  its  completion  during  the  last  eight 
years  of  Dante's  life,  but  such  a  supposition,  he  con- 
tends, does  not  in  the  least  preclude  long  years  of 
previous  preparation.  He  thinks  the  skeleton  frame- 
work of  the  whole  had  been  reared ;  vast  stores  of 
materials  had  been  collected  ;  here  and  there  episodes 
had  been  already  put  in,  as  it  were,  to  clothe  the  bones 
of  the  skeleton  with  flesh.  Scartazzini  recalls  the 
story  of  the  first  seven  cantos  of  the  Poem  having 
been  found  in  a  secret  cupboard  in  Dante's  house  by 
his  nephew,  after  he  had  gone  into  exile,  and  having 
been  sent  on  to  him  at  the  Castle  of  the  Malaspinas. 
The  story  relates  Dante's  joy  at  regaining  possession 
of  the  MS.,  and  his  saying  that  now  he  could  go  on 
with  his  work.  Scartazzini  doubts  whether  this 
manuscript  consisted  of  the  first  seven  Cantos,  as  he 
feels  sure  that,  from  Ciacco's  words,  canto  vi.  was 
written  after  Dante's  exile.  He  thinks  rather  that 
what  was  found  was  the  precious  outline  plan  and 
materials  for  the  whole  Commedia^  and  if  one  believes 
that,  one  can  more  easily  believe  the  story,  which 
would  then  only  err  as  to  small   inaccuracies.     Dr. 

d2 


Prolegomena. 


lii 


Karl  Witte  {Dantc-ForschungtH,  Heilbronn,  1868,  vol.  i, 
pp.  134-140),  after  examining  the  conflicting  opinions 
which  assign  to  the  hifemo  a  date  varying  from  1308 
to  1318,  admits  thai  he  must  confess  the  impossibiHty 
of  tracing  at  every  step  the  date  of  a  work  which  was 
only  published  after  reit  is  and  inter- 

polations.     The  only  pi  ,nte  gives  the 

sh'ghtest   hint   as  to  thi  oncciving  his 

majestic  poem   is  the  p  above)  at  the 

end  of  Vita  Niiova.    W  good  grounds 

for  concluding  that  he  ice  the  work 

before  1300.     Witte  obs  ronicler  Dino 

Compagni,   who   wrote   ...    ._     .  s   no   sort  of 

allusion  to  the  Divina  Commedia.  If  he  had  known 
it,  he  would  have  found  it  full  of  passages  to  gall  and 
sting  the  Florentines,  which  no  doubt  he  would  have 
used  to  good  purpose.  But  there  is  besides  another 
convincing  argument.  In  Inf.  vi,  68,  Ciacco  predicts 
that  within  three  y&ats  {Infra  Ire  soli)  of  the  expulsion 
of  the  Neri  (which  took  place  in  the  summer  of  1 300), 
the  Bianchi,  whom  he  calls  la  parte  schaggia,  would 
also  have  a  fail.  Besides  this  it  was  well  known  that 
in  1 3 10  there  occurred  a  tremendous  landslip  in  the 
Valley  of  the  Adige,  which  tallies  bctterwilh  Dante's 
descriplion  in  Inf.  xii,  6,  than  that  of  the  Slavino  di 
Marco,  which  is  said  to  have  occurred  in  the  ninth 
century.  In  Inf.  xxi,  41,  there  is  an  alhi.sion  to 
Bonturo.  Witte  records  in  his  commentary  that  tins 
person  was  believed  lo  be  still  alive  in  13 14.  Still  Witte 
admits  that  all  the  above  instances  quoted  may  pos- 
sibly be  open  to  some  objections,  and  he  will  there- 
fore cite  another  which  to  him   appears  quite  con- 


Prolegomena.  liii 

elusive.  In  Inf,  xix,  79,  Pope  Nicholas  III  tells 
Dante  that  Boniface  VIII,  when  he  dies,  will  take  his 
place  at  the  mouth  of  the  fiery  oven,  but  will  remain 
there  for  a  shorter  period  than  he  himself  has  done, 
inasmuch  as  Clement  V,  the  successor  of  Boniface, 
would,  at  his  death,  come  down  and  take  his 
place.  Nicholas  III  died  in  August,  1280,  and  at 
the  time  of  Dante's  vision,  he  had  been  "  roasting  his 
feet"  for  nineteen  years  and  eight  months.  In 
October  1303  Boniface  died,  and  replaced  Nicholas, 
who  dropped  into  the  bottom  of  the  oven.  But 
Clement  V  died  in  April,  13 14,  so  that  the  period 
Boniface  remained  at  the  mouth  of  the  oven  was  ten 
years  and  seven  months,  a  shorter  period  than  that  of 
Nicholas.  For  Dante  to  speak  so  positively  he  must 
have  known  the  date  of  Clement's  death.  Therefore 
Witte  thinks  13 14  was  somewhere  about  the  date  of 
Dante's  publication  of  the  Inferno,  for  not  only  does 
Dante  in  his  Latin  Eclogues  (written  it  was  believed 
about  1 3 19)  speak  of  the  Inferno  as  being  completed, 
but,  from  that  time  forwards,  other  authors  make  fre- 
quent allusions  to  episodes  in  the  Inferno.  Ceccho 
d*  Ascoli,  who  wrote  his  Acerba  in  Dante's  life-time, 
mentions,  often  with  abuse,  nearly  all  the  most  stir- 
ring episodes  in  it. 

About  the  same  time  Passera  della  Gherminella  of 
Lucca,  in  a  sonnet  published  by  Crescimbeni  {Storia 
della  volg.poesia,  vol.  iii,  p.  1 16)  wrote  : 

"  Gik  di  prodezza  non  se*  il  vecchio  Alardo.  (/w^xxviii,  78.) 
N^  '1  comte  Guido  quel  da  Monte  Feltro.     {Jnf,  xxvii). 
N^  Uguccion  da  Faggiuola,  o  Mainardo.  {Jnf,  xxvii,  50). 
Non  val  la  vita  tua  un  grosso  di  peltro.  (Jnf,  i,  103). 


liv  Prolegomena. 

Alle  gufignele,  che  tu  so'  pill  codardo, 

Che  noh  e  un  cuiiiglio  a  petio  un  vellro.    (Inf.  i,  loi)." 

Cino  da  Pistoja,  in  one  of  his  sonnets  written  while 
the  lady  of  hia  love,  Setvaggia  (who  died  soon  after 
1313),  was  still  alive,  makes  allusion  to  the  episode 
in  the  Divina  Covnmdu  la  Rimini. 


risto  cuore, 


ent,  in  Witte's 

x>sed  by  him 

lonvincing   to 

ru,  Can  Grande 


".  .  .  .  Dille,  cheui 
Che,  seconds  1 
A  nullo  amato 
But  by  far  the  most  ! 
opinion,  which  support 
(13 14)  is  one  which 
those  who,  like  liim,  see  m  me  1 
della  Scala.  Witte  observes  that,  although  in  quite 
recent  times  very  ingenious  treatises  have  been  writ- 
ten, displaying  great  historical  erudition,  to  prove  that 
Uguccione  della  Faggiuola,  or  Pope  Benedict  XI,  or 
some  other  personage,  was  intended  by  the  Veltro, 
yet  he  believes  that  the  opinion  held  by  the  early 
commentators,  and  which  prevailed,  with  good  reason 
he  thinks,  for  three  centuries  and  a  half,  is  the  right 
one,  that  by  the  Veltro  Dante  meant  Can  Grande.  Up 
to  A.U.  1308  Can  Grande  was  far  too  young  to  have 
merited  such  a  prediction  as  is  made  by  Dante  re- 
specting the  Veltro.  Nor  had  he  any  opportunity  till 
after  the  death,  in  October,  1311,  of  his  brother 
Albuino,  of  concentrating  on  himself  all  the  hopes  of 
the  Ghibellines.  But  as  soon  as  Henry  VII,  in  Sep- 
tember, 1309,  announced  his  intention  of  crossing 
the  Alps,  and  fulfilled  that  intention  in  October,  1 310, 
the  Italian  Ghibellines,  who  after  such  a  long  period  of 
adversity  had  been  reduced  to  so  abject  a  condition  as 


Proleganuna. 


Iv 


for  Dante  to  speak  of  queW  umile  Italia^  would  then 

look  with  ardent  hope  upon  the  Luxembourg  prince 

as  their  sole  salvation  {salute)  ^  and  would  think  no 

more    of   any    Municipal     Dynasty.      Only    when 

the  great  Henry  (/*  a/to  Arrigo)  died  in  August,  1313, 

Dante,  seeing  all  the  hopes  of  the  Ghibelline  party 

nipped  in  the  bud,  could  well  substitute  for  Henry, 

his  Imperial  Vicar,  Can  Grande  della  Scala,  saying  of 

him 

"  Di  queir  timile  Italia  fia  salute." 

Therefore  let  us  consider  that  \hjt  Inferno  was  prob- 
ably completed  after  the  death  of  Henry  VH,  at  some 
date  between  13 14  and  13 19. 


ProUgomtrta. 


IV.— BEAUTIES  OF  THE  INFERNO. 

Although  perhaps  there  arc  more  beautiful  passages 
in  the  Purgatorio,  yet  ""      '   '  :ains  episodes 

of   unsurpassed    splem  ig   them   two 

which  are  admLttt;dly  a  eatest  master- 

pieces.     These   arc  tl  Francesca  da 

Rimini   (canto  v),  and  -or.  related  by 

Count  Ugolino  (canto  x  j  these  two  we 

may  note :    The  descr  ill   (canto  ii) ; 

the  entrance  gate  of   ;  rments  of  the 

wretches  who  were  rejected  both  by  Heaven  and  Hell, 
with  the  comparison  of  them  to  autumn  leaves  (canto 
iii) ;  the  majestic  advance  of  the  four  great  Poets  in 
Limbo  to  meet  Virgil  and  Dante  (canto  iv) ;  the  whirl- 
wind and  the  melancholy  tale  of  the  sorrows  of  Fran- 
cesca da  Rimini  (canto  v) ;  the  approach  of  the  angel 
to  open  the  Gates  of  the  city  of  Dis  (canto  ix) ;  the 
conversations,  with  Farinata  degli  Uberti,  and  in  a 
lesser  degree  with  Cavalcante  dei  Cavalcanti  (canto  x) ; 
the  episode  of  Pier  delle  Vigne  (canto  xiii) ;  the  beau- 
tiful lines  in  which  Dante's  old  master  Hrunetto  Latini 
commends  the  promise  of  Dante's  early  life,  and  pre- 
dicts his  ill-treatment  at  the  hands  of  his  countrymen 
(canto  xv) ;  the  fall  of  the  Phlegethon  into  the  Great 
Abyss,  and  the  ascent  of  Geryon  (canto  xvi) ;  the 
descent  of  Geryon  compared  to  the  wheeling  of  a 
falcon  (canto  xvii);  Dante's  severe  censure  of  the 
Simonlacal  Popes  (canto  xix)  ;  the  story  of  Manto 
(canto  xx)  ;  the  description  of  the  Arsenal  at  Venice 


Prolegomena.  Ivii 

(canto  xxi);  the  marvellous  transformation  of  two 
robbers,  the  one  from  a  human  form  into  that  of  a 
serpent,  and  the  other  from  a  serpent  into  a  human 
being  (canto  xxv) ;  the  shipwreck  of  Ulysses  in  the 
Southern  Hemisphere  (canto  xxvi);  the  singularly 
beautiful  episode  of  Guido  da  Montefeltro  (canto 
xxvii)  ;  the  allusion  to  the  Casentino  (canto  xxx)  ; 
the  crowning  horror  of  the  Inferno  in  Count  Ugolino's 
narrative  of  the  starvation  of  himself  and  his  family 
(canto  xxxiii) ;  the  description  of  Lucifer  (canto 
xxxiv). 

No  greater  contrast  can  be  conceived  than  the  compa- 
rative serenity  of  Purgatory  and  the  glorious  radiance 
of  Paradise  on  the  one  hand ;  and  on  the  other  the 
gloom  and  the  horror  which  in  Dante's  downward 
journey  increase  at  every  step.  All  his  senses  seem 
to  be  assailed  at  once.  Even  his  own  better  feelings 
in  several  regrettable  instances  appear  to  be  in  abey- 
ance, and  his  violent  repulse  of  Filippo  Argenti,  fol- 
lowed by  the  malicious  complacency  with  which  he 
sees  him  soused  in  the  marsh,  reaches  a  climax  of 
inhumanity  when  he  tears  out  by  tufts  the  hair  of 
Bocca  degli  Abati,  and  refuses  to  extend  a  pitying 
hand  to  wipe  away,  as  he  had  promised  to  do,  the 
frozen  tears  from  the  eyes  of  the  traitor  Fra  Alberigo. 

From  the  moment  Dante  enters  the  City  of  Dis  he 
is  continually  encountering  fiends.  Well  does  he 
rejoice,  in  the  Purgatorio^  at  the  songs  of  angels  in 
the  place  of  the  yells  of  demons  {Purg.  xii,  1 12-1 14). 

'*  Ahi  1  quanto  sono  diverse  quelle  foci 
Dalle  infernali ;  ch^  quivi  per  canti 
S'  entra,  e  laggiu  per  lamenti  feroci.'' 


Prolegomena. 


DANTE'S  ITINERARY  THROUGH  HELL. 


Good  Fri- 
dir, gth 
April  •un- 


I.  Dante  loses  liis 

"Mirilrovai                                       i 

J 

2.  He  reaches  the                                i 

■ 

"  Ma  poi  che 

^^^^^^^^^^^^^H 

3.  He  encounters  : 

^^^^^^^^^1 

"Ed  EC  CO,  q( 
\}d;i  Ion. 

^^^^^^H 

4.  And  a  lion. 

"  Ma  non  s),  che  paura  non  mi  desse 

La  vista,  che  mi  apparve,  d'  un  leone. 

5.  And  a  woif. 

"  Ed  una  lupa,  che  di  tulle  brame 
Sembiava  carca." 

6.  He  meets  Virgil. 

"  Dlnanzi  agli  occhi  mi  si  fu  ofTerto 

Chi  per  lungo  silenzia  parea  lioco." 

7.  He  follows  Virgil. 

"  Allor  si  masse,  ed  io  li  lenni  retro." 

Canto  II. 
,  8.  Dante's  hesitation  being  overcome,  the  poets  com- 
mence their  journey. 
"  Entrai  per  lo  cammino  alto  e  silvestro." 

Canto  III.     Antinferno. 
9.  Dante  reads  the  inscription  above  the  Gate  of  Hell. 
"  Quesie  parole  di  colore  oscuro 

Vid'  io  scritte  al  sommo  d'  una  porta." 


Prolegomena,  lix 

la  Virgil  leads  him  into  Hell.  a.d.  130a 

"  Mi  mise  dentro  allc  segrete  cose"  'ShiGL* 

11.  The  n^ligent,  despised  both  by  heaven  and  hell. 

''  Fama  di  loro  il  mondo  esser  non  lassa, 
Misericordia  e  giustizia  gli  sdegna: 
Non  ragioniam  di  lor,  ma  guarda  e  passa." 

1 2.  The  Poets  reach  the  Acheron,and  encounter  Charon. 

^  Infino  al  flume  di  parlar  mi  trassi. 
Ed  ecco  verso  noi  venir  per  nave 

Un  vecchio  bianco  per  antico  pela" 

Canto  IV,    First  Circle. 

1 3.  They  enter  the  First  Circle,  Limbo,  Good  Fri- 

"  Cosl  si  mise,  e  cosl  mi  fe*  entrare  ^^'  "^*' 

Nel  primo  cerchio  che  V  abisso  eigne." 

14.  They  meet  a  noble  band  of  poets. 

''  Vidi  quattro  grand'  ombre  a  noi  venire ; . 
Sembianza  avevan  n^  trista  n^  lieta." 

15.  They  reach  a  castle. 

"  Venimmo  al  pi^  d'  un  nobile  castello." 

16.  Within  its  walls  they  see  the  spirits  of  the  great 

men  of  old  times. 

"  Mi  fur  mostrati  gli  spiriti  magni, 
Che  del  vederii  in  me  stesso  n'  esalto." 

17.  Virgil  leads  Dante  away,  and  they  wend  their  way 

to  a  r^ion  of  tempest  and  darkness. 
''  Per  altra  via  mi  mena  il  savio  duca, 
Fuor  della  queta,  neir  aura  che  trema; 
£  vengo  in  parte,  ove  non  h  che  luca." 

Canto  V,     Second  Circle, 

18.  They  descend  into  the  Second  Circle  and  see  the 

punishment  of  those  who  sinned  against  Chastity. 
"  Cosl  discesi  del  cerchio  primaio 
Gill  nel  secondo.'' 


AJl.  1300. 

Sth  April, 
d.y,  night. 

19. 

21. 
22. 

Dante  swoons  or 
"  E  caddi,  com. 

Canto 

Dante  finds  him 

"  lo  sono  al  tei 

They  pass  ovei 

mire  and  rain. 

"  Si  Irapassam; 

Dell'  ombr 

They  find  Plutui 

Circle. 

"  Venimmo 
Quivi  trovammc 

Canto  \ 

Prolegottttna. 

1  hearing  France 
!  corpo  morto  cade 

VI.     Third  Cit 

lisca's  narrative. 

■de. 

Cirelt 
va  Eteraa." 
vallowing  in  the 

into  the  Fourth 

ni  pur 

1  Ptuto 

ni. 

il  gran  i 

Fourth 

si  digrada : 
Circle. 

23.  They  enter  the  Fourth  Circle. 

"  Cosl  scendemtno  nella  quaria  lacca." 

24.  Dante  sees  the  torments  of  the  Misers  and  Pro- 

digals. 
"  Qui  vid'  io  genie  piii  clie  allrove  iroppa, 

Voltando  pesi  per  fona  di  poppa." 
Sth  April,  25.  Virgil   invites  Dante   to   descend   into  the  Fifth 

midnight.  Cjjcle. 

"  Or  discendiamo  omai  a  maggior  piela  : 
Gik  ogni  Stella  cade,  che  saliva 
Quando  mi  mossi." 

Fifth   Circle. 

26.  They  enter  the  Fi/tA  Circle  by  crossing  a  rivulet. 
"  Nol  recideimno  il  cercliio  all'  alira  riva 
Sopra  una  fonie," 


Prolegomena.  Ixi 

27.  From  this  rivulet  is  formed  the  Stygian  marsh,  a.d.  130a 

submerged  in  which  are  the  shades  of  the  Angry  ^\aJ^. 
and  the  Slothful  or  Sullen 
"  Una  palude  fa,  che  ha  nome  Stige, 

Questo  tristo  ruscel,  quando  h  disceso 

Al  pi^  delle  maligne  piaggie  grige." 

28.  They  arrive  at  the  foot  of  a  tower.  9*  April, 

"  Venimmo  appi^  d'  una  torre  al  dassena"  ^^  ^^  ^ 


night. 


Canto  VIII.     On  the  Styx. 

29.  They  see  a  cresset  from  the  tower  answered  by  a 

signal  in  the  far  distance. 

"  assai  prima 
Che  noi  fussimo  al  pi^  delF  alta  torre, 
Gli  occhi  nostri  n'  andar  suso  alia  cima, 
Per  due  fiammette  che  i'  vedemmo  porre.** 

30.  The  signals  cause  the  ferryman,  Phlegyas,  to  come 

for  them  in  his  boat. 

'' .  .  .  io  vidi  una  nave  piccioletta 
Venir  per  V  acqua  verso  noi.'' 

31.  They  cross  the  marsh  in  the  boat. 

"  Tosto  che  il  duca  ed  10  nel  legno  fui, 
Secando  se  ne  va  V  antica  prora." 

32.  They  are  intercepted  by  one  covered  with  mud, 

who  is  Filippo  Argenti. 
"  Mentre  noi  corravam  la  morta  gora, 
Dinanzi  mi  si  fece  un  pien  di  fango." 

33.  Virgil  announces  their  approach  to  the  City  of  Dis. 

"  Omai,  figliuolo, 
S'  appressa  la  cittk  che  ha  nome  Dite." 

34.  They  encounter  a  countless  host  of  fiends  at  the 

gates  of  the  city 
"  lo  vidi  piu  di  mille  in  sulle  porte 
Da'  ciel  piovuti." 


ixii                              Prole 

gotiiaia. 

Euter  Etc, 

3S.  The  Fiends  close  the 

gates  in 

Vii^il's  face. 

carl]'  houn 
ordirkaeu 

"Chjuscr  Ic  pone  que" 
Ntl  pelloal  mio 

signor," 

morning. 

Canto  IX. 

City  of  Dis. 

36.  Appearance  of 

ilio  traito 

Ver  1'  alta 
Dove  in  un  pun 

Tre  furic  i 

erne, 
iate." 

37.  They  hear  the  < 
approach  of  th 

"  Egi,^  vetilas. 

r  announcing  the 

God. 

la 

Un  fMcasso  ^  .. 

pit 

indi  spavenio." 

38.  The  Messenger  opens  the  gate. 

"  Venne  alia  porla,  e  con  una  verghelia 
L'  aperse." 

39.  The  poets  approach  the  city  and  enter  therein. 
i  piedi  in  ver  la  terra, 


Dentro  v'  enliatnmo  senza  alcuna  guerra." 
Canto  X.     Sixth  Circle. 

40.  They  proceed  along  a  narrow  path   between  the 

city  walls  and  the  fiery  tombs,    in  which  are 

tormented  the  Heresiarchs. 
"  Orasen  va  per  un  secreio  calle 

Tra  il  muro  della  terra  e  li  marilri 
Lo  mio  Mnesiro,  cd  iodopo  k  spalle." 

41.  Appearance  of  Farinata, 

"  Vedi  Ih  Farinata  che  s'  h  drillo." 
Farinata's  haughty  demeanonr. 
"  Com'  io  al  pi£  della  sua  loinba  ful, 

Guardommi  in  poco,  e  poi  quasi  sdegnoso 
Mi  dimand6  :  'Chi  fur  li  maggior  tui  ?  " 


42. 


ProUgonuna.  Ixiii 

43.  Cavalcante  Cavalcanti  appears  and  enquires  after  a.o.  130a 

his  son  the  poet  Guido  Cavalcanti.  LmctE^ 

"  Allor  surse  alia  vista  scoperchiata  ^^J  ^Mvn 

Un  ombra  lungo  questa  infino  a!  mento :  hJvtt^ 

mofiiiiig. 
*  Mio  figlio  ov*  ^  e  perch^  non  h  teco ?'" 

44.  They  quit  the  wall  and  strike  right  across  the 

circle  preparatory  to  descending  into  the  Seventh 
Circle. 

'*  Lasdammo  il  muro,  e  gimmo  in  ver  lo  mezza" 

Canto  XL 

45.  To  avoid  a  foul  odour  they  take  refuge  behind 

the  tomb  of  Anastasius.  ^ 

"  E  quivi,  per  V  orribile  soperchio 

Del  puzzo,        .... 

Ci  raccostammo  dictro  ad  un  coperchio 
D'  un  grande  avello." 

46.  Virgil  indicates  the  hour  by  describing  certain  9t'>  April, 

movements  in  the  skies,  which  in  their  subter-EMtcr^Ew. 
ranean  journey  are  hid  from  the  Poets'  view. 
"  i  Pesci  guizzan  su  per  P  orizzonta, 
£  il  Carro  tutto  sopra  il  Coro  giace." 

Canto  XIL     Seventh  Circle. 

47.  They  encounter  the  Minotaur.  between 

"  E  in  su  la  punta  della  rotta  lacca  \  ,^;  "^ 

L'  infamia  di  Creti  era  distesa.'' 

First  Round  of  Seventh  Circle. 

48.  They  see  the  river  of  blood  in  which  are  the 

Violent  against  their  Neighbour. 
"  Ma  ficca  gli  occhi  a  vnlle  ;  che  8*  approccia 
La  riviera  del  sangue." 


Ixiv 


Prolegomena. 


Aj>.  ijoo.   49.  Escorted  by  the  Centaur  Nessiis  they  skirt  the 

liLtS  ^^^^  "'^"'^  "^"  °f  boiling  blood, 

between  "  No!  ci  movemmo  colta  scoria  tida 

J^*-™-  ""*  Lungo  la  proda  del  bollor  vermiglio." 

SO.  They  cross  the  river  by  a  ford,  from  the  First  to 
the  Second 
"  Cosl  a  pill 

Quel  sa:  tr  li  piedi : 

E  quivi  I  passo." 


Canto  XIII. 
St.  The  Forest  of 


'  Seventh  Circle. 


;r  un  bosco, 
Che  da  nessun  seniiero  era  segnato." 

52.  Among   the  Suicides  converted  into   trees  they 

converse  with  Pier  delle  Vigne. 
"  lo  son  colui,  che  lenni  ambo  le  cliiavi 
Del  cor  di  FederJeo." 

Canto  XIV. 

53.  They  reach  the  Third  Round  of  Seventh  Circle  in 

which  arc  punished  under  a  rain  of  ]''irc  : — 
The  Violent  against  God — Blaspheincr:>. 
The  Violent  against  Nature. 
The  Violent  against  Art — Usurers. 
"  Indi  venimmo  al  fine,  ove  si  parte 
Lo  secondogiron  dal  leizo." 

54.  They  reach  the  river  Phlegethon. 

"  divenimmo  1^  ove  spiccia 
Fuor  delta  sclva  un  picciol  fiumicello, 
Lo  cui  rossore  ancor  mi  raccapriccia." 
S  5.  The  rivers  of  I  lell  flow  down  from  the  image  of  a 
Great  Old  Man,  "the  Colossus  of  Ida,"  who  is 
immured  in  a  cavern  under  Mount  Ida  in  Crete, 


ProUgamena.  Ixv 

"  In  mezzo  mar  siede  un  paese  guasto,  i^.  1300. 
chc  s'  appella  Greta,  ^  ^1^ 


Una  montagna  v*  ^, ▲a.m.aad 

,  che  81  chiamb  Ida  ;  ^  *•""• 

Dentro  dal  monte  sta  dritto  un  gran  veglio, 

Ciascuna  parte h  rotta 

D'  una  fessura  che  lagrime  goccia, 

Le  quali  accolte  foran  quella  grotta. 
Lor  corso  in  questa  valle  si  diroccia  : 

Fanno  Acheronte,  Stige  e  Flegetonta." 

56.  Virgil  tells  Dante  that  the  hardened  margins  of 

the  Fhlegethon  are  alone  safe  to  walk  upon  in 
that  region  of  fire. 

"  Li  margin!  fan  via,  che  non  son  arsi." 

Canto  XV. 

57.  Dante  meets  his  old  teacher  Brunetto  Latini. 

"  Fui  conosciuto  da  un,  che  mi  prese 
Per  lo  lembo 

£  chinando  la  mano  alia  sua  faccia, 
Risposi :  *  Siete  voi  qui,  ser  Brunetto  ? ' " 

58.  Brunetto  foretells  Dante's  renown,  which  he  had 

foreseen  when  he  drew  his  horoscope. 

"  Se  tu  segui  tua  stella, 
Non  puoi  fallire  al  glorioso  porto, 
Se  ben  m'  accorsi  nella  vita  bella.^' 

59.  But  he  also  foretells  the  ill-treatment  Dante  will 

receive  from  his  countrymen. 
''  Ma  queir  ingrato  popolo  maligno, 

Ti  si  fark,  per  tuo  ben  far,  nimico." 

e 


Ixvi 


Prolegomena. 


Canto  XVl. 
■  60.  They  draw  near  to  the  spot  where  they  can  hear 
\  the  Phlegcthon  falling  down  the  Great  Abyss. 

"  Gi^  era  in  loco  ove  a'  udU  11  rimbombo 
Deir  acqua  che  cadea  nell'  aliro  giro." 
61.  Vii^il  tells  D  th  great  deference 

three  renowi  ho  wish  to  converse 

with  him. 
"Aile  lor  gr  ttlese, 

Volse  il  )ia  aspetta,' 


te  wears  round  his 
n  the  Great  Abyss. 


62.  Dante  hands  > 
waist,  and  V. 
"  lo  avcva  una  corda  inlomo  c 


S)  come  11  Duca  m'  avea  comandato, 

Ond'  ei  si  volse  inver  lo  destro  laio, 
Ed  alquanio  di  lungi  dalla  sponda 
'    La  gi(t6  giuso  in  quell'  alto  buiialo," 

63.  The  monster  Geryon,  the  figure  of  Fraud,  comes 

up  swimming  in  the  air. 
"  lo  vidi  per  quell'  aer  grosso  c  scuro 
Venir  noiando  una  tigura  in  suso, 
Maravigliosa  ad  ogni  cor  sicuro." 

CatttoXVII. 

64.  Dante,  while  Virgil  parleys  with  Geryon,  walks  up 

to  a  group  of  usurers  seated   on  the  burning 
sand  on  the  edge  of  the  Abyss. 

"  Poco  piii  olire  veggio  in  sulla  rena 
Genie  seder  propinqua  al  loco  scenio. 


Cosla 


ive  sedea  la  genie  mesta." 


Prolegomena.  Ixvii 

65.  Dante  and  Virgil  mount  upon  the  back  of  Getyon,  a.d.  1300. 
who  wheels  downwards  in  a  spiral  descent  and  Itrter  E?t 
sets  them  at  the  foot  of  the  lofty  cliffs  that  en-  between 
circle  Malebolge.  6iLra* 

"  lo  m'  assettai  in  su  quelle  spallacce  : 
•       •••••• 

Ella  sen  va  nuotando  lenta  lenta  ; 
Rota  e  discende, 


Cos)  ne  pose  al  fondo  Gerione 

A  pi^  a  pi^  della  stagliata  rocca.'' 


Canto  XV III. 
Eighth  Circle  called  Malebolge.    Bolgia  I. 

66,  On  dismounting  from  the  back  of  Geryon,  they 
look  down  into  the  first  Bolgia,  and   see  the 
shades  of  seducers  scourged  by  demons. 
"In  questo  loco,  dalla  schiena  scossi 
Di  Gerion,  trovammoci : . 


Alia  man  destra  vidi  nuova  pieta ; 

Nuovi  tormenti  e  nuovi  frustatori, 
Di  che  la  prima  bolgia  era  repleta." 

67.  Venedico  Caccianimico  of  Bologna. 

"  Venedico  se*  tu  Caccianimico ; 
Ma  che  ti  mena  a  s)  pungenti  salse  ?  " 

68.  They  come  to  the  first  of  the  bridgeways  that 

cross  the  Bolge,  which  they  ascend. 
'*  Poscia  con  pochi  passi  divenimmo, 
Lk  dove  un  scoglio  della  ripa  uscia. 
Assai  leggieramente  quel  salimmo.'' 

69.  They  pass  over  the  rampart  dividing  the  First 

Bolgia  from   the   Second,  ascend   the    Second 
Bridgeway    and   look  down   into  the   Second 

e2 


!lth  April, 
Eutcr  £*e, 


ii  Prolegomena. 

Bolgia,  where  they  see  among  the  flatterers  im- 
mersed in  filth  the  shade  of  Alessio  Interminei 
of  Lucca. 

"  \'i(li  genie  attuflau  in  uno  stereo, 


Vidi  u 
Che  n. 


lordo, 


Canto  XIX. 


Eighth  Circle. 


70.  They  cross  the  ly  and  descend  on 

to  the  Fourth  Kampart  to  get  a  nearer  view  of 
the  Third  Bolgia,  in  which  are  tormented  the 
Simoniacal  Popes,     Virgil   carries  Dante  down 
into  the  Bolgia. 
"  Alloi  venimmo  sull'  argine  quaria  ; 

Volgeinmo,  e  discendemiiio  a  mano  stanca 
Laggiii  nel  fondo  foraccliiato  ed  arici." 

71.  Dante  converses  witli  Pope  Nicholas  III. 

"  Sappi  ch'  io  fui  vesliio  del  gran  manto  : 
E  veramenie  fui  ligliuol  dell'  orsa, 

Cupido  si,  per  avanzar  gli  orsatti, 

Che  su  V  avere,  e  qui  me  misi  in  borsa," 

72.  Dante  sternly  reproves  greed  of  gain. 


"  Fall 


C  Oil 


D  die  allro  h  da  vol  all'  idulalic, 
Se  non  cli'  egli  uno,  e  vol  11'  orate  cento  ? " 
73.  Virgil  takes  Dante  again  in  his  arms,  carries  him 
up  the  side  of  the  precipice,  and  sets  him  down 
in  the  centre  of  the  next  bridge  from  which  he 
can  see  down  into  the  Fourth  Bolgia. 


Prolegomena.  Ixix 

" .  .  .  poi  che  tutto  su  mi  s'  ebbe  al  petto,  a.d.  1300. 

Rimont6  per  la  via  onde  discese  ;  ^  ^k*^* 

bctwwB 
SI  mi  porto  sopra  il  colmo  dell'  arco,  4  a.111.  and 

Che  dal  quarto  al  quinto  aigine  h  tragetta"  ^  *•">• 

Canto  XX.    Fourth  Bolgia  of  Eighth  Circle. 

74.  They  witness  the  penalty  of  the  Diviners. 

** .    .    vidi  gente 

Venir  taccfhdo  e  lagrimando, 

Mirabilmente  apparve  esser  travolto 
Ciascun  tral  mento  el  principio  del  casso : 
Ch^  dalle  reni  era  tomato  il  volta" 

75.  Virgil  summons  Dante  to  leave  the  Fourth  Bolgia.  Daybreak  in 

"  Ma  vienne  omai,  ch^  gik  tiene  il  confine  Sout 

D'  amendue  gli  emisperi,  e  tocca  V  onda  5.15  t^jn, 

Sotto  Sibilia,  Caino  e  le  spine, 

£  pur  iemotte  fu  la  luna  tonda." 

Canto  XXL    Fifth  Bolgia  of  Eighth  CircU. 

76.  They  look  down  from  the  centre  of  the  fifth  bridge  «th  April, 

into  the  Fifth  Bolgia  and  see  a  flood  of  ^^"^^Z^^^^ 

pitch.  and  7  ajn. 

" .    .    non  per  foco,  ma  per  divina  arte 
Dollia  laggiuso  una  pegola  spessa 
Che  inviscava  la  ripa  da  ogni  parte.** 

77.  The  black-winged  demon. 

"  .     .   vidi  dietro  a  noi  un  diavol  nero 
Correndo  su  per  lo  scoglio  venire. 

Con  P  ale  aperte,  e  sopra  il  pifc  leggiero." 

78.  On  seeing  a  large  troop  of  hostile  demons  armed 

with  prongs,  Virgil  makes  Dante  hide  behind  a 


txx 


Prolegomena. 


rock,  crosses  the  bridge  and  meets  the  demons 
;_  on  the  Sixtli  Rampart. 

"  Postia  pa^5b  di  W  dal  co  del  ponle, 

....    giuDse  in  su  la  ripa  sesu." 
79-  Virgil  having  partly  paciHed  the  demons,  summons 
Dante  to  come  liding- place. 

"E  11  I>uca  mil  uedi 

Tra  gli  scb  latto  quatio, 

SJcuramei  di.' 

Perch'  io  mi  n  xaxto." 

\  80.  The  chief  dcmoi  s  them  that  1266 

years  ago,  on  1  !  hours  later  than 

the  time  in  wi  rrsation  is  taking 

place,  the  bridge  from  the  Sixth  to  the  Seventh 
Rampart  Tell  into  ruins.  He  means  at  the 
moment  of  the  death  of  Jesus  Christ. 

[This  is  considered  to  be  the  most  important 
time-reference  in  the  whole  of  the  Divina  Corn- 
media.^ 
"  E  se  I'  andare  avanii  pur  vi  place, 
Andaievcne  su  per  quesia  grotia  ; 
Presso  h  un  allra  scoglio  die  via  face, 
ler,  piii  oltre  cinqu'  ore  che  quesl'  otla, 
Mille  dugento  con  sessatita  sel 
Anni  compii,  che  qui  la  via  fu  roua." 

81.  Malacoda  promises  the  safe  escort  of  ten  demons 
to  show  the  Poets  the  way,  and  they  set  out 
along  the  Sixth  Rampart. 

" '  lo  mando  verso  Ifi  di  quesli  uiiei 

A  hguardar       ..... 
Cite  con  lor,  ch'  ei 


Per  1'  argine  s 


Prolegomena.  Ixxi 

Canto  XXII.    Fifth  Bolgia  of  Eighth  CircU. 

82.  Dante  and  Virgil  pass  along  the  shore  of  the  flood  aj>.  1300. 

of  pitch,  in  which  are  tormented  the  Barrators  Later^, 
or  Traffickers  in  public  offices.  ^  ■^• 

'*  Noi  andavam  con  li  died  dimoni : 
Ahi  fiera  compagnia  I       •       •       . 

Pure  alia  pegola  era  la  mia  intesa, 

•       •••••••• 

E  della  gente  ch'  entro  v*  era  incesa." 

Canto  XX III.    The  Sixth  Bolgia  of  the  Eighth  CircU. 

83.  Dante  confides  to  Virgil  his  terror  of  being  pur-EaMerEncy 

sued  by  the  Malebranche,  f„^*  "^ 

^ .        .  .  i'  ho  pavento  ibroiooa. 

Di  Malebranche :  noi  gli  avem  gik  dietro  \^ 

84.  Seeing  the  Fiends  approaching,  Virgil  catches  up 

Dante,  and,  by  supernatural  power,  slips  down 
the  side  of  the  precipice  into  the  Sixth  Bolgia^ 
into  which  Malebranche  may  not  follow  them. 
" .        .10  gli  vidi  venir  con  P  all  tese, 
Non  molto  lungi,  per  voleme  prendere. 
Lo  Duca  mio  di  subito  mi  prese, 


E  giii  dal  colle  della  ripa  dura 

Supin  81  diede  alia  pendente  roccia, 
Che  P  un  dei  lati  alP  altra  bolgia  tura." 

85.  The  Poets  see  the  Hypocrites  marching  slowly 
along,  enveloped  in  cloaks  and  cowls  of  lead, 
gilt  on  the  outside. 
" .        .        .0  Tosco,  ch*  al  collegio 
DegP  ipocriti  tristi  se'  venuto. 


Le  cappe  ranee 
Son  di  piombo  si  grosse,  che  li  pesi 
Fan  cosl  cigolar  le  lor  bilance." 


Ixxii 


Prolegomena. 


ijM.  86.  On  finding  out  how  false  Malacoda's  information 
icr  Eve  ^^^  been  about  the  existence  of  a  means  of  exit 

m.  ind  from   tlie  Soi^'a,  Virgil  hastens  away  in  great 

noon.  wratli,  followed  by  Dante. 

"  Appresso  il  Duca  a  gran  paesi  sen  gl, 
Turhato  u  mbianle : 

Ond'  io  d  ti' 

Dieiro  a!1e  po  i." 

Ci 

The  Seventh  fhth  Cirelt. 

87.  On  reaching  th  ridge  that  used  to 

cross  the  Six  il  lifts  Dante   up 

some    crags,    and  they  clamber   up    till   they 

attain  the  rampart  that  leads  to  the  Seventh 


a  I  guabio  pome, 
con  quel  piglio 


.  e  diedemi  di  piglio. 

levando  me  su  ver  la  cima 
D'  un  roncliion." 
,  They  reach  the  crest  of  the  bridge  that  spans  the 
Seventh  Bolgia  in  which  are  the  Robbers. 
"  Non  so  che  disse,  ancor  che  sopra  il  dosso 
Fossi  ddr  arco  gik  die  varca  quivi." 
They  descend  on  to  the  Eighth  Rampart,  and  see 
the  Bolgia  swarming  with  serpents. 
"  Noi  discendemmo  il  ponte  dalla  testa, 
Dove  si  giunge  coll'  ouava  ripa, 
E  poi  mi  fu  la  bolgta  manifesta  : 
E  vidivi  emro  terribile  slipa 
L)i  serpemi." 


Prolegotnena.  Ixxiii 

Canto  XXV. 

90.  The  blasphemy  of  Vanni  Fucci  avenged  by  the  it. a.  1300. 

serpents.  SSt^ft 

Le  mani  alz6  con  ambedue  le  fiche, 
Gridando :  '  Togli,  Iddio,  ch^  a  te  le  squadra' 
Da  indi  in  qua  mi  fur  le  serpi  amiche, 

Perch'  una  gli  s'  awolse  allora  al  coUo, 

Ed  un'  altra  alle  braccia,  e  rilegolla" 

91.  The  Poets  see  the  spirits  of  the  Seventh  Bolgia^ 

whom  he  styles  "  the  Seventh  lot  of  rubbish," 
continually  interchanging  forms  with  serpents. 
"...  vid'  10  la  settima  zavorra 
Mutare  e  trasmutare." 

Canto  XXVI.    Eighth  Bolgia  of  the  Eighth  Circle. 

92.  The  Poets  remount  the  bridge,  and  ascend  the 

bridge  that  overhangs  the  Eighth  Bolgia  wherein 
are  Fraudulent  Counsellors,  who,  enwrapped  in 
flames,  resemble  fireflies. 
"  Noi  ci  partimmo,  e  su  per  le  scalee 

Rimont6  il  Duca  mio,  e  trasse  mee. 
Quante  il  villan,      .... 

Vede  lucciole  giu  per  la  vallea, 

Di  tante  fiamme  tutta  risplendea 
L'  ottava  bolgia." 

93.  Dante  is  told  that  a  certain  double-pointed  flame 

contains  the  shades  of  Ulysses  and  Diomed. 

" \A  entro  si  martira 

Ulisse  e  Diomede,  e  cosl  insieme 
Alia  vendetta  vanno  come  alP  ira." 


"  Noi  passammo  ollrc,  ed  io  e  11  Duca  mio, 
Su  per  Id  scogiio  intino  in  mW  alli'  arco 
Che  copre  il  fosso,  in  die  si  paga  il  lio       ^^hh 

A  quei  die  scommettendo  acquistan  carco."       _  ^H 

Canle  XXVIII.    Ninth  Bolgia  of  Eighth  CircU. 
i.  They  see    the   Disseminators  of  Discord  being 
perpetually  slashed  by  the  sword  of  a  Demon. 
"  E  lutti .    .     .  che  lu  vedi  qui, 

Scminaior  di  acandalo  e  dl  sclsma 
Furvivi ;  e  peri  son  fessl  cosl." 

Canto  XXIX.     Tenth  Bolgia  of  Eighth  CircU. 
'.  Virgil  tells  Dante,  as  they  are  leaving  the  Ninth 
Bolgia,  tliat  the  moon  is  now  beneath  their  feet, 
i.e.  early  in  the  afternoon  about  i  p.m. 
" .     .  giit  la  luna  S  sollo  i  nosiri  piedi  : 

L.0  icmpo  k  poco  omai  che  n'  ^  cancesso, 
Ed  aUro  fc  da  veder  che  tu  non  vedi." 
S.  They  cross  the  last  bridge  to  the  lower  level  of 
l4»c  last  rampart.     There  they  see  the  FuUifiers 
of  all  kinds,  tormented  by  loathsome  disease,     i 
"  Noi  discendemmo  in  ^ull' ultima  riva 
Dell  lungo  scoglio,    . 


Prolegofnena.  Ixxv 

Deir  alto  Sire,  infallibil  giustizia,  a.d.  1300. 
Punisce  i  falsator  che  qui  registra.  |A  Apffl^ 
EaitefEte, 


Passo  passo  andavam  senza  sermone, 

Guardando  ed  ascoltando  gli  ammalati." 

Canto  XXX.    Conclusion  of  MaUbolge. 

99.  The  Coiner,  Maestro  Adamo,  recalls    the    cool 
rills  of  the  hills  in  the  Casentino,  where  he  used 
to  dwell. 
''  Li  ruscelletti,  che  dei  verdi  colli 

Del  Casentin  discendon  giuso  in  Amo, 
Facendo  i  lor  canali  freddi  e  molli, 
Sempre  mi  stanno  innanzi,  e  non  indamo  ; 
Ch^  r  imagine  lor  vie  piu  m'  asciuga, 
Che  il  male  ond'  io  nell  volto  mi  discamo." 

Canto  XX XL     The  verge  of  the  Pit 

ICO.  The  Poets  turn  their  back   on  MaUbolge^  and 
cross  the  intermediate  plateau  between  it  and 
the  PoBBo, 
"  Noi  demmo  il  dosso  al  misero  vallone 
Su  per  la  ripa  che  il  cinge  dintomo, 
Attraversando  .  ** 

101.  On  the  verge  of  the  Poszo  they  encounter  the 

Giants,  whom  Dante  mistakes  for  towers. 
"  Poco  portai  in  Ik  volta  la  testa, 

Che  mi  parve  veder  molte  alte  torn." 

102.  Virgil  corrects  the  mistake. 

"  .        .        .  Per6  che  tu  trascorri 
Per  le  tenebre  troppo  dalla  lungi, 
Awien  che  poi  nel  'maginare  aborri. 


I  p.ni. 


Sappi  che  non  son  torri,  ma  giganti, 
E  son  nel  pozzo  intomo  dalla  ripa 
Dair  umbilico  in  giuso  tutti  e  quanti." 


e  al  fondo,  che  divora 
Lucireio  con  Gluda,  ci  spusfi." 

Canto  XXX  11.     The  Ninth  Circle.    Cocytus. 

t%.  They  are  now  upon  the  first  Ring  of  the  Ninth 

Circle,  called  Caina,  in  which  are  frozen  Traitors 

to  Kindred.  I 

"  Come  noi  Tummo  giil  nel  pono  scuro  J 


.  mi  voUi,  e  vidimi  davante  I 

E  salto  i  piedi  un  lago,  che  per  geio 
Avea  di  vctro  e  non  d'  acqua  Mmblanle." 
One  of  the  shades,  speaking  of  two  others,  says 
that  there  are  none  worse  in  all  Caina.  ' 

"  Se  vuoi  saper  chi  son  cotesti  due, 


D'  un  coqio  usciro :  e  tuita  la  Caina 
Poirai  cercarc,  e  non  trovcrai  ombra 
Oegna  piii  d'  esser  Alia  in  gelaliaa." 
yj.  Further  on,  they  pass  into  Antenora,  the  second 
King,   wherein  arc  Traitors  to  their    countiy. 
Bocca  degli  Abati.  ' 

"  Or  tu  chi  se',  che  vai  per  I'  Antenora 
Percotendo  .        .  altrui  legote?" 


Prolegomena,  Ixxvii 

close  up  to  his  enemy  Archbishop  Ruggieri,A.D.  1300. 

whose  head  he  is  gnawing.  LmctSX 

"  Noi  eravam partiti  gik  da  ello,  'n^ 

Ch'  10  vidi  due  ghiacciati  in  una  buca."  tft«niooii. 

Canto  XXXIIL 
Antenora  firsts  and  then  Tolomea. 

109.  Count  Ugolino  tells  the  stoty  of  his  death  by    . 
starvation. 

"Che 

Fidandomi  di  lui,  io  fossi  preso 

£  poscia  morto,  dir  non  h  mestieri. 
Per6  quel  che  non  puoi  avere  inteso, 

Ci6  h  come  la  morte  mia  fu  cruda, 

Udirai." 

I  ID.  After  listening  to  Ugolino's  heart-rending  tale, 
the  Poets  pass  on  into  Tolomea^  the  third  Ring, 
the  place  of  torment  for  betrayers  of  Guests. 

"  Noi  passamm'  oltre,  Ik  've  la  gelata 
Ruvidamente  un'  altra  gento  fascia, 


Cotal  vantaggio  ha  questa  Tolomea 
Che  spesse  volte  V  anima  ci  cade 
Innanzi  ch'  Atropbs  mossa  le  dea." 

Canto  XXXIV, 
T/u  Fourth  Ring,     T/ie  Centre  of  the  Earth. 

III.  They  now  reach  the  last  ring  of  the  Ninth  Circle 
called  Giudecca  after  Judas  Iscariot,  who  is  here 
tormented  by  Lucifer  himself      Here  are  the 
souls  of  Traitors  to  Benefactors. 
"  Gik  era  (e  con  paura  il  metto  in  metro) 
Lk,  dove  V  ombre  eran  tutte  coperte, 
E  trasparean  come  festuca  in  vetro." 


clamber  down  Lucifer's  hairy  sides. 
"  Com'  a  lui  piacque,  il  co\la  gli  avvinghial ; 

E,  quaado  1'  ale  furo  aperte  assai,  ^^S^^ 

Appiglib  si  alle  v«lluie  cosie  :  I 

Di  vello  in  vcllo  fjiii  diocese  poscia." 

14.  When  Virgii,  with  Dante  clinging  to  him,  has  got 

down  to  Lucifer's  hip.  he  turns  himself  upside 
down,  but  to  Dante's  wonder,  is  seen  to  go  up- 
wards instead  of  down, 
"  Quando  noi  fummo  l!k  dove  la  coscia 

Si  volge  appuDto  in  sul  grosso  dell'  anche, 
Lo  Duca        ...... 

VoIm  la  testa  ov*  egli  avea  le  lanche." 

15.  With  difficulty  overcoming  the  excess  of  attrac- 

tion supposed  to  exist  in  the  centre  of  the  earthy 
Virgil  issues  forth  from  the  spherical   mass  of 
rocks  which  form  the  base  of  Giudccca,  and  the 
Poets  sit  down  to  rest. 
"  Poi  uscl  fuor  per  ■□  fora  d'  un  sassOj 
E  poac  me  in  sull'  oHo  a  sedere." 

16.  The  Poets  arc  now  in  the  Southern  Hemisphere, 

and  it  is  morning  in  place  of  the  evening  they 

U^A  ^„\„   ;.,ct  l»ft        rWe.    h=.«    fhrtcen   the  vipiir 


Prolegomena.  Ixxix 

forefore  7.30  over  again   on  the  morning  of  a.d.  1300. 

Easter  Eve.]  t^^^ 

*•  •  Levati  su,"  dissc  il  Maestro,  **  *  in  piede  :  7.30  mom- 

La  via  h  lunga,  e  il  cammino  k  malvagio,  "*S  f^^ 

E  gik  il  sole  a  mezza  terza  riede.' " 

1 17.  They  re-ascend  to  the  surface  of  the  earth  in  the 
opposite  hemisphere  to  that  in  which  they  de- 
scended, by  a  dark  spiral  path,  extending  as  far 
from  Satan  as  he  does  from  the  surface  from 
which  they  descended. 

"  Loco  h  laggiik  da  Belzebii  remoto 
Tanto,  quanto  la  tomba  si  distende, 


Lo  Duca  ed  io  per  quel  cammino  ascoso 
Entrammo  a  ritomar  nel  chiaro  mondo.'' 

1 18.  They  complete  their  ascent,  and  issue  forth  into  loth  April, 
the  Southern  Hemisphere;  "again  to  see  the^^^^"'^' 

stars."  «b<mt  5  tjn. 

"  Salimmo  suso 

Tanto  che 

.    per  un  pertugio  tondo, 

.    uscimmo  a  riveder  le  stelle." 


Ixxx 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLES 


Dame 


1265.  Dante  Aligfaieri, 
born  at  Florence  in  May 
or  June,  baptized  in  San 
Giovanni  (^Par,  xxv,  8. ) 


1216  to  1272.  Henry 
III  (Englaixl). 

1226  to    1270.    Louis 
IX  (France). 

1249  to   1285.    Alex- 
ander III  (Scotiand). 


125a  The  Emperor 
Frederick  II  dies  at  Fi- 
renzuola  in  Apulia. 

1250.  Interregnum  till 

1312- 

125a  Thibault  II,  King 
of  Navarre,  distinguished 
French  Poet. 


1254.  Pope  Alexander 
ly  (Kainaldo  de'  Conli 
di  Segni  ed  Anagni). 


1257.  Richard,  Duke 
of  Cornwall  elected  King 
of  Germany  by  one  fac- 
tion. 

Alfonso  the  Wise,  King 
of  Castille,  elected  King 
of  Germany  by  another 
faction.  Important  re- 
publics still  exercised 
their  right  in  the  election 
of  the  Koman  Emperor. 


1265.  Pope  Clement 
IV  (Guy  Foulquois  de 
St.  Gilles  sur  Rhone). 


Other 
fa  the  DimmMCtmmuMt, 


1249.  Pier  delle  Vigne 
{de  yitms)  ChanceHor  of 
Frederick  II  dies. 

(In/.  JuiL) 

12501  Jaoopo  da  Leo- 
tino  sttmamed  71  Noiaj^^ 
fl.  i^Purg,  xxiv). 


1258.  Manfred,  son  of 
Frederick  II,  crowned 
King  of  Sicily  at  Paler- 
mo. 


1259.  Manfred  excom- 
municated. 

1264.   Farina ta   Degli 
Uberti  dies. 


1266.  Beatrice  born 
between  May  and  June 
(  Vit,  N.  §  ii. ) 


Ixxxi 


OF  THE  AGE  OF  DANTE. 


Floreooe. 


ia5a  Defeat  of  the 
Ghibdlines  at  Figline  by 
thefiigitive  Gudpiit  from 
rlorence* 

13$ I.  The  Guelphs  re- 
enter the  Citv,  create 
new  manicipcu  offices» 
and  change  the  mnnici- 
pal  arms  from  a  white 
lily  on  a  red  field,  for  a 
red  lily  on  a  white  field 
(At.  xiri,  1^2.) 

About  this  time  the 
Palazzodel  PodestiL  (Bar- 
feU&)  built,  it  is  supposed, 
by  the  architect  Lapo, 
master  of  Amolfo  di 
Gambia  All  the  towers 
of  die  nobility  reduced  to 
a  height  of  50  braccia 
(ells). 


Italy  and  Sicily. 


125a.  The  first  gold  flo- 
rins coined,  eieht  to  an 
ounce,  stamped  on  one 
side  with  the  lily,  on  the 
other  with  St  John  the 
Baptist 

1258.  The  Ghibellines 
expelled  from  Florence. 
The  palaces  of  the  Uberti 
razed  to  the  ground. 

1266.  The  Ghibellines 
again  expelled  from  Flo- 
rence. Re-ascendency  of 
the  Guelphs. 


1250.  Guido  delle  Go- 
lonne  fl.  Gnido  Bonatti, 
astronomer,  fl* 


126a  Battle  of  Monta- 
pertL  The  Ghibelline 
forces  under  Provenzano 
SalTani  {JP*trg»  xi-)  to- 
tally defeat  the  Guelphs, 
expel  them  from  Flo- 
rence, and  then  take  pos- 
session of  that  city  in  the 
name  of  King  Manfred. 

Congress  of  Empoli. 
Farinata  De^  Uberti 
prevents  the  destruction 
of  Florence,  meditated 
by  the  victorious  Ghibel- 
lines (^Inf.  X. ) 


1266.  Battle  of  Bene- 
▼ento.  Defeat  and  death 
of  Manfred  {Purr,  iii) 
by  Charles  of  Anjou, 
who  becomes  Ring  of 
Apulia  and  Sicily. 


1253  Sorbonne  found- 


1253  So 
edat  Paris 


1262.  Baroni*  wan  in 
England. 


1263.  Balliol  College, 
Oxford,  founded. 

1264.  Battle  of  Lewes. 

1264.  Merton  College, 
Oxford,  founded. 

1265.  Montfort*s  Par^ 
liament. 

1265.  Battle  of  Eye- 
sham.  Simon  de  Mont- 
fort  defeated  and  slain. 

1265.  Duns  Scotus 
bom. 


/ 


Ixxxii 


Chronological  Tables. 


Dante 


iatlM 


1274.    First     meeting 
¥rith  Beatrice  ( Afj".  xzx, 


1270  to  1285.  Philippe 
III  {U  NanU)  King  of 
France  (Affr;  Tii,  103- 
106). 


1271.  Pope  Gregory  X 
(TdMldo  Visconti  da 
Piaoenza). 


1272.  Edward  I  (Eng- 
land). 


1273.  Rndolph  of 
Hapsburg,  elected  Em- 
peror iPurg.  vii,  91-96) 
died  in  1291. 


1276.  Pope  Innocent  V 
(Pietro  Tarantasia  of 
Savoy,  the  first  Pope  of 
the  Order  of  the  Prt- 
duatori). 

1276.  Pope  Adrian  V 
(Ottobuono  Fieschi,  de* 
Conti  di  Layagna)  {Purg, 
xix). 

1276.  Pope  John  XXI 
(XXS,  (Pietro  da  Lis- 
bona). 

1277.  Pope  Nicholas 
III  (Gian  Gaetano  Or- 
sini  of  Rome),  introduces 
nepotism  (.Inf.  xix). 

1278.  Ottocar,  King  of 
Bohemia,  dies  (^Purg.  vii 
and  Par.  xix). 


127a  Gnido  Norello, 
Loid  of  Polenta,  ob- 
tains the  aovereignty  of 
RaYcnna  {Inf.  zzvii,  41). 


1274.  St  Thomas 
Aouinas  poisoned  by 
oraer  of  Charles  of  Anjoa 
(/V^.xz,7o).  StBona- 
ventura  dies. 

1275.  Branca  d'Oria 
treacherously  kills  Michel 
Zanche,  and  takes  his 
place  as  Judge  of  Logo- 
doro,  in  Sardinia  (jnf. 
xxii  and  xxxii). 

1276.  GuidoGuinicelli, 
of  Bologna  (called  faj 
Dante  in  Vulg,  Elcg,  1, 
15,  Afaximus  Guido)  dies 
(J\irg.  xxvi). 

1276.  Giotto  di  Bon- 
done  bom  at  Colle  di 
Vespignana  Some  give 
the  date  1266,  others 
127a 


Chronological  Tables, 


Ixxxiii 


Florence. 


1266.  Roderigo  degli 
Anda]6,  and  Catalano 
dei  Malavolti,  Frati 
Gaudenti,  are  named 
joint  Podestl^  of  Flo- 
rence. Every  man  at 
Florence  obli£ed  to  be- 
long to  one  of  the  seven 
"  Arts." 

1267.  By  a  treaty  of 
peace  the  Ghibellines  re- 
admitted. King  Charles 
of  Anjou  sends  to  the 
Guelphs  of  Florence  a 
reinforcement  of  800 
French  knights  under 
Gav  de  Moiitfort.  {Inf. 
xii.)  The  Ghibellines 
again  exiled.  Florentines 
confer  Signory  of  the 
City  upon  King  Charles 
for  ten  years.  He  sends 
a  Vicar  to  rule  over  it, 
with  whom  are  associated 
ten  Buonuomini. 

1269.  Great  inundation 
at  Florence.  Two  bridges 
carried  away. 

1273.  Pope  Gregory  X, 
King  Charles,  and  the 
Emperor  Baldwin,  of 
Constantinople,  visit  Flo- 
rence and  make  peace 
between  the  Guelphs  and 
Ghibellines. 


1278.  Cardinal  Latino 
Frangipani,  the  Legate 
of  Nicholas  III,  comes  to 
Florence  to  re- arrange 
peace  between  the 
Guelphs  and  Ghibellines. 


Italy  and  Sicily. 


1267.  All  Tuscany  ex- 
cept Pisa  and  Lucca  be- 
comes Guelph.  Conra- 
din«  grandson  of  Frede- 
rick fl,  at  the  invitation 
of  the  adherents  of  Man- 
fred, passes  into  Italy. 


1268.  Battle  of  Taglia- 
cozzo.  Conradin  defeated 
and  taken  prisoner  by 
Charles  of  Anjou,  and 
afterwards  beheaded  at 
Naples.    (/Vffj".  xx,  69.) 

1269.  The  Sienese  and 
other  Ghibellines  under 
Provenzano  Salvani,  and 
Count  Guido  Novello  de- 
feated by  the  Florentine 
Guelphs  near  CoUe  in  the 

Valdelsa.      (PUrg.    xiii, 
115.) 


1270.  Cino  da  Pistoja 
(Guittoncino  dei  Sini- 
baldi),  Jurist  and  Poet, 
bom.  Dante  addressed 
to  h'm  his  Epistle  IV, 
entitled  Exulanti  Pisto- 
rUnsi. 

1272.  Guy  de  Montfort 
assassinates  Henry,  son 
of  Richard  of  Cornwall, 
in  a  church  at  Viterbo 
(.Inf.  xii). 

1278.  Niccola  Pisano 
dies. 

/2 


1 266.  Roger  Bacon  pro- 
Doses  to  Pope  Clement 
IV  a  reform  m  the  calen- 
dar. 


1269.  Oxford.  St 
Edmund  Hall  founded, 
but  some  saj  1226.  Roger 
Bacon  forbidden  to  teach 
at  Oxford,  and  confined 
to  his  monastery* 

127a  William  of  Oc- 
cam born  about  this  time. 

1270.  Louis  IX  {Saint 
Louis)  dies  of  the  plaeue 
at  Tunis  during  the  last 
crusade. 


1 271.  Marco  Polo,  the 
Venetian,  sets  out  from 
Acre  on  his  travels  into 
Tartary. 


1 278.  Pier  de  la  Brosse, 
Secretary  of  Philippe  le 
Hardi,  Kin^  of  France, 
put  to  death  by  reason 
of  malignant  calumny. 
{^Purg,  VI,  19). 


Ixxxiv 


Chronological  Tables. 


1283.  Dante  sees  Bea- 
trice for  the  second  time, 
and  writes  his  fiist  son- 
net 


1289.  Dante  takes  part 
in  the  battle  of  Campal- 
dino  when  24  years  of 
age. 

1289.  Dante  at  the 
siege  of  Caprona  i^Inf. 
xzi). 

129a  Death  of  Bea- 
trice (Purg.  xzxii). 

1 291.  Dante  begins  to 
write  the  Vita  Nucva, 
and  perhaps  contemplates 
the  Commedia. 

1291.  HemarriesGem- 
ma  de*  DonatL 


1294.  Dante  meets 
Charles  Martel  at  Flo- 
rence {Par,  Yiii). 


laSi.  The  papal  diair 
vacant  6  mootiis.  Charies 
of  Naples  procores  the 
election  of  nis  creature, 
Simon  de  Brie  de  Mont- 
pilloi,  in  Champagne, 
¥fho  succeeds  as  Pope 
Martin  IV  ( Aff^.  uiv). 


1282.  Peter  of  Arigon 
becomes  King  of  Sici^. 

1285.  Philippe  IV  {U 
Bd)^  King  of  France 
(Pttrg.  vii  and  xzxii,  and 
Par.  xix). 

1285.  Pope  Honorins 
IV  (Jacopo  Savelli,  of 
Rome). 


1288.  Pope  Nicholas 
IV  (Girolamo  Mascio,  of 
Alessiano,  near  Ascoli). 


129a  Charles  Martel 
crowned  King  of  Hun- 
gary. 


1292.  Papal  Interreg- 
num for  two  years  and 
three  months. 

1292.  Adolphus  of 
Nassau  succeeds  Rudolph 
of  Hapsburg  as  King  of 
Germany. 


1279.  Albeitns  Mag- 
nus dies.  He  was  master 
of  St  Thomas  Aqmoas 
(Ar.x). 

1281.  Maestro  Adamoy 
of  Bresda,  burnt  for 
coining  false  florins  (^Inf, 
xxx). 

1282.  The  dty  of  Fa- 
enxa  betrayed  by  Tribal- 
deUo. 


1288.  Count  Ugolino 
della  Gherardesca,  with 
tv^o  sons  and  two  grand- 
sons, starved  to  death  at 
Pisa  i,In/.  xxxiii). 

1289.  Buonconte  (son 
of  Guido)  da  Montefeltro 
slain  at  the  battle  of 
Campaldino  (Ar^.v,  88), 
in  which  battle  Dante  is 
a  combatant. 

1289.  Francesca  da  Ri- 
mini murdered  by  her 
husband  Gianciotto  {Inf. 
Vi  97)-  Some  give  the 
date  1285. 

129a  Midiael  Scott 
dies  (In/,  xx,  1 16). 


Chronological  Tables. 


Ixxxv 


FlOFSDCS* 


1378.  First  stone  laid 
of  the  Dominican  Church 
of  Sta.  Maria  Novella. 
Architects  Fra  Ristoro 
da  Campi,  Fra  Sisto,  and 
Fra  Giovanni  It  took 
70  years  to  build. 

1278.  A  parley  takes 
place  betweentheGuelphs 
and  Ghibellines  in  the 
Piazza  Vecchia  di  Sta. 
Maria  Novella,  and  a 
modus  vhfendi  arranged. 

1285.  The  Comune  of 
Florence  decrees  an  en- 
largement of  the  City 
(Par.  xvi,  46,  ei  sif.) 

1288.  Amolfo  di  Lapo 
or  di  Cambio  lives  about 
this  time. 

1289.  Folco  Portinari, 
the  father  (according  to 
Boccaccio)  of  the  Bea- 
trice beloved  by  Dante, 
dies. 


Itely  and  Sicily. 


1278.  Giovanni  Pisano 
commences  building  the 
Camposanto  of  Pisa. 

1279.  John  of  Prodda 
foments  discontent  of 
French  sway  in  Sicily. 

1281.  About  this  time 
the  chronicler  Ricordano 
Malespini  is  supposed  to 
have  aied. 

1281.  Charles  of  Na- 
ples punishes  disaffection 
m  Sicily  by  cruel  oppres- 
sion. 


1282:  Fori!  besieged 
by  French  army,  which 
Guido  da  Montetdtro  an- 
nihilates i/n/.  xxvii,  43). 
.  1282.  The  SicilianVes- 
pe^  The  French  ex- 
pelled from  Sidly  (^Par, 

viii,  73)- 

1282.  Peter  of  Aragon, 

son-in-law   of   Manfred, 

crowned  King  of  Sidly. 


1284.  Great  naval  bat- 
tle at  Meloria,  in  which 
Genoa  extinguishes  Pisa 
as  a  sea  power. 

Florence,  Lucca  and 
Genoa  join  in  a  league 
against  Pisa. 

1284.  Ruggieri  di  Lau- 
ria,  Admiral  of  Peter  of 
Aragon,  King  of  Sicily, 
defeats  the  fleet  of  King 
Charles,  and  makes  his 
son  Prince  Charles  a  pri- 
soner (^Purg,  xx). 


1284.  The  infiant  son 
(afterwards  Edward  II) 
of  Edward  I,  born  at 
Carnarvon  with  title  of 
Prince  of  Wales. 

1201.  By  the  treache- 
rous hdp  of  the  reneg^e 
Christians  Acre  falls  into 
the  hands  of  the  Saracens 
(^Inf,  xxvii,  89). 


1292?.   Roger   Bacon 
dies.  * 


lie      IXUll     \Jl      i^c;v,i«-»io 

Clicinibls  {A/tJui  e 
uiii)^  so  as  to  have  a 
ideation  for  public 
loyment. 

299.  Dante  i^  sent  as 
bassador  to  the  Cp- 
t€  of  San  Gemignano. 

3cx>.  Dante  matures 
ideas  of  the  Dhnna 
tmedia.  The  vision  is 
posed  to  have  taken 
:e  in  this  year. 

300.  Dante  made  one 
the  Priori,  In  an 
stle  now  lost  he  is 
1  to  have  attributed  all 

misfortunes  to  this 
ointment.  Quoted  by 
nardo  Bruni  (  Viia  ai 
nte). 

30a  Dante,  though 
ed  by  the  Neri,  takes 
special  part  with  the 
inchi^  but  as  much  as 
sible  holds  aloof  from 
h  parties  {In/,  xv,  70  ; 
I  Far  xvii»  64-69). 
30a  Dante  to  save  a 
Id  of  the  Cavicittlli 
lily,  breaks  to  pieces 
;  of  the  standing  places 
the  baptizers,  at  the 
t  of  San  Giovanni, 
1    is  accused  of  sacri- 


1295.  Pope  Boniface 
VI II  (HenedelloGaelani 
of  Anagni  (////.  xix,  53  ; 
xxvii,  70;  /V-  Jtxvii,  22). 

1296.  Frederick  of  Ara- 
gon  succeeds  his  brother 
James  as  Kinjg  of  Sicily 
{Purg,  iii,  no;  viii,  129; 
Par.  xix,  131). 

1298.  Albert,  son  of 
Rudolph  of  Hapsburg, 
crowued  King  of  Ger- 
many and  the  Romans  at 
Aix-U-Chapelle  {Purg, 
vi,  97;  -Par.  xix,  115). 


in  1 2()2  (^IHirg.  vii,   r 

1294.  Brunetto  Lat 
Dante's  preceptor,  < 
(In/,  XV,  28). 

1 294.  Giano  della  B 
expelled  from  Flore 
after  a  popular  tun 
(^/0ifi,viu,8). 

1294.  Guittoned'A 
zodies(Af7.  xxiv,  5 

1295.  Charles  Mai 
King  of  Hungary, 
{Par,  rax), 

1295.   Forese  Doi 
brother  of  Corso  and 
carda,  dies  ( A#y.  x 
40). 

1298.  Jacopo  del  < 
sero  muiderea  at  Or 
(A^.  V,  64-84). 

1298.  Guido  da  » 
tefeltro  dies  {In/  x 
112). 

1299.  Niccol6  Ai 
juoli  and  Baldo  d*  i 
glione  falsify  the 
demo  or  register  of  p( 
accounts:  and  Dui 
de'  Chiaramontesi  1 
6es  the  measures  {I 
xii,  105  ;  Par.  xvi, 
V.  105). 


Chronological  Tables. 


Ixxxvii 


Fkmnoe* 


1395.  The  long  feud 
between  the  funUies  of 
the  Cerchi  and  Adimari 
brought  to  an  end,  in  the 
Church  of  San  Piero 
Scheraggio. 

1295.  Church  of  Sta. 
Croce  begun. 

1296.  The  Piazza  San 
Giovanni  enlarged  as  not 
being  extensive  enough 
for  public  functions  and 
festivities. 

1297.  About  this  time 
Amolfo(j^i288)  receives 
the  order  to  build  the 
Church  of  Sta.  Reparata, 
of  which  the  name  was 
changed  to  Sta.  Maria 
del  Fiore,  the  present 
Cathedral. 


1298.  First  stone  laid. 

1298.  The  Palauo  Pub- 
lico (now  PaloMMo  Vecekio) 
commenced. 


Italy  and  Sicily. 


1300.  Giovanni  Villani 
commences  writing  his 
Chronicle  {Gino  Cap- 
poni). 

1300.  Cimabue  dies. 

1300.  Casella(/^f;f.  ii) 
dies. 


1288.  At  the  skirmish 
of  La  Pieve  del  Toppo 
the  Sienese  Guelphs  are 
cut  to  pieces  by  the  Ghi- 
bellines  of  Arezzo  i^Inf, 
xiii,  121). 


1295.  Marco  Polo  re- 
turns to  Venice  from  his 
Eastern  travels. 

1297.  Great  discord 
between  Pope  Boniface 
VIII  and  the  Colonna 
family. 

1298.  Boniface  VIII 
proclaims  a  crusade 
against  the  Colonna 
family.  In  this  same 
year  Boniface  VIII, 
aided  by  the  fraudulent 
counsels  of  Guido  da 
Montefeltro,  by  deceitful 
promises  pets  possession 
of  Palestnna,  and  other 
strongholds  of  the  Co- 
lonna (/ff/I  xxvii). 


Ewopc 


1296.  The  Coronation 
Stone  from  Scone  brought 
to  London  and  plaoed 
in  Westminster  Abbey. 


Ixxxviii 


Chronological  Tables. 


Dante. 


inthtt 


1501.  Dante  goes  as 
Ambassador  from  the 
Republic  to  Rome  to 
dissuade  the  Pope  from 
summoning  Charles  de 
Valois  into  Tnscamy. 

1302,  Jan.  27th.  In  his 
absence,  Dante  is  con- 
demned on  a  false  chaige 
of  trafficking  with  pubuc 
offices  {baratUrii)  auring 
his  magistracy,  and  of 
having  opposed  the  Pope 
and  Charles  de  Valois. 
Is  fined  5/xx>  florins  and 
condemned  to  two  years* 
banishment. 

On  the  loth  March 
following,  Dante,  in  his 
absence,  is  condemned 
to  be  burnt  alive  by  the 
Podestii  of  Florence 
(Cante  de'  GabrieUi). 
His  house  is  sacked,  and 
his  possessions  confis- 
cated. He  becomes  the 
Suest,  first  of  Uguccione 
ella  Faggiuola  and  then 
of  Bart^onmieo  della 
Scala  (see  ViUani  and 
Boccaccio),  Henceforth 
he  is  an  exile. 

1304.  Dante  said  to  be 
at  Bologna,  writing  Tr.  i 
of  the  CoHvito  and  com- 
mencing the  De  Vulg. 
Eloq.  but  date  of  Comnto 
very  uncertain. 


1301.  Gnido  Caval- 
canti  dies  (inf,  i)  after 
bdng  banished  Irom  Flo- 
rence in  the  preoeding 
year. 

iioi.  Alberto  della 
Scala,  Lord  of  VenMia, 
dies,  and  is  succeeded  fay 
his  son  Bartolommeo  (i/ 
gran  Lomkoffdo)  (/kr. 
xvii).  • 


1303.  Pope  Benedict 
XI  (Niccolo  Boccasini, 
of  Treviso)  elected,  but 
dies  by  poison  the  fol- 
lowing year. 


1303.  Taddeo,  a  &- 
mous  wealthy  physician 
of  Florence,  dies  (f^- 
lanif  viii,  65,  and  Par. 
xii,  83). 


1304.  Papal  Throne 
vacant  on  death  of  Bene- 
dict XI. 

1304.  Albert  of  Austria 
invades  Bohemia  (^Far. 
xix,  115-117). 


Chronological  Tables. 


Ixxxix 


Italy  and  SicOy. 


Korops* 


1300.  Cardinal  Acqnas- 
patte  comes  to  Florence 
as  the  Pope's  Legate  to 
restore  peace  between 
the  Nert  and  Biancki; 
bnt,  failing  in  his  en- 
deaToors,  retnms  to 
Rone* 

1301.  ThtBiancJkitX' 
pel  the  Nleri  (/n/.  xxiv, 
143,  ei  SM,), 

1301 .  Charles  de  Valois 
arriYes  at  Florence,  and 
remains  there  six  months. 
A  pof^lar  assembly  re- 
signs into  his  hands  the 
sfinory  and  guardianship 
of  the  city. 

1301.  Corso  Donati, 
with  his  followers  the 
Ntrif  returns  from 
banishment.  The  new 
municipal  elections  are 
all  in  favour  of  the  Neru 


1302.  The  Biatuhi 
completely  routed  at  the 
Battle  of  Camfe  Pisctno^ 
in  the  territory  of  Pesda 
(/if/  xxiTf  148),  and  fi- 
mdly  expelled  from  Flo- 
rence* 

1302.  Carlino  de' Pazzi 
betrays  the  Castle  of 
Piano  di  Travigne  to  the 
Florentines  (Inf,   xxxii, 

69). 
1302.  Fulcieri  da  Cal- 

bolh  succeeds  Cante  de' 
Gabrielli  as  Podest^  and 
commits  terrible  atroci- 
ties (Purg,  xiv,  58-72). 


130a  Commencement 
of  the  factions  of  the 
Niri  and  Biamhi  at 
Pistojl^  so  called  from 
two  SKles  taken  in  a 
brawl  between  two  bran- 
ches of.  the  Canoellieri 
family  there  {^Inf,  xxxii, 
631  Focaccia  del  Can- 
cellieri  was  the  primaij 
aggressor.  From  this 
time  the  Gndph  party  is 
divided, 

i^  Thefirstiubilee, 
instituted  by  ^oni&ce 
VIII  (Awy.  u). 


1302.  Disputes  be- 
tween the  Pope  and  the 
King  of  France  ( Villani). 


1303.  In  September, 
Boniface  VIII,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  above 
disputes,  is  taken  prisoner 
at  Anagni,  by  Sciarra  Co- 
lonna  and  Guillaume  de 
Noparet,  and  suffers  great 
indignities.  Set  free  by 
the  people,  he  returns  to 
Rome  {Purg.  xx,  86  «^ 
xa^.),  but  dies  in  October. 


V  111, 


I  1 


t*     iC 


y/ 


07.  Story  told  of  the 
h  copy  of  the  Hrst 
a  cantos  of  the  Cam- 
a  being  found  in 
te'i  house  and  sent 
Dino  Fresoobaldi  to 
Skf  archese  Malaspina. 
te,  on  receiving  it,  is 
to  have  resumed 
ing  his  poem  (^Boc- 

0  and  BtnvtHuio  da 
la), 

;o8.  Dante  is  said  to 
:  been  at  ForlL 

109.  He  is  thought 
Ave  been  at  Paris. 

$ia  Dante  writes  a 
r  to  the  Princes  and 
pies  of  Italy,  beeging 

1  to  give  their  aUegi- 
:  to  the  King,  Henry 
(£/w/.  v). 

(I I.  ApL  i6th.  Dante, 
ag  Henry  VH  tarry- 
in  Lombardy,  writes 
im,  when  eng^|[ed  in 
siege  of  Brescia,  a 
:r  reproving  him  for 
ielay,  and  leeching 
in  the  name  of  all 


tf*  V  I  I^C 


v\ 


nr*»nr<» 


148-160). 


'  XT  •  A  A  Al 


1306.  Robert  Bruce 
crowned  King  of  Scot- 
land, after  stabbing  Co- 
myn,  the  heir  of  Btuliol. 


of 


.Edward  II,  King 
land. 


1308.  Albert  of  Austria 
assassinated.  (/Vfjf.  vi, 
97-102). 

1309.  Henry  VII,  of 
Luxembourg,  crowned 
King  of  the  Romans  at 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  but  as 
Emperor  till  13 1 2. 

1^09.  Charles  II,  Kinff 
of  Naples,  dies,  succeeded 
by  his  son  Robert 

III  I.  At  the  beginning 
of  this  year  Dante  pro- 
ceeds to  Milan  to  do 
homage  to  Henry  VII, 
and  it  is  thought  thaf  he 
was  present  there  when 
Heniy  VII  was  crowned 
with  the  iron  crown*  on 
the  day  of  the  Epiphany, 
and  when,  says  G.  Vil- 
lani,  **  ambassadors  were 

nr»**;pnt     from     almost    all 


1307.  Fra  Doldi 
tured  and  cmell; 
cuted  (Inf,  xxviii, 

1308.  Death  of 
Donati  (Pmrg,  zxi 


Chronological  Tables. 


xci 


Fioffcnos* 


Italy  and  Sicily. 


SlllO|M« 


1304.  Niccol6da  Prato, 
Caidinal  of  Ostia,  sent  a$ 
Papal  Legate  by  Bene- 
dict XI  a$  pacificator  to 
Florence,  but  his  mission 
fails,  and  he  excommn.- 
nicates  the  dty. 

A  rash  expedition  of 
the  Bianchi  against  Flo- 
rence is  repolMd. 


1304.  Great  loss  of  life 
bv  the  fall  of  the  Ponte 
aUa  Carraia  (perhaps 
allnded  to  Inf*  xxtI,  10^ 
II). 


1 3  ID.  In  October,  the 
Florentines  refuse  to  re- 
ceive the  Ambassadors  of 
Henry  VII  (C7.  VilUmi), 

131 1.  In  June  the  Flo- 
rentines make  a  league 
with  the  Bolognese  and 
all  the  Guelphs  in  Tus- 
cany against  Henry  VII. 

131 1.  In  November, 
when  Henrv  is  at  Genoa, 
he  cites  before  his  court 
the  Florentines,  and  on 
Christmas  Eve  condemns 
them,  depriving  them^  of 
every  lioerty  and  privi- 
lege. Florentine  mer- 
duints  at  Genoa  are  com- 
pelled to  depart,  with  the 
loss  of  all  their  property. 


1304.  Petrarch  bom  at 
Arezzo. 


131a  Descent  of  Henry 
VII  into  Italy. 


131 1.  All  Feudatories 
of  the  Empire  in  Italy 
are  summoned  to  present 
themselves  before  the 
Emperor,  to  have  the 
feofs  confirmed,  which 
hsul  been  granted  them 
by  previous  Emperors : 
and  among  thetn  even 
the  Bishop  of  Volterra 
{Diphmatu  Archives  of 
Flortnc€^  Carte  di  Vol' 
(srroj* 


1305.  WUliam  Wallace 
executed.  Scotland  sab- 
mits. 


1307.  Philippe  le  Bel 
suppresses  the  Order  of 
the  Templars  in  France 
with  great  cruelty. 

1308.  Edward  II  mar- 
ries Isabella,  the  daugh- 
ter of  Philippe  le  BeL 

1308.  The  Island  of 
Rhodes  occupied  by  the 
Knights  Hospitallers  of 
St.  John  of  Jerusalem. 


Chronological  Tables. 


1314.  The  lel,«,  or 
doubltul  aulhenticilr,  nl- 
Itilmled  (o  Daiile,  wiilten 
tQ  the  Cardinals  of  Italy, 

Iheii  influence  to  get  the 
Papal  seal  realoied  to 
Jtonie  iHpitl.  it). 

1314.  It  it  St  Ibia  lime 
ihal  ilinle  is  suppoiied 
"J  have  paid 


Umi 


e   Jella    Ksg 


have      been     acqui 
with     Gcnlucca     {.Purg. 
""v,  34-48). 


IJ15.  Final  judginei 
□D  Dinle,  on  aih  Ni 
vembei,  by  Kanieii  < 
Zaccuria  d'Orvielo,  Kii 
Robei 


Inl 

1314.  Clement  V  dici. 
Papal  seal  vacanl  (/«/ 
.ix,  S3 ;  Par,  xvii,  82  i 
/W.  .xvii,  58). 

314.    Phdippe  le  Bel 


ies  [F^r. 


,.  Louis  X  (/(  Nu 


I311.  March  31st, 
Dame  writes  the  Epistle, 
KeltiHiiimii  flarailims 
inlrinsoMiy  urging  them 
lu  open  iheii  gales  to  Ibe 
Enipeioi  (£>u/.  vi). 

131a.  RiccardodaCn- 
mino,  SOD  of  "  i1  bnan 
Ghenudo,"  Lord  of  Tre- 
vi«i,  is  assassinated  (/W*. 
ix.49-Sl)- 


1314.  Can  Grande  dc- 
Teats  the  Padiians,  who 
thi-reupon  resign  10  him 


who     condemni 
him  to  death. 

1316.  Donle  refuses  tt 
accept  the  paidon  of  thi 
Govemment  of  Florence 
by    accepting    which    hi 


FrederiLk  ol 
Austria  (crowned  at 
Bonn)  and  Louis  of  Ba- 
vaiia  (crowned  at  Aix- 
la-Clia|>olle}  by  rival  fac- 
tions, to  be  King  of  Gcr- 
nuny  and  of  IheKomans. 


1316.  Poi>c  John  XXII 

(Jac<iue»  d  Euse  de  Ca- 
hois)  (/■<, 


.58). 
X   d 
John     I 
days  after  hii 


Chronological  Tables. 


xciii 


Italy  and  Sicily. 


Kimpa* 


131 1.  King  Robert  of 
Naples  sends  troops  to 
the  assistance  of  the  Flo- 
rentines.   (C?.  ViUant). 


13 1 2.  In  October 
Henry  VII  commences, 
but  soon  abandons,  the 
sim  of  Florence. 

The  Florentines  fortify 
their  frontiers  against 
Pisa. 

1313.  The  Florentines 
confer  the  Sigpory  of  the 
City  upon  King  Robert 
for  fiye  years. 


1316.  nth  December. 
General  Amnesty,  permit- 
ting all  exiles  to  return  to 
Florence. 


13 II.  Alboino  della 
Scala,  Lord  of  Verona, 
dies.  His  brother  Can 
Grande  succeeds  him. 


1 31 2.  The  nobles  of 
Parma  and  Reggio,  on 
the  one  part;  and  the 
Cities  of  Bologna,  Flo- 
rence, Lucca,  and  Siena, 
and  theGuelphs  banished 
from  Cremona  and  Mo- 
dena,  on  the  other  part, 
form  a  league  against 
Henry  VII.  Ghiberto 
da  Correggio  is  named 
their  general. 

13 1 2.  In  March,  when 
at  Pisa,  the  Emperor 
Henry  VII  deprives  the 
City  of  Florence  of  every 
honour  and  jurisdictioti, 
and  gives  leave  to  the 
Spinoli  of  Genoa  to  coin 
false  florins  with  the 
stamp  of  Florence.  He 
leaves  Pisa  in  August  to 
make  war  upon  King  Ro- 
bert, but  dies  on  the  24th 
at  Buonconvento.  (^VU- 
lani,  ix,  49). 

1 3 14.  Uguccione  della 
Faggiuola,  commanding 
the  forces  of  Pisa,  cap- 
tures Lucca. 

1315.  The  Ghibellines 
defeat  the  Florentine 
Guelphs  at  Montecatini 

1316.  fJguccione  driven 
out  of  Lucca. 


13 12.  The  barons  of 
England  capture  and  be- 
held Gaveston. 


1313.     Boccaccio    da 
Certaldo  bom  at  Paris. 


1314.  Battle  of  Ban- 
nockbum. 

1314.  Exeter  College, 
Oxford,  founded. 


1315.  Battle  of  Mor- 
garten,  in  which  Leopold 
of  Austria  is  defeated  by 
three  Swiss  Cantons. 


16. 


1310 
lisned 


Salic  law 
blished  in  France  to 
exclude  Louis  U  Hutin^s 
daughter  Toanna,  who 
inherits  only  Navarre. 


xciv 

Chronological  Tables. 

„..,.. 

Popa,  Bmpcroa  uid  Kiiigi. 

OthsPtr 

inlht/J 

nmtCommtdia. 

1316.  Dante  writes  hi^ 

1316.    Philip     V     (/« 

Epistle    10   Can  Grande 

£«W). 

della  Scala,  explaining  tu 

him      the      fundamtntul 

principles  of  the  Dh'ina 

sideniiion    of     the    soul 

after  death,   and   in    its 

slltgorical    sense,    Man, 
UabTe     10     reward      0, 

He  dedicates    to    him 

the    Paradiio,    not    yet. 

however,    completed 

fEpist.  »i). 

1318.     Dnnte    bI    the 

Al  the  liroe  of  Dante's 

I318. 

Giolto's     pre- 

Monastery  ofFonteAvel- 

death  the  following  sore- 

eminence 

lana,    near    Gubbio,    in 

reigns  are  reigning  .— 

Umbiia,      Is  afterwards 

Joh'nXXH. 

the  guest  of  Busone  de' 

Ratfaelli,       at       Gubbio 

(Balbo,  Vila  di  Danli). 

Andronieus  11. 
France  : 
Philippe  le  Long. 

1319   Dante,  the  guest 

of  Ta^no  Uella  Torre, 
at  Ufiine,  where  he  con- 

Throne conlesleJ. 

tinues  lo  wiite  the  I'ttra- 

England. 
Eilwaid  11. 

diw. 

Scotland  : 

1320.  Dante.  Ihe  guest 

Robert  I  (Bnlce). 

of  Gnido  da  Polenta,  at 

Savoy  ; 

Ravenna. 

Amadeus  V. 
Venice : 

rill.    Dante    dies    at 

Doge    Giovanni     So- 

Ravenna,  a^-ed    56.     In- 

terred, with  yiCTl  pomp, 
by   order   of    Guido    da 

Cohcmia : 

Polenta,  who  himself  died 

Navarre: 

■he  following  year. 

James  II  (the  Just). 

Allonso  XI. 
Ponui.'al : 
Dioiiysiui(whotcigQed 
forty- si <  yean). 

Chronological  Tables. 


xcv 


flOffCDCC* 


I|i8.  King  Robert 
oonnnned  in  the  Signory 
of  Florence  for  another 
three  years. 


132 1.  The  Signory  of 
King  Robert  over  Flo- 
rence terminates,  having 
lasted  eight  years  and  six 
months  (Vi//aiff,  ix,  137). 


Italy  and  SicUy. 


1 31 7.  Can  Grande,  Im- 
perial Vicar  at  Verona 
and  Vicenza. 


131 8.  Can  Grande 
elected  Captain  of  the 
Ghibelline  League  at 
Sondno  {G.  VilUuU), 


13 19.  Ugucdone  della 
Fagginola  dies. 


Kufops. 


132a  John  Gower,  the 
poet,  said  to  have  been 
ix>m« 

1 32 1.  Attainder  of  the 
Despencers  by  the  Eng- 
lish Parliament.  Edward 
II  forcibly  reverses  the 
Attainder. 


XCVII 


LIST   OF   AUTHORS    AND    OF    EDITIONS 

QUOTED. 

Adam  de  Saint- Victor.    Uturgical  Poetrv,  from  the  text  of  Gantier, 

cd.  by  D.  S.  Wiangham.    London^  i8ol.    3  yoIs.,  sm.  8vo. 
Agnblli    (Giovanni).      Topo-Cronografia    del    Viaggio    Dantesoo. 

MUano^  1891.    4to. 
Alfieri    (Vittorio)      The  mareinal  comments  of  Vittorio  Alfieri, 

written  in  his  own  copy  of  the  Oivina  Commedii,  are  reproduced 

in  "La  Divina  Commedia  di  Dante  Alighieri  col  comento  di 

G.  Biagioli"   /fapoli^  1854.    \  yoIs.,  sm.  8vo. 
Ammirato  (Sdpio).  Alberoestonadellafamigliade*Conti.  Firttue^ 

1640. 
Annalbs  Forolivienses,  in  Mttratori(L.  A.)  *'  Ital.  Reram  Scriptores,** 

tom.  22. 
Ann  ALES  Pistorienses  seu  commentarii  renira  gestamm  in  Tnscia» 

italice  scripti  ab  auctore  anonymo  sjmchrono,  1300-1348.    Firtmty 

1578.    4to. 
Annius  Viterbensis  (Frat.  Joann.)    Commentaria  snper  Opera  diver- 

sorum  anctorum  de  antiquitatibus  loquentium.  Roma,  149^*  2  vols., 

folio. 
Antonelli  (Giovanni).     Sulle  dottrine  astronomiche  della  Divina 

Commedia.    Firenu^  1865.    8vo. 

Studi  particolari  sulla  Divina  Commedia.    Firenu^  1871.  8vo* 

Aquarone  (B.)    Dante  in  Siena  owero  accenni  nelLa  Divina  Com- 
media a  cose  Sanesi.    Siena,  ^^5i    ^'°*  ^^^' 

Aquinas  ^St.  Thomas).     Summa  Theologica  diligenter  emendata 

Nicolai,  Sylvii,  Billoart,  et  C.-J.  Drioux,  notis  omata.     Fariiiis, 

1880.    8  vols.)  8vo. 
AriosYo  (Ludovico).    Orlando  Farioso»  preceduto  da  alcuni  pensieri 

di  Vincenzo  Gioberti,  e  corredato  di  note.    Firenu^  1854.    2  vols., 

l2mo. 

Satire  in  **  Raccolta  di  Poesie  Satiriche."  Milan,  i8o8.    8vo. 

Aristotle.    Opera,  edidit  Aoulemia  Regia  Bomsica.    Beroiim,  1831. 

4  vols,  in  2.    4to. 
Arrivabene  (Ferdinando).    II  Secolo  di  Dante.     Udim,  1827. 
AssoN  (Michelangelo).    Intomo  le  conoscenze  biologiche  e  mediche 

di  Dante,  in  "  Atti  del  Imp.  Reg.  Istituto  Veneto  di  Scienze.** 

Vennia,  1865.    Tom.  VI,  scr.  Ill,  pp.  854-5. 
Attavanti  (Frate).     La  Quadragesimale  diFrate  Attavanti.  Milano^ 

1479.    Sm.  8vo. 
AUGUSTINUS  (S.  Aur.).    Opera  Omnia,  studio  Monachorum  Ord.  S. 

Benedict!.    Bassani,  1 797- 1 807.    18  vols,  in  9.    4to. 
Balbo  (Cesare).    Vita  di  Dante.    Firenu,  1853.    Sm.  8vo. 


xcviii  Aut/iors  afid  Editions  Quoted. 

Barbour  (John).  The  Bnice ;  or  the  Book  of  the  most  Ezcdlent  and 
Noble  Prince ;  edited  by  W.  W.  Skeat  Undmi^  1870-77.  3 
parts  8vo. 

Barelli  (Vincenzo).  L'Allegoria  della  DiYina  Commedia  esposta. 
Firenu^     1864.     i2mo. 

Barktti  (Giuseppe).  A  new  Dictiooaiy  of  the  Italian  and  Eng^ 
Languages  based  upon  that  of  Baretti,  oompOed  by  John  Daven- 
port and  Guglielmo  Comelati    Lemdmi^  1800.    2  vols.    8vo. 

Barlow  (Dr.  H.  C.)  Critical,  historical,  and  philosophical  contribu- 
tions to  the  study  of  the  Divina  Commedia.    ZmmEmt,  1864.    ^^o. 

Bartoli  (Adolfo).  Storia  della  Letteiatura  Italiana  di  Adolfo  Bar- 
tolL    ^^^^,1878-1884.    Vols.  I  to  VII.    Sm.8vo. 

Berlan  (F.)  Le  piii  belle  pagine  deUa  Divina  Commedia,  Padm/a^ 
187a    Sm.  8vo. 

Bernardus  (S.)  Opera  omnia,  curis  Johannis  Mabillon.  Parisus^ 
169a    2  vols.,  folio. 

Bbrni  (Franc),  Oisa,  Varchi,  Manro,  Bino,  Molza,  Dolce,  Firenzuola, 
etc.,  Opere  Burlesche.     Vauua^  I77I-    3  vols.,  .sm.  8vo. 

BiBLiORUM  Sacrorura  Vulgatse  Versionis  Editio  Clero  Gallicano 
dicata.    Parisiis^  1785.    4to. 

BisciONi  (Anton  Maria).     Annotazioni  sopra  il  Convito  di  Dante. 

BiUKDi  (Giuseppe.)  Dbionario  Siciliano-Italiano.  PaUrmo^  1837. 
Sm.  8vo. 

Blanc  (L.  G.)  Vocabolario  Dantesco,  recato  in  Italiano  da  G.  Car- 
bone.    FirenUt  1 859.     Sm.  8vo. 

Saggio  di  una  interpretazione  filologica  di  parecchi    passi 

oscuri  e  controversi  della  Divina  Commedia.    Versione  Italiana  di 
O.  Occioni :  L'Infemo.     Trieste^  i86j.     Sm.  8vo. 

Boccaccio  (Giovanni).  Joannis  Bocatii  vcpi  TcrcoXoTiat  Deorum, 
libri  quindecim,  cum  annotationibus  Jacobi  Micylli.  BasUea^ 
1532.     I  vol.  Folio. 

Decameron,  corretto  ed  illustrato  con  note.    Firtnu^  1827. 

5  vols. ,  8vo. 

BoETHius  (Anidus  Manlius  Torquatus  Severinus).  Consolationis  libri 
quinque,  recensuit  Rudolfiis  reiper.    Lipsia^  1 87 1.     Sm.  8vo. 

Bono  Giamboni.  Volgarizzamento  dell*  Arte  della  Guerra  di  Flavio 
Vegezio  in  Nannucci*s  '*  Manuale.*'  Firenu,  1883.  Vol.  II,  p.  407. 

Volgarizzamento  del  Tesoro  di  Ser  Brunetto  Latini,  in  Nan- 

nucci's  **  Manuale."    Firenu,  1883.    VoL  II,  p.  353. 

Volgarizzamento  delle  storie  di  Paolo  Orosio,  in  Nannucci's 


"  Manuale,"    Firenu,  1883.     Vol.  II,  p.  383. 
Botticelli  (Sandro.)    Zeichnungen  von  Sandro  Botticelli  zu  Dante's 

Goettlicher  Komoedie  nach  dem  originalen  im  K.  Kupferstich- 

kabinet  zu  Berlin  herausgegeben  im  Auftrage  der  Geneialverwal- 

tung  der  K.  Museen  von  r.  Lippmann.    Berlin^  1887.    Oblong 

folio. 
Brentari  (Ottone).    Dante  Alpenbta,  in  the  Bollettino  del  Club 

Alpino  di  Torino.     Torino,  1886.    Vol.  XX,  no.  53. 
Browne  (Sir  Thomas).    Religio  Medici,  Letters  to  a  Friend,  &c. ; 

edited  by  W.  A.  Greenhill.    London^  1881.    i8mo. 


Aut/iors  and  Editions  Quoted.  xcix 

Bruni  (Leonardo).    La  vita  di  Dante  e  di  Petnurca,  acritta  in  Ftrenze 

nel   maggio  1436.      Ripablicate   da    Fr.  Tagliafem.     Padtva^ 

1865. 
BuONAROTTi  ^Michelangelo).    La  Fiera,  Commedia  di  Michelangelo 

Bnonarotti  il  Giovane,  e  la  Tanda,  commedia  rusticale  del  mede- 

simo  con  annotazioni  di  Pietro  FanfanL    Firmu^  i86a    2  vols., 

sm.  8vo. 
BuRCHiELLO  (Domenico).     Sonetti  del  Bnrchiella     Lcndra^  1757. 

Sm.  4to. 
Cabtani  di  Sbrmonbta  (Duke  Michelangelo).     La  Materia  della 

Divina  Commedia  di  Dante  Alighieri  dichiarata  in  VI  tavole. 

Seconda  Edizione.     Roma^  1872.    Folio. 
Tre  chiose  nella  Divma  Commedia  di    Dante    Allighieri. 

Seconda  Edizione.    Roma,  1876.    8vo. 
Capponi  (Gino).    Storia  deUa  Republica  di  Firenze.    Firente^  1875. 

Large  8vo. 
Carbna  TGiacinto).    Prontuario  di  vocaboli  attenenti  a  parecchie  arti, 

ad  alcuni  mestieri,  a  cose  domestiche,  e  altro  di  uso  comune. 

Torino^  1846-1853.    2  vols.,  8vo. 
Catechismus    Romanus,  in  Libri  Symbolid  Ecdes.  Cath.  studio 

F.  G.  Streitwoir  et  R.  E.  Klener.    Gotiinga^  1846.    2  vols.,  8vo. 
Catullus  (C.  Valerius).     2n  "Poetse  Latini  Veteres.*'     FloretUut^ 

1829.'  Large  8vo. 
Cavalcanti  (Guido)  in  "  Rime  di  diversi  Antichi  Autori  Toscani." 

Vinegia^  153^*    ^^^* 
Cavern  I  (Rafllaello).    Voci  e  modi  della  Divina  Commedia  dell*  uso 

popolare  toscano :  Dizionarietto.    Firmu,  1877.    Sm.  8vo. 
Crcco  d'Ascoli   [Francesco  de'  Stabili].     Cedio  Asculano  [x.  /. 

1500].    8vo. 
Cellini  (^Benvenuto).    The  Life  of  Benvenuto  Cellini  newlv  trans- 
lated mto  Enelishbv  J.  A.  Symonds.   London^  1888.   2  vols.,  8vo. 
Crsari  (Antonio).    Bellezze  della  Commedia  di  Dante  Alighieri ; 

Dialoghi.     Verona^  1824- 1 826.    4  vols.,  8vo. 
Chaucer  (Geoflfrey).    Poetical  Works,  with  notes  and  a  glossary,  by 

Thomas  Tjrrwhitt.    London^  1847.     Large  8vo. 
Church  (Dean  Richard  W.)   Dante  and  other  Essays.    London^  1888. 

Sm.  8vo. 
CiAMPl  (Ignazio).    Un  Munidpio  italiano  nell*  etil  di  Dante  Alighieri, 

Romay  1865. 
Cicero  (Marcus  Tullius).    Opera  Omnia,  edidit  Car.  Frid.  Aug.  Nobbe. 

Leifitiz,  1849-50.    1 1  vols.,  sm.  8vo. 
CiNO  DA  PiSTOiA  in  *'Rime  di  diversi  Antichi  Autori  Toscani.** 

Vitugia^  ISZ^'    8vo. 
Claudianus  (Claudius).     In  "Poetae  Latini  Veteres."     Fhnntia^ 

1829.    Large  8vo. 
Comparetti  (Domenico).    Virgilio  nel  medio  evo.    Uvomo^   1872. 

2  vols.    8vo. 
Crescimbeni  (Giov.  Maria).    Storia  della  Volgare  Poesia.  Venetia^ 

1730- 
Daniel  (Herm.  Adalbert).  Thesaurus  Hymnologicus,  collegtt  notisque 

adiccit  IL  A,  Daniel.    Halii^  1841-56.    5  vols.,  8vo. 

^2 


c  Authors  and  Editions  Quoted. 

Dante  Alighllri. 
I.  The  Dh'iiia  Commedia :  Texts,  with  Italian  and 
Latin  Commentaries.  II.  Danish,  English,  French 
and  German  Translations  of  the  Divina  Corn- 
media.  Ill,  The  In/emo:  Texts  wtth  Italian  and 
Latin  Commentaries.  IV.  English  Translation 
of    the     Iii/erm      "  ~       ilorio.     Text    with 

English      Trans  lor     Works,     with 

English  Translat 


I.  Tks  Divina  Couwi 


Italian  and  Latin 


Dakte  Aligiijeki.    I 

FIOBBNTINO  ora 
Faiifani.     Bologiia, 

BsNEVENUTi  Dl  JLA   Comenliim  super 

Dantis  Aldiglierii  Coiuu^uuu  huui:  ptiuiam  integrc  in  lucem 
editum  sumplilius  Guitielmi  Wairen  Vernon  curante  Jacobo 
Philippo  Lacaila.     Fhrentia,  1SS7.    5  vols.,  Urge  Svo. 

La  Divina  Commedia  con   commenli    secondo  la  scolaslica 

del  P.  Giocchino  Behtiiier.  Frtihurg,  1892.  3voli.  410,  in 
course  of  jpublicatian. 

La  Divina  Commedia  di   Dante  Aiighieri  col  comento  di 

G.  BlAGlOLl.    Nafoli,  1854.     3  vols.,  sm.  Svo. 

La  Commedia  di  Danle  Alighieri  novamenie  rivednia  net 

leslo  e  dichiarata  da  Itiunone  UiANCin.  Nona  Edizione.  Firiiat, 
18B6.     l2mo. 

II  Cumento  di  Giovanni  ROCCACCI  Kipra  la  Commedia  con 

ie  annotazioni  di  M.  Salvini,  per  cura  di  Gaelano  Mibnesi. 
Firerne,  1863.     3  vols.,  sm.  Svo. 

Commento  di  Francesco  da  HuTl  sopra  la  Divina  Comedia 

di  Dante  Allighieci  publicato  pei  cura  di  Crescenlino  Giannini. 
Pita,  1858-63.     3  vols.,  large  Svo. 

La  Divina  Commedia  di  Danle  Alighi    "      "'     ' 


18S0 


ligliori 


410. 


l>cr   c 


di   Eugcnio  Camei 


Milaiio, 


La  Divina  Commedia  ridotia  a  mi(;lioi  leiionc  con  I'  aiuto  di 
oUimi  manosciiili  e  soccorsa  di  note  edile  ed  inedile  aniiche  c 
mixlerne  per  cura  di  Giuseppe  Cami'I.  Tori,to,  1888-1889. 
3  vols.,  Svo. 

II  Codice  Cassinese  della  Divina  Commedia,  per  cura  dei 

Monaci  Benedetlini  della  liadia  di   Monte  Cassino,  colle  Chiose 
Sincrone.      Tipografia  di  AfoHle  Casiina,  1S65.     Folio, 

Danle   con   I'  esposilione   di   M.  Iternaidino  DanIellO  da 

Ijicca.      Venttia,  1568.     4I0, 

Commedia  di   Dante  Allighieii   con   note  di   Gregorio   DI 

Sieka:  Infeino.    A'o/Wi,  1S67-1870.    Svo, 


Autlwrs  and  Editions  Quoted,  ci 

Dante  Alighibri.  Chiose  sopra  Dante.  Testo  Inedito  ora  per  la 
prima  Tolta  pubblicato,  ed.  G.  J.  Warren  Lord  Vernon.  Ftrmu^ 
1846.  Large  8vo.  This  work  is  better  known  as  "II  Falso 
BoJccACCio?* 

■     La  Divina  Commedia  di  Dante  Alighieri  col  comento  di 
Pietro  Fraticblli.    Firenu^  1864.    sm.  8vo. 

— — —  Comedia  di  Dante  degli  Allagherii  col  oomniento  di  Jacopo 
della  Lana,  ed.  Luciano  Scarabelh.    1866.    3  vols.,  8vo. 

Comento  di  Christophoro  Landing  florentino  sopra  la  Co- 
media  di  Danthe  Poeta  excellentissimo.  Impress^  in  Firenu  per 
Nichele  di  Lorento  Delia  Magna  a  di  xxx,  Dagostc^  14)81. 
Folio. 

La  Divina  Coinmedia  di  Dante  Alighieri  col  comento  del 

P.  Baldassare  Lombardi,  Minor  Conventuale.  Firenu^  1850. 
3  vols.,  roy.  8vo. 

Commedia  di  Dante  Allighieri  preceduta  dalla  vita  e  da  studi 

prcixirntori  illustrativi  csix>8ta  e  commentata  da  Antonio  Lubin. 
Padava^  1 88 1.    Large  8vo. 

L*  Ottimo  Commbnto   della  Divina   Commedia,  ed.  da 

Alessandro  Torri.    Ptsa^  1827-1829.    3  vols.,  8vo.  \ 

Postille  inedite  alia  Divina  Commedia  di  Giulio  Perticari. 

Faenta^  1853. 

Petri  Alleghrrii  super  Dantis  ipsius  Genitoris  Coraoediam 

Commcntarium  nunc  primum  in  lucem  editum  consilio  et  snmtibus 
G.  J.  Bar.  Vernon,  curante  Vincentio  Nannucci.  Florentia^  1846. 
Large  8vo. 

Le  Prime  Quattro  Edizioni  della  Divina  Commedia  let- 

teralmente  ristampale  per  cnra  di  G.  G.  Warren,  Lord  Vernon. 
Londra^  1 858.    Foliu. 

La  Divina  Commedia  di  Dante  Aliffhieri  con  Comento  Ana- 

litico  di  Gabrieie  Rossetti.    Londra^  1826- 1 827.    2  vols.  8va 

•^— -  La  Divina  Commedia  di  Dante  Alighieri  rivedota  nel  testo  e 
commentata  da  G.  A.  Scartazzini.  LHpug^  1874-1890.  4  vote., 
sm.  8vo. 

Vol    L  Inferno,  1874.  Vol.  III.  Paradiso,  1882. 

Vol.  II.  Purgatorio,  1875.       Vol  IV.  Prolegomeni,  189a 

La  Divina  Commedia  di  Dante  Alighieri  riveduta  nel  testo  e 

commentata  da  G.  A.  Scartazzini.  ^izione  Minore.  Milano^ 
1893.     Sm.  8vo. 

■  La  Commedia  di  Dante  Alighieri  col  commento  inedito  di 

Stefano  Talice  da  Ricaldone  fatta  pnbblicare  da  S.  M.  Umberto  I., 
Re  d*  Italia  per  cura  di  Vincenzo  Promis  e  di  Carlo  Negroni. 
Tonn4>,  1886.    Folio. 

Commedia  di  Dante  Allighieri  con  ragionamenti  e  note  di 

NiccoI6  ToMMAsk).    Milanc^  18^    8vo. 

La  Comedia  di  Dante  Aligieri  con  la  nova  esposixione  di 

Alessandro  Vellutello.     Vintgia^  1544.     4to. 

-  La  Divina  Commedia.  Con  una  breve  e  snffidente  dichia- 
razione  del  senso  letterale  diversa  in  piii  looghi  da  qnella  degli 
antichi  commentatori,diPompeo  Venturi.  Kwffo,  1749.  3V0&., 
8vo. 


cii  Autltors  and  Editions  Quoted, 

Dante  Aligiukki.     La  Diwui  Commedla  gii  ridocta  b  mi^liut 
leiioiu:  dacli  Accaduinici  ddla  CruEca  ;   """   """    '"  "' 


doppio  Kimnrio,  e  di  ire  Indici  copioUGSimi,  per  opera  del  sig.  I 
Antonio  Volpi.     PaJova,  1^26-1737.     ^  vols..  Si 


II.  Danish,  Enolisd,  Fp  Translations  < 


Thi;  Hell,  (he  Poi]  w  of  Dante  Aligliieri, 

edited  with  troiulatiiv  Jiui   John    Butlkr. 

London,  l3S^-92.     3 ' 

The  Vision  ;   or,  1  Paradiw  of  Danit 

Aliehieri,  Lisinalaled  b  ndi  Cakv.     Lmthn, 

tSSfi.    Sm.  Svo. 

The  Divina  Conimedia  01  uantc,   itoiiiliilcii   into   Knyliili 

verse  by  James  KORD,    Lauden,  187a    Sm.  Svo. 

The  Divina  Conimedia  ol  Danle  Alighieri,  translated  line  for 

line  in  (he  leiza  rima  of  Ihe  original,  wllh  nolcs  by  Frederick 
K.  H.  HASEI.FO0T.     Lundon,  1887,    8™. 

The  Divine  Come<ly  of  Danle  Alighieri,  (ranslated  by  Henry 

Wadswoiih  Longfellow.     London,  1690.    3  vols.,  i2mo. 

The  Divine  Comedy  of  Dante  AliEhieri,  translated  by  Charles 

Eliot  Norton.    BotUn  (Mass.),  iS9[-i89Z.;  3  vols.,  sni.  Svo. 

The  Commedla  and  Canioniere  of  Dante  Alighieri.    A  new 

(ranstalion,  with  notes,  essays  and  a  biographical  intruilDction,  by 
Dean  E.  II.  Flumptrb.    Leiidon,  1886-1887.   1  vols.,  Svo. 

llie  Divine  Comedy  ;  or,  the  Inferno,  I'lirgalory  and  Para- 
disc,  rendered  into  Englwli  by  (Sir)  Fredeii,;k  I'ollouk.  /.oh.I.;,, 
1854.    Svo. 

Danle,   Iranslaled  into  English   verse  by  J.   C.   Whiuht. 

Third  Edition.    London,  1854.     iznio. 

La    Divine     Comiktie   de    Dante    Alighieri,    traduite    ]>ar 

F.  LameNNaIs.     /"arii.iiss.     3  vols.,  Svo. 

Danle  Aligbieri's   Gollliche  Conii>die,    melrisch  iibcrtragen 

und  mil  krjtischen  und  hislotitchen  Eriautervngen  versehen  von 
PlIILALETHEs[i.e.  King  of  Saxony].  Zfi/:i>.l86s-l866.  La^eSvo. 

Danle  Allighicri's  fiotilichc   Koinijdie   liberselil   von   Karl 

WriTE.    Berlin,  1^16.    Sm.  Svo. 

\.  The  Inferno:   Texts,  with   Itai.ia.v  and   Latin    Com. 

Comento  alia  Canlica  dell'   Inferno   di    Dante    Allighieri  di 

AuTORE  Anonimo,  ora  per  la  prima  volta  data  in  luce;  ed.  C.  J. 
Bar.  Vernon.  Firtuie,  184S.  Urge  Svo.  (This  is  said  to  bo  a 
translation  from  Ihe  Lalin  of  Ser  Gnuiolo  de'  BAUBAiiiOI.I,  01 
Bambagliob.) 


.    Authors  and  Editions  Quoted.  ciii 

• 

Dante  Alighieri.  Lo  Inferno  della  Commedia  di  Dante  Alighieri 
col  coraento  di  Guiniforte  delli  Baroigi.    Firtnu,  1858.    8vo. 

— ^—  Disoono  di  Vincenzo  Buonanni  sopra  la  prima  Guitica  del 
Divinissimo  theolo|;o  Dante  d*  Alighieri  it  Bella  /^rtnu,  1 572.  4ta 

-  Sposiuone  di  Lodovico  Castblvstro  a  xxix  canti  ddl* 
Inferno  Dantesco  ora  per  la  prima  volta  data  in  luce  da  Giovanm 
Franciosi.    AfodenOf  1886.    4ta 

Chiose  Anonim e  alia  prima  cantica  della  Divina  Commedia 

di  un  contemporaneo  del  Poeta  pnbblicate  da  Francesco  SeLnL 
TcHnCf  1865.     Large  8¥a 

Letture  edite  e  inedite  di  Giovan   Batista  Gelli  sopra  la 

Commedia  di  Dante  per  cnra  di  Carlo  NegrooL  FirmUf  1887; 
2  vols.,  roy.  8vo. 

Chiose  alia  Cantica  dell'  Inferno  di  Dante  Allighieri  attri- 

buite  a  Jacopo  suo  figlio  ora  per  la  prima  Tolta  date  m  Ince,  ed. 
G.  J.  Bar/  Vernon.    Firtnu,  1848.     Large  8va 

•      Comento  sui  primi  cinque  canti  ddl*  Inferno  di  Dante  di 
Lorenzo  Magaloti'I.    Mt'iofiff,  1819.    8va 

Postille  di  Torquato  Tasso    sopra  i  primi  xiv  canti  della 

Divina  Commedia  di  Dante  Alighieri  ora  per  la  prima  volta  date 
alle  stampe  con  alcune  annotazioni  a  ma^^ore  uitelligenza  delle 
medesime.    Bolifgna^  1829.    Sm.  8vo. 

IV.  English  Translation  of  the  Inperno. 

Dante's    Divine  Comedy.     The  Infema    A  literal  prose 

translation,  by  John  A.  Carlylb.  Third  Edition.  .London, 
1882.     Sm.  8vo. 

y.  The  Purgatorio,  Text  with  English  Translation. 

Readings  on  the  Purgatorio  of  Dante,  Chiefly  based  upon  the 

Commentary  of  Benvenuto  da  Imola,  by  the  Honble.  William 
Warren  Vernon,  with  an  Introduction  by  the  Dean  of  St  Paul's. 
London f  1889.     2  vols.,  sm.  8vo. 

VI.  Minor  Works,  with  English  Translations. 

Opere    Minori  di  Dante  Alighieri  ool  comento  di  Pietro 

Fraticelli.  3  vols.,  sm.  8vo.  Nuovaedizione.  ^tfvnsr,  1887. 
Vol.  L  II  Canzoniere  di  Dante  Alighieri,  annotato  e  illustrato  da 

Pietro  Fraticelli,  aggiuntovi  le  rime  sacre  e  le  poesie  latine  dello 

stesso  autore. 
VoL  IL  La  Vita  Nuova,  i  trattati  De  Vulgari  Eloouio,  De  Mon- 

archia  e  la  Questione  de  Aqua  et  Terra,  con  traouzione  italiana 

delle  opere  scritte  latinamente  e  note  e  illustrazioni  di  P.  Fraticelli 
Vol.  in.  II  Convito  e  le  Eptstole,  con  illustrazioni  e  note  di 

P.  FraUceUi  e  d'  altri 

The  New  Life  of  Dante  Alighieri,  translated  by  Charles  Eliot 

Norton.    Boston  (U.  S.),  1867.    4to. 

*^— -    The  Banquet  (II  Convito)  of  Dante  Alighieri,  translated  by 

Katharine  Hillard.    London^  1889.    Sm.  8va 
A  tmnslntion  of  Dante's  Eleven  Letters,  with  explanatory 

notes  and  historical  comments  by  Charles  Sterrett  Latham. 

Boston t  1892.     Sm.  8vo. 


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I  blegiis  D.  P.  Car- 
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PAS4UINI  (Pier  Vinccnic  Piimo  Canlo  dell'  In- 

feuto,  Si^po,     Vtrv 
Passeka  DULi^A  Giiuwi  DDcts  11  "  Sloria  ilelta 

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PilLLI  (Giuseppe).     Uei  <ila  di  Danlc  Allghlcri 

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edizione  illiulrata  d<  ia,  Zilla,  1757-58,  fis- 

lampate  con  agghiDt 
Pkrsius  ti^ccus  (AnI  oAsc   Laiini  Veteres." 

Flermliic,  l&iq.    Li 
Petrabca   (Francesco). 

Leopardi.    Qunrta  E< _,  ..     . 

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Moore.     Landgn,  i8zz.     Lai^e  Svo. 
PuNUDiis  (Maximus).     The  fable  quoted  in  Inf.  iiiii,  4,  is  to  be 

found  in  "  Mylhologia  il^souica.      Frankfort,  l6to. 
PiATO.    Opera  Omnia  edidii  GoJofr.  iilallkiumius.      Lifisia,  1873. 

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Belopta,  18^5. 
misprinteil  Zaini  o: 


i  neir  Inferno  di 


cxi 


ERRATA. 

Vol.  I. 

Page  36  {line  1 8).    For  "  Zaini "  read  "  Zani." 
„    40  {line  5).    For  "  Pasquinai "  read  "  Pa8C[uini." 
„    97  \line  68  of  text).   For  *'  Che  mischiato  di  lagrime,"  read 

"  Che,  mischiato  di  lagrime." 
}>  107  {footnoted).    For  "Edward  Waller"  read  "Edmund 

Waller." 
„  112  Place  quote  marks  at  the  end  of  quotation  in  footnote. 
n  148  In  footnote  X  line  6,  for  "  thinkst  he "  read  "  thinks 


tfi< 


» 


e. 

,,160  {last  two  Unei^  For  "  he  was  hospitably  enter- 
tained by  Guido,  the  great  Lord  of  rolenta,  Fran- 
cesca's  father,"  read  "  he  was  hospitably  entertained 
by  Guido  Novello,  the  great  Lord  of  Polenta,  Fran- 
cesca's  nephew." 
,,169  (line  8).    For  "  Messer  Malatesta,  the  elder  of  Rimini " 

read  "  Messer  Malatesta  the  elder,  of  Rimini." 
„  224  {footnote).    For   "  Cecho  d*  Ascoli  "  read  "  Ceccho 

d*  Ascoli." 
„  255  In  translation  at  bottom  of  page, /Sir  "  with  sin-laden 
denizens,  with  mip^hty  gamson,"  read  "  with  its  sin- 
*     laden  denizens,  with  its  mighty  garrison." 
„  308  line  25).    For  "  Caroccio**  read  "  CarroccioJ* 
»i  317  {^ine  18).    For  "Cardinale  Atta   viano"  read  "  Car- 

dinale  Attaviano." 
»  334  {^ine  iZ\    For  "s^  empio"*  read  *'sl  empio," 
„  398  {line  17).    For^^Comenio  deW  Anonimo^  read  ^^Com- 
ento  di  AnonimoP 
432  (footnote,  line  i).    For  "from  the  VulgJ*  read  "from 

the  De  Vulg*' 
435  (lines   18,   19).    For  "pictured   them  running,"  read 

"  pictured  the  shades  running." 
447  (line  i).    For  "after  Attila,  they  would"  read  "  after 

Attila,  would." 
516  (line  24).    For  "  than  the  "  read  "  than  to  the." 


n 


n 


n 


n 


„  572  {line  4).    For  "  Petti "  read  "  Pelli." 


THE    INFERNO. 


CANTO  I. 

The  Dark  Forest. 

The  Mountain. 

The  Three  Wild  Beasts. 

Virgil. 

The  Veltro. 

HIS  Canto  is  generally  considered  to  be 
Dante's  Introduction  to  the  entire  poem  of 
the  Divina  Comrtudia,  rather  than  the 
actual  commencement  of  the  Cantica  of 
the  Inferno.  Dante  is  always  veiy  symmetrical  in 
the  arrangement  of  his  writings,  and  this  is  especially 
seen  in  the  Divina  Commedia.  The  whole  poem 
consists  of  one  hundred  cantos ;  the  three  Canticke 
of  the  Inferno,  the  Purgatorio,  and  the  Paradiso  each 
containing  thirty-three,  leaving  this  first  canto  of  the 
Inferno,  as  we  have  just  noticed,  as  an  Introduction 
to  the  complete  work. 

Benvenuto  da  Imola*  says  that  the  Inferno  may  be 

*  Benvenuto  deRambaldisde  Imola,  CoffMn/wm  superDantis 

Ali&gherii  Comediam,  nunc  primum  integre  in  lucem  editum. 

Sumptibus  Guilielmi  Warren  Veroon  curante  Jacobo  Philippo 

Lacaita,  Florentia,  1887,  ;  vols.,  large  8vo. 

It 


2  Readings  on  the  In/emo.  Canto  I. 

divided  into  two  principal  parts,  namely,  the  Preface 
{promnium)  consisting  of  the  first  three*  Cantos; 
and  the  main  subject  (traciatiis),  which  extends  over 
the  remainder. 

He  divides  this  first  Canto  into  five  parts. 

/«  tAe  First  Di  '  '       '  to  v.  12,  Dante 

supposes  himself  to  to  consciousness 

in  a  daric  wood. 

Ill  the  Second  j  .  13   to  v.  30,  he 

shows  how  he  reach<  itain. 

Ih  the    Third  ,  ,  31   to  v.  60,  he 

relates  how,  on  attei  ,d  the  mountain, 

his  progress  was  opp  ild  beasts. 

In  the  Fourth  Division,  from  v,  61  to  v.  90,  he 
describes  how  the  shade  of  Virgil  suddenly  came  to 
his  assistance. 

lit  tlu  Fifth  Division,  from  v,  91  to  v.  136,  Dante 
shows  how  he  resigned  himself  to  the  guidance  of 
Virgil. 

Division  I.  Dante  opens  the  Poem  by  telling  his 
readers  that,  at  the  time  of  his  supposed  vision,  he 
had  reached  half  way  through  the  number  of  years 
usually  allotted  to  the  life  of  man,  and  that  his  life 
was  dark  and  shadowed,  because  he  was  not  walking 
in  the  straight  way  or  the  path  of  virtue. 

*  llcnvenuio  lias  evidcnlly  juade  a  inist.ikc  licic,  for  at  llie 
beginning  of  Canio  1 1 1  he  says  ihai  Danie,  having  compleieU 
his  two  first  introductory  Cantos,  in  the  first  of  which  he  laid 
down  his  proposition,  and  in  the  second  made  his  invocation, 
now  in  this  third  Canto  commences  the  main  subject  {IrmLilus). 
He  must  have  meant  to  say  here  that  the  Preface  (praumium) 
consists  of  the  livo  first  Cantos. 


Canto  I.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  3 

Nel  mezzo  del  cammin  di  nostra  vita 
Mi  ritrovat*  per  una  selva  oscura,t 
Ch^  la  diritta  via  era  smarrita. 

In  the  middle  of  the  pathway  of  our  life 
(/.  e.  when  I  was  35  years  old),  I  awoke 
to  the  consciousness  that  I  was  in  a  dark 
forest  (1.  e,  walking  in  the  paths  of  sin)  for 
that  the  straight  way  was  lost 

Dante  was  born  in  1265,  and  therefore,  in  1300, 
the  supposed  date  of  the  vision,  he  was  just  35  years 
old.  In  Psalm  xc,  10,  we  read  that  "the  days  of  our 
years  are  threescore  years  and  ten."  But  beyond 
this,  in   Convito  iv,  23,  Dante    states  what   he   con- 

*  Mi  ritrovai:  Most  of  the  translators  render  this  "I  found 
myself. **  This  does  not  at  all  give  the  full  meaning  of  ritrovarsi^ 
"  to  find  oneself  again,**  "  to  recover  one's  senses,**  etc.  Scar- 
tazzini  explains  the  word,  mi  awidiy  mi  (ucorsi^  riconobbi  che  to 
era.  It  anyhow  means  a  great  deal  more  than  simply  mitrovai. 
Giuliani  (Metodo  di  commentare  la  Divina  Commedia^  Florence, 
1 861)  writes  on  mi  ritrovai:  "  che  fu  un  dire,  mi  riscossie  vidi: 
owero,  a  parlare  piu  spiegato,  riscuotendomi  dal  sonno  onde  to 
era  preso  in  su  quel  punto  che  io  abbandonai  la  verace  via  (v.  .11) 
riconobbi^  nCa-uvidi^  m^accorsi^  che  io  era  dentro  una  selva 
oscura.  Quest!  verbi,  quantunque  di  molto  significativi,  pure 
non  bastano  di  per  sh  soli  a  rappresentarci  il  complesso  delle 
idee  volute  inchiudere  nel  miritrovaiP 

t  Selva  oscura :  Scartazzini  says  that  the  forest  is  the  symbol 
of  the  life  of  sin,  into  which  Dante  had  strayed  after  the  death 
of  Beatrice,  and  from  which  Virgil  delivered  him.  He  adds 
that  the  best  commentary  on  this  passage  is  to  be  found  in  the 
reproofs  that  Beatrice  administered  to  Dante  in  the  later  Cantos 
oii\\^  Purgaiorio,  and  especially  in  xxx,  124-141.  Longfellow 
says  of  selva  oscura  that  it  is  the  dark  forest  of  human  life,  with 

B  2 


Readings  on  Ote  Infer. 


Canto  I. 


siders  as  tlie  turning  point  of  human  life.  "Tornando 
dunque  alia  nostra  \vita\  sola  .  .  .  ella  precede  ad 
immaginediqucstoarco.montandoediscendendo,  .  .  . 
LA  dovesiail  puntosommodiquesloarco.  .  .  .i  forte 
da  sapere ;  ma  .  ,  ,  io  credo  che  nelli  perfettamente 
naturati  esse  ne  sia  n  mo  anno." 

In    the   six    follow  te    laments   the 

difficulty  of  ndequatel  terrible  path  of 


Eh  qua  mo*  a  dit 

Queslaselvj 
Clie  nel  pen' 


>I 


its  passions,  vices,  and  perplexities  of  all  kinds  ;  politically,  the 
state  of  Florence  with  its  factions,  Cuelf  and  GhibellJne.  In 
Convilo,  iv,  14,  Dante  says  :  "  cnsl  1'  adiilescenle  ch'  enlra  nella 
selva  erronea  di  gueslit  viUi  non  saprebbe  tenere  il  buon  cani- 
mino,  sedalli  suoi  maggiori  non  gli  fosse  mostrato," 

In  Ptirg.  xxiii,    iij-119,  Dame  addressing  Forese    Donati 
tells  us  what  the  forest  was,  from  which  Virgil  delivered  him  : 
"  Perch'  io  a  lui :  '  Se  ti  riduci  a  mente 

Qual  fostt  meco  e  quale  io  teco  fui, 
Ancor  fia  grave  il  niemorar  presenie. 
Di  quella  vita  mi  volse  costui 

Che  mi  va  innanii,  I'  altr'  ier,  quando  tonda 
Vi  si  mosird  la  suora  di  colui ;' 
E  il  sol  niostrai." 
Compare  also  11  I'et.  ii,  15 
way,  and  are  gone  astray." 

*  Eh  quanta  a  dir  qual  er 
reading  is  Ahi  /  guanio,  etc. 
prets  it  as  an  exclamation  signifying  Ahi.' 
the  passage  with  Virgil,  ^n.  ii,  3  : 

"  Infanduni  regina,  jubes,  renovare  dolorem."    He  says  that 
infandum  is  the  hard  thing  to  tell,  and  dolorem,  the  bitt 


"  Which  have  forsaken  the  right 


reads  "  £,"  but  inter- 
at  Eh.'    He  compares 


Canto  I.  Readings  on  the  Infertw,  5 

Tanto  h  amara,  che  poco  h  piu  morte  : 
Ma  per  trattar  del  ben*  ch'  i'  vi  trovai, 
Dir6  dell'  altref  cose,  ch'  io  v*  ho  scorte. 

Ah  1  how  hard  it  is  to  tell  what  that  forest 
was,  savage,  rough  and  impenetrable,  which 
in  the  (mere)  thought  renews  the  dread! 
So  bitter  is  it,  that  death  is  little  more 
so:  but  to  treat  of  the  good  that  I  found 
in  it,  I  will  speak  of  the  other  things  that 
I  saw  there. 

In  the  next  three  lines,  says  Benvenuto,  Dante 
answers  an  imaginary  question.  Some  might  ask 
him :  "If  to  have  been  in  the  forest  is  such  a  bitter 
experience,  why  didst  thou  go  there  ? "  To  this  Dante 
would  reply  that  he  cannot  tell,  for  he  was  so  full  of 
sleep  at  the  time  that  he  entered  therein.  This  sleep 
may  be  interpreted  according  to  the  view  of  St  Augus- 
tine and  other  theologians,  who  held  that  the  soul  is 
created   by   God   in   an   instant  of  time,  when  it  is 

*  Benvenuto  remarks,  that  if  it  should  be  asked  what  is  the 
good  that  Dante  found  in  Hell,  the  answer  is  that  the  good  is 
manifold  {multiplex)^  for  by  the  sight  and  contemplation  of  the 
vices  and  their  punishments  one  may  discern  the  chastisement 
of  the  wicked,  the  emendation  of  many,  and  the  perfecting  of 
the  good.  Boethius  {Philos,  ConsoL  Lib,  iv.  Pros,  iv)  says : 
"  Habent  igitur  improbi,  cum  puniuntur,  quidem  boni  aliquid 
adnexum,  poenam  ipsam  scilicet,  quae  ratione  justitiae  bona  est: 
.  .  .  Multo  igitur  infeliciores  improbi  sunt  injusta  impunitate 
donati,  quam  justa  ultione  puniti.** 

t  Giuliani  prefers  the  reading  alie  cose^  but  no  Tuscan  com- 
mentator adopts  it.  Alie^  preceded  by  ben  ch  iV?,  would  scarcely 
apply  to  the  Inferno  itself,  though  it  would  do  so  to  the  Purga- 
iorio  and  Paradtso^  besides  which  alie  is  not  a  good  antithesis 
to  ben. 


ciiv,    lUI  Cbl. 


I'  lion  so  ben  ridir  com'  io  v'  entrai  ;  i 

lant'  era  pien  di  sonno*  in  su  quel  punto, 
Che  la  verace  viat  abbandonaL 

How  I  entered  there  I  cannot  well  recall,  so 
full  was  I  of  sleep  at  that  time  when  I  aban- 
doned the  true  way. 

This,  according  to  Benvenuto,  means  the  period  ol 

)ante's  life,  when  he  deserted  the  path  of  virtue. 

Ian  at  the  commencement  of  his  life  walks  in  the 

umber  of  ignorance  and  original  sin,  until  he  is  a 

:>ung  man,  but  he  is   not  deserving  of  praise  or 

ame,  because  he  has  not  as  yet  acquired  the  use  of 

^c  will,  and  therefore  Dante  rightly  says  that  he 

nnot  well  recall  how  he  entered  into  that  forest,  so 

I  was  he  of  slumber  when  he  quitted  the  way  of 

th. 


OivisioH  IL      After    wandering    for    some    time 
>ugh     the    forest,    Dante    at    length    reaches    a 

intain,  which,  on  looking  up,  he  sees  is  illumined 

picn  di  soft  no:   compare    Rom.    vlii 


Canto  1.  Readings  on  tlu  Inferno.  7 

by  the  rays  of  the  sun.  Benvenuto  asks  what  this 
mountain  represents.  Certainly  virtue,  he  thinks, 
which,  being  high,  leads  man  up  to  heaven,  and  in 
like  manner  the  valley  is  an  emblem  of  vice,  which, 
being  low,  leads  man  down  to  Hell ;  for  the  mountain 
is  near  to  Heaven,  and  consequently  to  God:  the 
valley  is  nearer  to  the  centre,  and  consequently  to 
Hell,  which  is  the  centre  of  the  earth. 

Ma  poi  che  fui  al  pi^  d'  un  colle  giunto, 

Lk  dove  tenninava  quella  valle, 

Che  m'  avea  di  paura  il  cor  cOmpunto,  15 

Guardai  in  alto,*  e  vidi  le  sue  spalle 

Vestite  gik  de'  raggi  del  pianeta,t 

Che  mena  dritto  altnii  per  ogni  calle.t 

But  after  I  had  reached  the  foot  of  a  ^Hill, 
there,  where  that  valley  ended  which  had 
pierced  my  heart  with  fear,  I  looked  upward, 
and  beheld  its  shoulders  already  clothed  with 
the  rays  of  that  planet  (/.  e,  the  Sun)  which 
leads  all  other  men  straight  through  every 
path. 

Benvenuto  says  that  up  to  this  time  Dante  had 
been  contemplating  only  the  lowest  temporal  matters 

♦  Compare  Psalm  cxxi,  i  :   "I  will  lift  up  mine  eyes  unto  * 
the  hills,  from  whence  cometh  my  help." 

t  According  to  the  Ptolemaic  system  the  sun  was  a  planet. 
In  Coftv,  iii,  12,  Dante  writes  :  "  Ora  h  da  ragionare  per  lo  sole  * 
spirituale  e  intelligibile,  ch'^  Iddio."  Compare  MaL  iv,  2  :  '*  The 
Sun  of  righteousness  [shall]  arise  with  healing  in  his  wings."  And 
Par.  XXV,  53-54  :  "  com'  h  scritto 

Nel  sol  che  raggia  tutto  nostro  stuolo." 

X  Che  mena  dritto:  compare  St,  Johriy  viii,  12  :  "  I  am  the 
light  of  the  world  :  he  that  followeth  me  shall  not  walk  in  dark- 
ness, but  shall  have  the  light  of  life." 


.__  ^,...-.1  d  little  respite  to  his  fears 
Allor  fu  la  paura  un  poco  quela,  ^^^ 

Che  nel  lago*  del  cor  m'  era  dumta      ^^^B 
La  notte.t  ch'  i'  passai  con  tanta  pietft^^^^^ 
Then  was  the  terror  somewhat  quieted  which 
had    conlinued    in    the   lake    of    my    heart 
throughout  the  night   that  I  had  passed  in 
so  much  anguish. 
Longfellow  aptly  describes  lag^o  as  the  deep  mom, 
tain  tarn  of  Dante's  heart,  dark  with  its  own  dcptl 
ind  the  shadows  hanging  over  it.      In  one  of  hi 
~anzoni    Dante   indicates  with  the  same  word   tha. 
avity  of  the  heart  which   is  the  receptacle   of  the 
lood,  and  which  Harvey  styles  satigtimis  promptuar- 
im  et  cisterna.      Boccaccio  says  that  this  hollow  is 
*  lagB  tUt  cor:  In  Hedi's   Ditirambo  the  foliowinj;  passBgfl 
curt :  j 

"  1  buoni  vini  son  quelli  che  acqueiano  | 

Le  procelle  si  fosche  e  rubelle, 
Che  nel  lago  del  cor  X  anime  inquielano." 
'  Scaitauini  says  ihat  In  naitt  is  used  heie,  as  very  frequently 
Holy  Scripture,  as  a  symbol  of  ignorance,  error,  and  carnal 
sinful  security, 

pieta:  'B]a.nz  {Voeabolario  Dantesco)  says  that  Dant*  »— 
erred  to  make  use  of  t^'" 


Canto  I .  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  9 

the  abode  of  "  the  vital  spirits,"  and  from  it  is  derived 
the  blood  and  the  heat  which  are  distributed  over  the 
whole  body. 

Benvenuto  says  Dante  is  right  in  laying  aside  his 
fears,  for  from  the  moment  diat  he  began  but  in  a 
slight  degree  to  recognize  the  light  of  virtue,  he  im* 
mediately  could  conceive  a  hope  of  finding  his  way 
out  of  the  dark  forest 

Dante  now  describes  the  disposition  of  his  mind 
which  that  tranquillity  brought  forth,  and  likens  him- 
self to  a  shipwrecked  sailor,  who,  having  through 
much  anxiety  and  danger  reached  the  shore,  looks 
back,  and  gazes  with  awe  at  the  perilous  waves. 

E  come  quei,  che  con  lena  affannata 
Uscito  fuor  del  pelago  alia  riva, 
Si  volge  all'  acqua  perigliosa,  e  guata  ;* 

Cos)  r  animo  mio,  che  ancor  fuggiva,  25 

Si  volse  indietro  a  rimirar  lo  passo, 
Che  non  lasci6  giammai  persona  viva.t 

And  like  unto  him,  who  with  panting  breath, 
having  escaped  forth  from  the  ocean  to  the 

*  guata :  Scartazzini  says  of  this  word  "guarda  con  istupore." 
f  Scartazzini  remarks  that  the  allusion  here  is  not  to  the 
corporal  but  to  the  spiritual  life.  He  quotes  from  Conv,  iv,  7, 
where  Dante  says :  "  Vivere  nelP  uomo  b  ragione  usare,"  and 
Rom.  viii,  6  :  "  For  to  be  carnally  minded  is  death  ;  but  to  be 
spiritually  minded  is  life  and  peace." 

Compare  also  /en  ii,  6  :  "  That  led  us  through  the  wilderness, 
through  a  land  of  deserts  and  of  pits,  through  a  land  of  drought, 
and  of  the  shadow  of  death,  through  a  land  that  no  man  passed 
through,  and  where  no  man  dwelt"  See  also  Spenser,  FaMe 
Qu^en,  Book  I,  Canto  v,  st.  31  : 

"  there  creature  never  passed 
That  back  returned  without  heavenly  grace." 


lo  Readings  an  the  Inferno.  Canto  I. 

strand,  turns  to  the  perilous  water  and  gazes 
(upon  it  with  awe) ;  so  my  spirit,  which  still 
was  fleeing  (/ .  e,  escaping  in  horror  from  the 
paths  of  sin),  turned  back  to  contemplate 
that  pass  (the  dark  wood),  which  no  person 
ever  left  alive. 

Benvenuto  points  out  how  appropriate  is  this  com- 
parison, for  Dante,  like  a  shipwrecked  sailor  having 
escaped  from  the  bitter  ocean  of  the  world,  and  after 
struggling  through  so  many  billows  of  vice,  had  at 
length  reached  the  quiet  haven  of  virtue,  and  was 
looking  back  in  anguish  at  the  mortal  peril  to  his  soul 
in  which  he  had  so  long  remained. 

Dante  now  compares  himself  to  a  traveller,  who, 

having  taken  a  short  rest  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain, 

girds   himself   to  the  exertion   of   commencing  the 

ascent. 

Poi  ch'  ei*  posato  un  poco  il  corpo  lasso, 
Ripresi  via  per  la  piaggia  diserta, 
SI  che  il  pi^  fermo  scmpre  era  il  piu  basso  ;t      50 

After  that  I  had  for  a  while  rested  my  weary 
body,  I  resumed  my  way  over  that  lonely 
steep  {lit.  shore),  in  such  wise  that  the  firm 
foot  was  always  the  lower. 

Benvenuto  explains  that  in  ascending  a  hill,  a  man's 
lower  foot  is  always  the  one  on  which  his  whole  body 
is  supported.  Tommas^o  thinks  it  to  mean  that  the 
desires,  in  passing  from  what  is  evil  to  what  is  good, 

*  ^1,  from  ere^  for  avere^  stands  here  for  ebbi.  The  expression 
is  frequent  among  old  Italian  writers.  Others  read  ^^  Poi  ch^ 
ebbi  riposato  il  corpo  lasso." 

t  pi} fermo:  compare  Pur^.  xix,  81  :  "Le  vostrc  destre'sien 
sempre  di  furi." 


Canto  1.  Readings  on  the  Inferno,  1 1 

dwell  too  long  on  the  memories  of  the  past  Some 
contend  that  as  mano  stanca  (the  weary,  weak  hand 
Inf.  xix,  41)  means  the  left  hand,  so  il  pie  fermo 
(the  strong,  firm  foot)  may  be  taken  to  mean  the  right 
foot,  and  Dante,  according  to  this  view,  in  ascending 
the  hill  (as  Carlyle  says),  with  the  summit  on  his  left, 
would  have  the  right  (femtd)  foot  always  towards  the 
base,  or  lower  than  the  other,  1.  e.  he  would  always  be 
turning  to  the  right. 

Division  III.  Dante  now  relates  how  his  advance 
up  the  mountain  is  opposed  by  three  wild  beasts, 
namely,  a  Leopard,  a  Lion,  and  a  Wolf,  who  seek 
to  hinder  him  from  carrying  out  his  good  intentions. 

Ed  ecco,  quasi  al  cominciar  delP  erta,* 
Una  lonzat  leggiera  e  presta  molto, 
Che  di  pel  maculato  era  coperta. 

And  lo  !  almost  at  the  commencement  of  the 
steep  ascent,  a  Leopard,  light  and  exceedingly 
nimble,  which  was  covered  with  a  spotted 
hide. 
Nearly  all  the  ancient,  and  many  of  the  modern 
commentators,  take  the  Leopard  as  a  symbol  of  the 

*  erta :  Lombardi  quotes  Biagioli  as  showing  that  erta  is  not 
to  be  taken  as  a  substantive,  but  the  word  montagna  must  be 
understood  as  agreeing  with  it ;  on  the  other  hand  Scartazzini 
says  it  is  a  substantive,  and  signifies  scUita  ardua  ed  angusta. 

t  lonsa :  the  whole  passage  referring  to  the  three  wild  beasts 
may  be  compared  to  /er,  v,  6 :  "  Wherefore  a  lion  out  of  the 
forest  shall  slay  them,  and  a  wolf  of  the  evenings  shall  spoil  them, 
a  leopard  shall  watch  over  their  cities."  And  Hetbakkuk^  i,  8  : 
*'  Their  horses  are  swifter  than  the  leopards,  and  are  more  fierce 
than  the  evening  wolves." 


..  ^.^Kj^jaia  witli  the  knottec 
mat  was  about  liis  waist.    Tliis  Lombardi  interpr 
signifying  that  Dante  had  endeavoured  to  restra 
sensual  appetites  by  girding  himself  with  the  Franc 
cord.     Benvenuto  also  considers  the  comparison  c 
two  passages  to  be  a  distinct  proof  that  the  Leo 
signifies  Sensuality,  and  not  Vain  Glory,  as  some  I 
supposed.    Scartazzini  strongly  supports  this  vieii 

Benvenuto  b^s  his  readers  here  to  notice  \ 
Dante  pictures  only  three  wild  beasts  as  opposing 
progress  towards  the  hill  of  virtue,  for  there  are  th 
principal  vices  which  commonly  assail  man  at  th 
different  periods  of  his  life,  namely,  Sensuality 
youth,  Pride  or  Ambition  in  manhood,  and  Avar 
or  Cupidity  in  old  age. 

Dante  finds  it  impossible  to  evade  the  attacks 
the  leopard. 

£  non  mi  si  partia  dinanzi  al  volto  ; 

Anzi  impediva  tanto  il  mio  cammino, 
Ch*  io  fui  per  ritomar  piu  volte  volto. f 

*  The  passage  is  In/,  xvi,  io6*io8  : 
"  Io  aveva  una  corda  intomo  cinta, 

E  con  essa  pensai  alcuna  volta 
Prender  la  lonza  alia  pelle  dipinta." 

e  also  ////  xxvii,  67-68  : 


Canto  I.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  13 

And  it  withdrew  not  from  before  my  face; 
nay,  rather  it  impeded  my  way  so  much,  that 
many  times  did  I  turn  round  to  retrace  my 
steps. 

Benvenuto  explains  this  to  mean  that  in  good  sooth 
Dante  fought  hard  against  the  malady  of  Sensuality. 
He  is  so  assailed  by  it  now,  that  he  turns  again  and 
again,  being  tempted  to  fall  back  into  his  former  life 
of  sin. 

Dante  now  proceeds  to  define  the  time  at  which  he 
commences  his  journey  through  the  regions  of  eternity, 
about  which  there  is  much  disagreement  among  the 
different  commentators.  Having  first  described  the 
time  of  day,  and  the  season  of  the  year,  he  next  re- 
lates how  there  appeared  to  him  a  second  wild  beast, 
namely  a  Lion,  which  is  supposed  to  be  a  figure  of 
Pride  or  Ambition,  but  politically,  is  thought  to  refer 
to  the  Royal  House  of  France. 

Tempo  era  dal  principio  del  mattino ; 

E  il  sol  montava  su  con  quelle  stelle 

Ch'  eran  con  lui,  quando  V  amor  divine 
Mosse  da  prima  quelle  cose  belle  ;  40 

SI  che  a  bene  sperar  m'  era  cagione 

Di  quella  fera  alia  gaietta  pelle, 
L'  ora  del  tempo,  e  la  dolce  stagione : 

Ma  non  s),  che  paura  non  mi  desse 

La  vista,  che  mi  apparve,  d'  un  leone.  45 

Quest!  parea,  che  contra  me  venesse 
.  Con  la  test*  alta*  e  con  rabbiosa  fame, 

S)  che  parea  che  V  aer  ne  temesse: 

*la  tesV  alta :  Dante  was  himself  proud  of  his  learning,  and 
in  Puf^,  xiii,  136,  he  confesses  his  fear  that  his  pride  will  have 
to  be  chastened  after  death  : 

''  Troppo  h  pill  la  paura,  ond'  h  sospesa 


^,  o .i.t  guoa  cause  oi 

hope  respecting  thai  beast  with  the  variegated 
skill :  but  not  SO  muth  (restoration  of  confi- 
dence), but  that  there  filled  me  with  affright 
the  aspect  of  a  Lion  which  appeared  to  me, 
I'his  one  seemed  to  be  coming  against  me 
with  head  uprearcd,  and  with  raging  hunger, 
so  that  the  air  appeared  to  be  in  fear  of  him. 
We  will  take  it  that  the  day  was  Good  Friday  ; 
season,  the  spring;    and  that  the  sun  was  In  Ar 
Benvenuto  says  that  astrologers  and  theologians  ass 
that  in  the  beginning  God  placed  the  sun  in  Aries, 
which  sign  of  the  zodiac  we  get  the  spring:  and  th 
when  the  sun  enters  into  Aries,  he  touches  the  circ 
of  the  equinox,  and  becomes  temperate  to  us  ;    ai 
at  the  time  when  he  begins  gradually  to  ascend, 
then  seems  good  for  us  to  commence  any  undcrtakin 
for  he  (the  sun)  must  necessarily  increase,  and  procet 
from  good  to  better. 

Benvenuto  further  remarks  that  before  the  Creati* 

the  stars  were  motionless,  although  that  is  not  in  a 

cordancc  with  the  opinion  of  Aristotle,  who  cuntciidi 

hat  motion  and  the  world  were  both  eternal.      I 

L'  anima  mia,  del  tnt^----  *" 


Canto  I.  Readings  an  the  Inferno.  15 

(Benvenuto)  also  explains  away  an  apparent  contra- 
diction on  the  part  of  Dante,  when  the  latter  says 
that  the  sweet  season  of  spring  gave  him  good  hope 
of  overcoming  sensuality,  a  statement  that  would  at 
first  seem  entirely  opposed  to  experience,  for  on  the 
approach  of  spring  all  life,  both  rational,  brute,  and 
vegetable,  is  incited  to  sensuality.  But  he  says  that 
Dante  argues  rightly  as  follows :  ''  If  at  such  a  season 
as  this,  when  man  is  by  nature  disposed  to  sensuality, 
I  was  able  to  make  a  great  effort  to  repress  and 
trample  down  so  potent  a  sin,  how  much  the  stronger 
to  do  so  shall  I  not  be  in  the  future?"  Almost  as 
though  he  would  say :  "  now  is  the  propitious  time, 
now  is  the  age  of  strength,  but  the  winter  will  come, 
and  old  age  ;  I  will  therefore,  before  then,  bring  my 
flesh  into  subjection." 

Dante  does  not  assert  the  season  helped  him  to 
conquer  Luxury,  but  that  it  gave  him  a  good  hope  of 
doing  so,  for  hope  only  applies  to  good  in  the  future. 
Yet  although  he  had  good  hope  of  overcoming  the 
Leopard  (sensuality),  his  hope  diminished  again  at 
the  sudden  apparition  of  the  Lion  (pride  or  ambi- 
tion), for  Fear  is  contrary  to  Hope,  in  that  it  applies 
to  future  evil.  And  the  Lion  comes  against  Dante 
with  la  testa  alta  in  the  true  attitude  of  the  proud 
ambitious  man,  who  walks  with  his  head  lofty,  and 
aims  at  high  things.  It  comes  with  the  rage  of 
hunger,  for  the  appetite  of  the  ambitious  man  is  never 
sated,  he  is  greedy  afler  everything,  and  seeks  to  get 
all  things  under  his  feet,  and  on  that  account  often 
enters  into  a  fury  that  resembles  madness. 

Dante  now  proceeds  to  describe  the  third   Beast, 


1 6  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  Canto  i. 

which  is  a  Wolf,  usually  taken  to  be  a  symbol  of 
Avarice,  or  Cupidity.  He  mentions  it  last,  because, 
in  Benvenuto's  opinion,  when  old  age  comes  upon 
man,  his  other  vices  grow  old,  but  only  avarice 
remains  in  its  prime,  and  like  as  the  Wolf  is  the 
most  voracious  and  insatiable  of  all  beasts,  so  is 
avarice  at  all  times  inordinate  in  its  unbridled 
rapacity,  ever  seeking  to  gorge  itself  with  more  and 
more  prey.  Those  who  have  sought  to  give  a  political 
sense  to  the  allegory  maintain  that  the  Wolf  stands 
here  for  the  Papal  Court  But  Scartazzini  asks  how 
Dante  could  possibly  have  said  that  in  the  first 
instance  Envy  had  separated  the  Court  of  Rome  from 
Hell,  and  then  that  the  Veltro  is  to  drive  it  back  into 
Hell  (see  verses  109-111).  He  considers  the  two 
propositions  to  be  incompatible. 

Ed  una  lupa,*  che  di  tutte  brame 

Sembiava  carcat  nella  sua  magrezza,  50 

£  molte  genti  fe'  gih  viver  granie. 


*  lupa:  in  Purg,  xx,  10,  Dante  speaking  of  avarice  says  : 

'*  Maledetta  sie  tu,  antica  lupa, 

Che  pill  di  tutte  P  altre  bestie  hai  preda, 
Per  la  tua  fame  senza  fine  cupa." 

The  three  beasts  are  therefore  symbols  of  the  three  principal 
classes  of  sins  mentioned  in  I  St  John  ii,  16  :  "For  all  that  is 
in  the  world,  the  lust  of  the  flesh,  and  the  lust  of  the  eyes,  and 
the  pride  of  life,  is  not  of  the  Father,  but  is  of  the  world." 

In  Inf,  vii,  8,  Virgil  addresses  Plutus,  the  god  of  riches,  thus  : 

"  'Taci,  maledetto  lupo  : 
Consuma  dentro  te  con  la  tua  rabbia.' " 

t  Sembiava  carca :  Scartazzini  says  that  the  best  commentary 
on  these  lines  are  the  words  of  St  Paul,  I  Tim.  vi,  9,  10 :  "  But 


Canto  I.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  17 

And  a  She- Wolf  that  in  her  leanness  appeared 
to  be  laden  with  all  cravings,  and  many  has 
she  ere  now  caused  to  live  in  sorrow. 

Dante,  having  spoken  of  the  injury  the  Wolf  has 
done  to  others,  now  relates  how  it  molested  and  terri- 
fied him. 

Questa  mi  porse  tanto  di  gravezza 

Con  la  paura,  che  uscia  di  sua  vista, 
Ch'  io  perdei  la  speranza  delP  altezza. 

She  brought  me  such  a  load  (of  care)  with 
the  terror  that  issued  from  the  sight  of  her, 
that  I  lost  the  hope  of  (attaining)  the  height. 

Benvenuto  points  out  how  Dante  completes  his 
account  of  the  effect  of  this  terror  by  aptly  comparing 
himself  to  a  merchant,  who  travelling  over  sea  and 
land  in  the  hope  of  becoming  rich,  if  he  falls  among 
robbers,  pirates,  rocks,  or  any  other  unfo/seen  mis- 
chances, deplores  his  hard  lot,  and  laments  having 
expended  so  much  toil  and  wealth  in  vain ;  and 
thereupon,  losing  all  hope,  abandons  the  journey  he 
had  commenced.  Dante,  grieving  over  his  wasted 
efforts,  yielding  to  the  attack  of  the  wild  beasts,  and 
losing  all  hope  of  reaching  his  goal,  begins  to  fall  back 
into  the  Valley  of  Sin. 

they  that  will  be  rich  fall  into  temptation  and  a  snare,  and  into 
many  foolish  and  hurtful  lusts,  which  drown  men  in  destruction 
and  perdition.  For  the  love  of  money  is  the  root  of  all  evil : 
which  while  some  coveted  after,  they  have  erred  from  the  faith, 
and  pierced  themselves  through  with  many  sorrows." 

In  Juvenal  {Sat,  xiv,  139)  we  find  : 

"  Crescit  amor  nummi,  quantum  ipsa  pecunia  crevit** 

C 


1 8  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  Canto  I. 

£  quale  h  quei,  che  volonticri  acquista,  55 

£  giugne  il  tempo,  che  perder  lo  fiice, 
Che  in  tutt*  i  suoi  pensier  ptange  e  s*  attrista : 

Tal  mi  fece  la  bestia  senza  pace,* 

Che  venendomi  incontro,  a  poco  a  poco 

Mi  ripingeva  1^  dove  il  Sol  tace.t  60 

And  as  is  he  who  is  eager  after  the  acquisi- 
tion (of  wealth),  and  the  time  (of  adversity) 
comes,  which  makes  him  lose  it,  and  he 
weeps  and  is  sorrowful  in  all  his  thoughts: 
Such  made  me  that  beast  ever  restless, 
which  advancing  against  me,  was  gradually 
forcing  me  back  towards  that  place  (the  dark 
wood)  where  the  sun  is  silent  (/.  e,  gives  no 
light). 

*  la  bestia  seniapace:  Biagioli  says  that  no  epithet  or  express- 
ion can  better  render  the  restless  state  of  the  wolf.  Some  have 
placed  senza  pace  between  two  commas,  applying  the  words  to 
Dante  himselfl 

t  tau :  Fraticelli  says  that  tacere  in  its  figurative  sense  signi- 
fies to  cease  from  one's  accustomed  operations.     Compare  In/, 

v.  95,  96 : 

"  e  parleremo  a  vui, 

Mentrech^  il  vento,  come  fa,  si  tace." 
See  also  Virgil,  ^n,  ii,  255  : 

*'  per  arnica  silentia  Lunae." 
and  Pliny  (Nat.  Hist,  lib.  xvi,  cap.  74) :  '*  Inter  omnis  vero  con- 
venit  utilissime  in  coitu  ejus  sterni,  quern  diem  alii  interluni,  alii 
silentii  lunse  appellant." 
and  Milton,  Samson  Agonistes^  1.  86  : 
"  The  sun  to  me  is  dark 
And  silent  as  the  moon. 
When  she  deserts  the  night, 
Hid  in  her  vacant  interlunar  cave." 
and  Inf,  v.  28 :   "  lo  venni  in  loco  d'  ogni  luce  muto." 


Canto  I.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  19 

Castelvetro*  remarks  that  while  the  Leopard  really 
impeded  Dante's  progress,  the  other  two  beasts  terrify 
him,  and  the  last  one  (the  Wolf)  to  the  extent  of 
making  him  despair. 


Division  IV,  In  this  division  Dante  relates  how, 
while  he  is  being  thus  molested  by  the  three  beasts, 
and  is  gradually  relapsing  into  his  former  blind  con- 
dition of  ignorance  and  sin,  there  appears  suddenly 
before  him  one,  who  is  to  put  to  flight  the  clouds  that 
ovei'whelm  his  soul,  and  this  is  the  poet  Virgil,  who, 
representing  natural  or  human  knowledge,  is  to  be 
Dante's  guide  through  Hell  and  Purgatory.  Ben- 
venuto  remarks  that  some  have  objected  to  Virgil, 
who  was  in  Hell,  being  able  to  guide  Dante  through 
Purgatory,  with  which  he  neither  was  acquainted  in 
life,  not  having  the  true  faith,  nor  yet  in  death,  seeing 
that  he  was  condemned  to  Hell.  But  human  know- 
ledge is  acquainted  with  virtue  and  vice,  rewards  and 
punishments,  which  are  described  in  the  Inferno  and 
the  Purgatorio  both  in  their  moral  and  in  their  poetical 
sense.  Whenever  in  Purgatory  any  matters  are 
touched  upon  which  are  beyond  the  province  of  human 
knowledge,  Dante  puts  them  into  the  mouth  of  Statins 
who  accompanies  him  and  Virgil. 

Mentre  ch'  io  rovinava  in  basso  loco, 
Dinanzi  agli  occhi  mi  si  fti  oflTerto 
Chi  per  lungo  silenzio  parea  fioco.f 

♦  Sposizione  di  Lodovico  Castelvetro  a  xxix  CantidelP  Inferno 
Dantesco^  Basilea  1582,  ora  per  la  prima  volta  data  in  luce  da 
Giovanni  Franciosi^  Verona  1886. 

\  fioco:  Carlyle  translates  "hoarse,"  but  explains  "faint  of 

C2 


20  Readings  an  t/te  Inferno.  Canto  I. 

While  I  was  stumbling  down  into  the  region 
below  (i.  e.  the  valley  of  sin),  there  was 
presented  to  me  before  mine  eyes  one  who 
from  long  silence  appeared  faint  of  voice. 

Benvenuto  thinks  that  It  was  in  truth  a  sflence  of  a 
very  considerable  duration,  seeing  that  it  had  lasted 
1300  years!  Scartazzini  says  that  the  illuminating 
voice  of  Reason  (represented  by  Virgil),  is,  or  at  the 
first  awakening  of  the  sinner,  seems  to  be,  so  low  that 
he  can  hardly  distinguish  its  accents ;  but  that  it 
becomes  afterwards  louder  and  distincter  according  as 
man  shakes  off  his  slumber  of  sin. 

Dante  cries  to  the  new  comer  for  pity  and  assistance. 

Quand'  io  vidi  costui  nel  gran  diserto,* 

— "  Miserere  di  me."— gridai  a  lui,  65 

— "  Qual  che  tu  sii,  od  ombra,  od  uomo  certo." — 

When  I  beheld  him  (Virgil)  in  the  great 
desert :  "  Have  pity  on  me,"  I  cried  unto  him, 
"Whoe'er  thou  art,  whether  shade  or  real  man." 

voice."  Cary,  who,  while  less  literal,  always  renders  the  spirit 
of  the  poet's  meaning,  writes,  "  Whose  voice  seemed  faint  through 
long  disuse  of  speech."  Carlyle  quotes  Milton,  Par,  Lost^  vii,  25  : 

"  Unchanged 
To  hoarse  or  mute,  though  fallen  on  evil  days." 

The  long  silence  probably  also  is  an  allusion  to  the  great 
neglect  of  classical  studies  in  Italy  before  the  time  of  Dante. 

See  Dante's  use  oi  fioco  in  the  sense  of  weak  in  Inf,  iii.  75, 
fioco  lutne  dim  light ;  Inf,  xxxi,  13,  avrebbe  ogni  tuon  fcUto  fioco^ 
would  have  made  any  thunder  weak ;  xxxiv,  22,  divenni  allor 
gelato  efiocho;  Par,  xi,  133,  se  Ic  mie  parole  non  sonjioche ;  and 
Par,  xxxiii,  121  :  "  O  quanto  h  corto  il  dire,  e  come  fioco 

Al  mio  concetto  ! " 

♦  nel  gran  diserto:  compare  Deut,  xxxii,  10 :  "  He  found  him 
in  a  desert  land,  and  in  the  waste  howling  wilderness ;  he  led 
him  about,  he  instructed  him,  he  kept  him  as  the  apple  of  his  eye." 


Canto  I.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  21 

Virgil  answers  Dante  categorically,  declaring  who  he 
was  in  life,  as  well  as  his  parentage,  province  and  country.  * 

Risposemi : — ''  Non  uomo,  uomo  gik  fui, 

£  li  parent!  miei  furon  Lombardi, 

Mantovani*  per  patria  ambo  e  dui. 
Nacqui  sub  Julio^^  ancorch^  fosse  tardi,  70 

E  visst  a  Roma,  sotto  il  buono  Augusto, 

Al  tempo  degli  Dei  falsi  e  bugiardi. 
Poeta  fui,  e  can  tat  di  quel  giustot 

Figliuol  d'  Anchise,  die  venne  da  Troia, 

Poich^  il  superbo  I  lion  fu  combusto.  75 

He  answered  me :  "  Not  (now)  a  man,  a  man 
I  once  was,  and  my  parents  were  Lombards, 
and  by  country  both  Mantuans.  I  was  bom 
under  Julius,  though  late  (in  his  life-time) 
and  I  dwelt  in  Rome  under  the  good 
Augustus,  in  the  time  of  the  false  and  lying 
gods.  I  was  a  Poet,  and  I  sang  of  that  just 
son  of  Anchises  (iEneas),  who  came  from 
Troy  after  proud  Ilion  had  been  burnt 


*  Afaniovani :  compare  Purg,  vi,  72-75,  where  Virgil  and 
Sordello,  both  Lombards,  embrace  each  other  on  the  former 
merely  uttering  the  word  "  Mantua  ..." 

f  Nacqui  sub  Julio :  Virgil  really  was  born  B.C.  70,  during  the 
consulship  of  Pompey  and  Crassus,  when  Julius  Csesar  was 
away  in  Gaul,  but  in  the  Middle  Ages  Julius  Cassar  was  com- 
monly held  to  have  been  the  first  Roman  Emperor,  and  therefore 
Dante  makes  Virgil  say  that,  though  he  was  bom  during  the 
time  of  Julius  Caesar,  it  was  too  late  in  his  reig^  for  him  to  be 
able  to  say  that  he  lived  under  hitn,  or  to  be  known  by  him. 
And  he  says  it  with  regret,  as  Csesar  highly  honoured  dis- 
tinguished men  of  letters. 

X  quel giusto :  Virgil  (Mn,  i.  544)  speaks  of  iCneas  : 
"  Rex  erat  iCneas  nobis,  quo  justior  alter. 
Nee  pietate  fuit  nee  bello  major  et  armis." 


22  Readings  on  tlu  Inferno,  Canto  I. 

Scartazzini  gives  three  reasons  why  Dante  selected 
Vii^l  as  his  guide  through  the  r^ions  of  Hell  and 
Purgatory. 

(i)  Because,  as  he  tells  us  in  the  lines  that  follow, 
he  had  always  considered  Vii^l  his  master  in  language, 
and  had  set  him  up  as  the  model  of  a  poet  to  imitate ; 

(2)  Virgil  was  regarded  in  the  Middle  Ages  as  a 
Prophet  of  the  Redeemer,  and  of  the  universal  Empire 
of  Rome  (see  Purg,  xxii,  66  et  seg.)  ;* 

(3)  In  the  Middle  Ages  moreover,  when  Homer 
was  scarcely  known,  Virgil  was  the  only  poet  who 
had  written  a  description  of  a  descent  into  the  Infernal 
Regions. 

Benvenuto  remarks  that  Virgil  questions  Dante 
somewhat  sharply  as  to  why  he  returns  to  his  sins 
like  a  dog  to  his  vomit,  and  seems  to  say:  "Thou 
canst  well  understand  from  my  words  who  I  am,  but 
why  do  I  find  thee,  whom  I  know  well,  in  the  act  of 
relapsing  into  the  vale  of  sin  ?" 

Ma  tut  perch^  ritomi  a  tanta  noia  ? 
Perch^  non  sali  il  dilettoso  monte, 
Ch'  h  principio  e  cagion  di  tutta  gioia  ?" — 

.  But  thou,  why  art  thou  turning  back  to  so 
much  trouble,  why  dost  thou  not  ascend  the 

*  This  is  fully  discussed  in  Readings  on  the  Purgaiorio^ 
(London,  Macmillan,  18S9,  2  vols.,  small  8voX  Canto  xxii,  vol.  ii, 
page  119. 

t  Ma  iUf  etc,  Castelvetro  thinks  that  it  is  at  this  point  of 
Virgil's  speech  that  Dante  notices  in  him  that  gentle  expression 
to  which  he  alludes  in  Inf,  xxiv,  20,  21 : 

"  Lo  duca  a  me  si  volse  con  quel  piglio 
Dolce,  ch'  io  vidi  prima  a  pi6  del  monte." 


Canto  I.  Readings  on  ifu  Inferno.  23 

mountain  of  delights  which  is  the  beginning 
and  the  cause  of  every  joy  ?" 

Dante  replies :  first  expressing  .his  astonishment 
and  delight  at  meeting  Virgil;  then  pointing  out 
to  him  the  danger  in  which  he  finds  himself,  and 
imploring  his  protection. 

— "  Or  se*  tu  quel  Virgilio,  c  quella  fonte, 

Che  spande  di  parlar  si  largo  fiume  ?" —  80 

Risposi  lui*  con  vergognosa  froiite.f 
— "  O  degli  altri  pocti  onore  c  lume, 

Vagliami  il  lungo  studio  e  il  grande  amore, 
Che  m'  ha  fatto  cercar  lo  tuo  volume. 

Tu  se'  lo  mio  maestro  e  il  mio  autore  :  85 

Tu  se'  solo  colui,  da  cui  10  tolsi 
Lo  hello  stile,]!  che  m'  ha  fatto  onore. 

Vedi  la  bestia,||  per  cui  10  mi  volsi : 
Aiutami  da  lei,  famoso  saggio, 
Ch*  ella  mi  fa  tremar  le  venc§  e  i  polsi." —         90 

*  Risposi  lui :  Benvenuto  reads  rispuosi  io  a  lui.  The  a  is 
used  by  all  non-Tuscan  Italians,  but  Dante  was  a  Tuscan,  and 
would  certainly  have  used  the  expression  risposi  lui  rather  than 
risposi  io  a  lui, 

f  vergognosa  fronie :  Benvenuto  contends  that  Dante  was 
abashed  because  men  are  wont  to  feel  shame  when  convicted  of 
an  error  before  their  superiors. 

X  Lo  bello  stile:  Dante  had  already  won  for  himself  an 
honourable  name  by  his  lyric  poetry. 

II  Scartazzini  remarks  that  although  three  wild  beasts  had 
opposed  Dante's  progress,  yet  from  the  moment  that  Virgil 
appears,  he  only  mentions  the  last  one. 

§  le  vene  e  ipolsi:  compare  /«/".  xiii,  62,  63: 

"  Fede  portai  al  glorioso  offizio, 
Tanto  ch'  io  ne  perdei  lo  sonno  e  i  polsi.' 


24  Readings  on  the  Tnferito.  Canto  I. 

"  Art  ihoii  then  that  (renowned)  Virgil,  and 
that  fountain-head  that  pours  forth  so  vast  a 
flood  of  elo(|uence?"  replied  I  unto  him  with 
abashed  countenance.  "O  glory  and  light 
of  other  poets,  may  the  long  study  and  the 
intense  affectior  ""  -"---'  •'--'  has  made 
me  unfolii  thy  V  me.    Thou 

art  my  inaster  ;hou  alone 

art  he  from  wh  i  the  pure 

style  which  has  le  honour. 

Behold   the  Be  r  which   I 

turned  back,  pr  Illustrious 

Sage,  for  slie  m,  my  pulses 

to  tremble," 

From  this  last  line,  Biagioli  contends  that  Dante 
must  have  had  a  kind  of  foreknowledge  of  the 
circulation  of  the  blood,  the  discovery  of  which,  in 
later  times,  was  to  render  immortal  the  name  of 
Harvey. 


Division  V.  In  this  portion  of  the  Canto  we 
have  Virgil's  answer  to  Dante's  petition  for  assistance, 
his  prophecy  as  to  a  mysterious  personage  who  is 
to  be  the  saviour  of  Italy,  and  his  advice  to  Danlc 
to  accept  his  guidance  through  the  regions  of  Hell 
and  Purgatory,  after  which  a  blessed  spirit  will 
guide  him  still  higher.  The  Canto  concludes  with' 
Dante's  complete  submission  to  Virgil's  proposition 
and  advice. 


Canto  I.  Readings  an  the  Inferno.  25 

Benvenuto  says  that  many  might  object  that  Dante 
should  be  told  by  Virgil  that  he  will  have  to  travel 
by  a  different  way  from  what  he  is  doing,  when  he  is 
in  fact  striving  to  walk  in  the  best  path,  the  way  of 
virtue,  up  the  mountain.  Benvenuto  thinks  that 
Vii^il's  meaning  is  that  he  will  guide  Dante  to  Hell 
through  the  valley  of  sin  into  which  Dante  was  reced- 
ing, but  in  a  different  way  from  which  he  was  then 
pursuing,  namely,  by  the  way  of  speculation,  and 
that  Vii^il  implies  that  the  time  has  not  yet  come 
for  ascending  the  mountain,  for  a  man  cannot  with 
any  success  go  from  one  extreme  to  another,  and  from 
being  a  sinner  become  a  saint  in  an  instant  of  time, 
but  must  go  by  degrees,  and  first  descend  into  Hell, 
that  is,  to  the  self-conviction  of  his  sins,  for  such 
conviction  is  the  beginning  of  penitence,  and  if  evil 
be  not  recognised,  it  cannot  be  avoided.  Virgil  wishes, 
then  that  Dante  should  observe  and  contemplate  the 
penalties  of  Hell  which  are  inflicted  on  men  on 
account  of  their  sins. 

— "  A  tc  convicn  tenere  altro  viaggio,*** — 
Rispose,  poi  che  lagrimar  mi  vide, 
— "  Se  vuoi  campar  d*  csto  loco  selvaggio  : 
Ch^  questa  bestia,  per  la  qual  tu  gride, 

Non  lascia  altrui  passar  per  la  sua  via,  95 

Ma  tanto  lo  impedisce,  che  V  uccide : 

*  tenere  altro  viaggio  :  Biagioli  quotes  Bo^thius  ij^e  Cons, 
Phil,  iii,  Met.  i)  as  proving  that  Man  cannot  arrive  at  the  truth 
until  he  has  acquired  a  conviction  of  error  : 

"  Tu  quoque  falsa  tuens  bona  prius 
Incipe  colla  jugo  retrahere. 
Vera  dehinc  animum  subierint." 


Readings  on  the  Infertw. 


Ed  ha  nniura  si  malvAgia  e  Ha, 

Che  iiiai  non  empie*  la  bramosa  voglia, 
E  dopo  il  pasto  ha  piii  fame  che  ptia.t 

'Thou  must  journey 

by  a 

different  path,"  he 

wouldst  escape  i 
cause  1  his  Beat 

spot.  Be- 
fhich  thou 

criest  (for  htlp) 
her  way,  but  so 
them.     And  sh( 

len  to  pass 
1  she  slays 
malevolent 

and  evil,  (hut  n< 

her  insati- 

able  appetite,  i 
hungry  ihan  bcli^.v. 

d,  is  more 

We  have  now  before  us  one  of  the  most  disputed 
passages  in  the  whole  of  the  Divina  Cominedia,  one, 
as  to  the  meaning  of  which  the  greatest  authorities 
have  ever  been  in  entire  discord  one  with  another. 

The  following  arc  the  principal  opinions  as  to  the 
person  signified  by  the  Veltro. 

(i)  Our  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  This  view  is  supported 
by  Benvenuto.  and  indeed  by  most  of  the  old  Commen- 
tators.    It  must  be  remembered  that  in  the  Middle 


m  empie :  coiu])ate  Eidcs.  iv,  8  : 
;iihcr  is  his  eye  satisfied  wiih  riches." 
:    "He  Ihat  lovelh  silver  shall  not   be  si 
r  he  that  lovetli  abundance  with  ii 
,1  fan 


vith  s 


t  iiopo  il  pasio  ha  piii  fume  chc  pria :  coiiipare  St.  Jerome, 
EpislU   53:    "Antiquum  dictum  eiit  :    Avaro  lam  dcesi,  quod 
habet,  tjuam  quod  non  habet."  also  llotace,  Epiil.  i,  ii,  56  : 
"Semper  avarus  egei." 


Canto  I.  Readings  on  ilie  Inferno,  27 

Ages  there  was  a  very  prevalent  belief  in  the  Second 
Coming  of  our  Lord,  and  at  no  distant  period. 

(2)  A  determinate  Pope — Benedict  XI. 

(3)  An  indeterminate  Pope. 

(4)  A  determinate  Emperor — Henry  VII  of  Lux- 
embourg. 

(5)  An  ideal  Emperor — indeterminate. 

(6)  Some  great  Ghibelline  leader,  but  no  one 
special  personage. 

(7)  The  famous  Ghibelline  leader  Uguccione  della 
I'^aggiuola.  This  is  contended  at  great  length  by 
Count  Carlo  Troya  {Veliro  Allegorico  di  Dante, 
Firenze,  1826). 

(8)  Can  Grande  della  Scala,  Lord  of  Verona. 

(9)  Other  Ghibelline  leaders,  such  as  Louis  of 
Bavaria,  Matteo  Visconti,  Cino  da  Pistoia,  Botticello 
Buonacasso  of  Mantua,  or  Castruccio  Castracani. 

(10)  Dante  himself,  and  his  Poem.  This  view  was 
first  propounded  by  Missirini  (  Vita  di  Dante,  Milano, 
1844);  and  since  by  Count  Ruggero  della  Torre 
{Poeta-Veltro,  Cividale,  1887). 

(11)  A  person  of  lowly  birth,  born  tra  feltro 
e  feltro,  between  felt  and  felt,  ue,  in  the  garb  of 
poverty. 

Tommas6o  wittily  remarks  that  it  is  a  well  known 
fact  that  every  interpreter  of  Dante  tries  to  slip  his 
own  collar  on  to  the  famous  "  Greyhound  "  ( Vcltro). 

P^re  J.  Berthier  {La  Divina  Commedia,  Freibui^ 
[Switzerland],  1892)  contends  that  Dante  took  the 
idea  of  his  Veltro,  and  perhaps  also  of  the  three  beasts, 


28  Readings  on  ike  Inferno.  Canto  I. 

from  the  celebrated  Chanson  de  Roland,  m  which  on 
two  occasions  there  appears  in  a  dream  to  Charle- 
magne a  Greyhound  to  fight  against  a  panther  and  a 
l>ear. 

Dean  Church  wrote  to  me  in  rSSg :  "The  Veltro,  I 
fear,  is  hopeless  :    nt  n  be  ■ 


than  Can  Grande.     1  If  must  come  to 

explain  tra  Feltro  e  I 

The  difl"erent  interj  slaced  upon  the 

Veliro,  and  tlve  argui  m,  are  ably  dis- 

cussed by  Professor  W  onario  DanUsco, 

Siena,  1885-1892).     1  'le  Purgatorio  of 

Dante,  I  adopted  the  —   azzini  as  to  the 

signification  of  DXV  in  Canto  xxxiii,  43  et  seq.  His 
opinion  is  that  the  two  passages  of  the  Veltro  and 
the  DXV  must  be  taken  together,  as  they  both  be- 
token one  and  the  same  person.  In  his  earlier  Com- 
mentary (Leipzig,  1875)  Scartazzini  maintained  the 
DXV  to  be  Can  Grande  della  Scala,  Lord  of  Verona. 
But  finding  that  in  his  recent  Commentary  (Milan, 
'893).  he  had  to  some  extent  modified  his  views  as  to 
the  Veltro  and  the  Cinquecento  died  e  cinque  (DXV  or 
DVX),  I  wrote  to  ask  him  his  advice,  and  the  following 
is  extracted  from  a  letter  he  very  kindly  wrote  me  in 

"  Yes,  it  may  be  that  the  famous  Veltro  as  well  as 
the  Cinquecento  died  e  cinque  in  the  intention  of  Dante 
represent  an   Emperor, — an   ideal   Emperor,  indeter- 

•  This  leiier  was  written  to  me  2o  Jan.,  1893,  just  before  this 
work  was  sent  to  press.  My  other  references  to  Scartajiini 
were  wiLiien  more  than  three  years  before,  and  are  taken  from 
his  earlier  (Leipzig)  Commentary. 


Canto  I.  Readings  on  the  Inferno,  29 

minate,  as  indeed  Poletto  seems  to  me  to  mean,  not 
Henry  VII,  who  beyond  a  doubt  was  dead  when 
Dante  was  writing  his  last  Cantos  of  the  Purgatorio^ 
and,  according  to  my  firm  conviction,  dead  soon 
after  the  time  that  Dante  wrote  the  prophecy  of 
the  Veltro.  But  even  allowing  this  to  be  a  possi- 
bility, I  should  say,  in  my  opinion,  that  to  demonstrate 
the  reality  of  it  is  altogether  impossible.  The  more  I 
think  of  it,  the  more  is  my  suspicion  strengthened 
that  both  in  the  prophecy  of  the  Veltro  and  in  that  of 
the  DXV,  and  in  all  the  passages  relating  to  the 
same,  Dante  does  no  more  than  express  a  general 
hope  in  some  future  liberator,  who  was  not  even 
to  himself  a  concrete  and  determinate  personage. 
Therefore,  to  anyone  who  might  have  asked  him 
who  this  Veltro  and  Messo  di  Dio  really  were, 
Dante  would  probably  have  given  no  better  reply 
than  what  we  read  in  Purg.  xxxiii,  46  et  seq. 
With  regard  to  the  Veltro  in  the  first  Canto  of  the 
Infertto^  I  cannot  altogether  withdraw  from  the  opinion 
of  those  who  see  in  it  a  representation  of  Can  Grande, 
and  principally  because  of  the  affinity  between  Inf,  i 
and  Par,  xvii  (an  affinity  which  I  have  already 
noticed  in  my  Leipzig  Comment);  because  also  of 
the  name  Veltro  (Greyhound)  in  which  might  be 
traced  an  allusion  to  the  name  of  Cane  {Dog)\  because 
also  of  Inf.  xix,  70,  where  the  term  orsatti  (bear- 
cubs)  is  used  for  a  pun  on  Orsini  (the  family  name  of 
Pope  Nicholas  III).  But  I  would  not  go  so  far  as  to 
say  that  even  in  the  passage  of  DXV  {Dux),  and  in 
the  passages  relating  to  it,  Dante  was  precisely  indicat- 
ing Can  Grande  ;  on  the  contrary,  this  is  my  humble 


30  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  Canto  I. 

opinion  :  Dante  firmly  believed  in  a  future  liberator. 
Who  this  Iib(;L-ator  was  to  be,  he  did  not  even  know 
himself,  nor  could  he  know  it.  Hence  it  is  quite 
possible  that  at  different  times  he  may  have  built 
his  hopes  upon  different  personages,  both  in  Can 
Grande,  and  in  an  Kmru-i-mr  ^nA  perhaps  too  in 
a    Pope.      Besides,  ect    how    much 

the   belief    prevailed  ;    Ages   of   the 

approaching  Second  i  Christ,  it  does 

not  seem  to  me  thai  ether  cast  aside 

the  very  ancient    op  in    the    ViUro 

and  in  the  DXV  D  picture  of  the 

coming  Messiah. 

"  You  see  then  that  1  really  do  not  know  how  to 
advise  you  as  to  your  best  course  in  interpreting  the 
passages  in  question,  as  I  have  not  myself  any  very  firm 
conviction  on  the  subject,  and  rather  believing  on  the 
contrary  that  all  these  opinions  are  nothing  more  than 
hypotheses  more  or  less  happy.  If  I  myself  had  got 
to  write  a  work  specially  about  the  Veltro  {Inf.  i)  and 
the  ^fesso  di  Dio  {Pttrg.  xxxiii),  I  should  quote  in 
chronological  order  all  the  interpretations  that  have 
up  to  now  been  given,  together  with  all  the  arguments 
/rf  and  (-i7«,  and  1  should  conclude  with  a  modest  and 
regretful  '  non  liquet' " 

In  so  far  as  I  myself  venture  to  have  an  opinion  on 
the  subject,  I  rely  chiefly  on  Paradiso  xvii.  and 
prefer  to  think  that  Dante,  who  had  set  his  heart  on 
an  ideal  Emperor  to  be  yet  discovered,  had  cast  his 
eyes  upon  Can  Grande  of  Verona,  a  noble  youth  of 
such  promise  that  no  elevation  in  dignity  seemed  to 
Dante  beyond  his  reach. 


Canto  I.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  31 

Molti  son  git  animali,  a  cui  si  ammoglia,  ^  100 

£  piu  saranno  ancora,  infin  che  il  veltro 
Verr^,  che  la  fark  morir  con  doglia. 

Many  are  the  animals  with  whom  she  is 
wedded,  and  more  will  there  be  yet,  until 
there  shall  come  the  Greyhound,  who  will 
make  her  die  of  grief. 

Fraticelli  explains  this  to  mean  that,  in  the  moral  , 
sense,  Avarice  unites  herself  to  many  other  vices,  such 
as  fraud,  theft,  etc.,  and  in  the  political  sense,  that  Rome 
makes  alliances  with  many  potentates  to  strengthen 
her  Guclph  party. 

Benvenuto  admires  the  comparison  in  the  above  lines,  * 
for  he  says  that,  as  a  wife  cannot  be  parted  from  her 
husband  except  by  death,  so  Avarice,  as  a  most  loving 
consort,  cleaves  to  many  men  even  unto  death. 
Dante  having  likened  Avarice  to  a  Wolf,  preserves 
the  metaphor  in  describing  her  foe  as  a  dog,  the 
natural  enemy  of  the  wolf,  and  as  the  dog  drives  the 
wolf  from  the  sheep,  so  will  the  Greyhound  drive 
Avarice  from  men. 

The  indifference  to  wealth  on  the  part  of  this  un- 
known personage,  and  his  birthplace,  are  now  men- 
tioned. 

Quest!  non  ciberk  terra  n^  peltro,* 
Ma  sapienza  e  amore  e  virtute, 
£  sua  nazion  sark  tra  Feltro  e  Feltro.  105 

*  Scartazzini  (Leipzig  Commentary,  1874)  points  out  that,  from 
Dante's  own  writings,  it  is  shown  that  he  had,  under  the  alle-. 
gorical  name  of   Veltro  (Greyhound),  concealed  that  of  Can 
Grande  della  Scala.     He  speaks  of  this  personage  in  the  future 


Readings  on  the  Inferno.  Cai 

He  will  not  nourish  himself  on  lands  or  on 
riches,  but  on  wisdom,  and  love,- and  virtue, 
and  his  dominions  {lit.  nation)  will  lie  l)e- 
Iween  Feltro  and  Feltro. 


{verrA),  and  in  point  of  fact  in  1300  Can  Grande  was  but  a 
child  of  nine  years  old.  "•  rnmnai^s  th-  passage  non  ciienl 
n^  Urra  ni  ptltro  »ilh  F  re  IJanie,  speaking 

direcll)'  of  Cane,  says 


His  dominions  were  lo 
Feltre  a  city  of  Friuli,  a 
Ina^na  ;  and  (bus  it  will 
which  came  under  ihe  doi 

ovfrtl^e    Vaiiuans   in   1314.: 

Feltro.     The   Vtltro  v 


UrOy  the  one  being 
:efeltn>  in  the  Ro- 
ire  plain  of  the  Po, 
,de  after  his  victory 


1  Feltro 


ind 


1  be  the  liberator,  or  salvation  of 
Italy,  for  Dante  says:  qutsti  la  £accerh  per  of^i  villa,  Jin  c/ie 
F  avrA  rimessa  mlh  iu/erno.  In  Par.  xvii,  89-90,  he  writes  of 
Can  Grande  as  follows  : 

"  Per  lui  fia  trasmuiata  moUa  genie, 
Cambiando  condizion  ricchi  e  mendici." 
Moreover,  after  the  death  of  Henry  VJI,  Can  Cr.-indc  became 
the  Imperial  Vicar,  and  was  the  representative  of  the  Imperial 
power  and  authority  in  Italy;  and  alibout,'h  it  may  seem  a 
somewhat  exaggerated  hope  that  either  the  Emperor  or  his 
Vicar  would  be  able  to  destroy  concupiscence,  yet  it  is  evident 
from  his  own  words  (,De  Monorchia,  Lib.  i,  passim.  Translation  of 
Marsillo  Ficinii)  that  Oanie  did  entertain  such  a  hope.  He  says: 
"  Alia  giusliiia  massinie  si  conlrappone  la  cupidiih,  non  resta  alia 
giuslizia  alcun  conlrario.  .  .  .  Dove  non  resta  alcuna  cosa  che 
si  possa  desiderare,  ivi  non  pu6  essei  cupidiih.  ...  11  monarca 
non  ha  che  desiderare  ;  imperocht  la  sua  giurisdiiione  dallo 
oceano  k  lerminaia.  .  .  .  E  non  avendo  il  monarca  nulla  o 
minimacagionedicupidil^,  .  .  .  ed  essendolacupidit^lapropria 
corruiione  del  giudizio  e  della  giusliiia,  i  ragionevole  che 
egli    puo  essere  oiiime    disposio  a   reggere  ;    perch6  pu6  piii 


Canto  I.  Readings  on  tlu  Inferno.  33 

Di  quell'  umile*  Italia  fia  salute, 

Per  cui  mor)  la  vergine  Caininilla,t 
Eurialo,  e  Turno,  e  Niso  di  ferute  : 

He  shall  be  the  salvation  of  that  (now) 
humbled  Italy,  for  which  the  maid  Cammilla, 
Euryalus,  and  Tumus,  and  Nisus  died  of 
wounds. 

There  are  difTerent  versions  as  to  the  meaning  of 
quelV  umile  Italia.  Scartazzini  thinks  the  words  are 
spoken  ironically,  and  signify  "that  proud  land/' 
Carlyle  takes  them  literally,  as  "  poor  degraded  Italy,'* 
now  fallen  from  its  former  high  estate.  Others  con- 
sider it  to  refer  to  the  low-lying  plains  of  Lombardy, 
and  to  be  simply  "the  Lowlands  of  Italy."  J 

Virgil  then  goes  on  to  speak  of  the  war  that  the 
Greyhound  will  wage  against  the  Wolf. 

che  gli  altri  avere  giudizio  e  giustizia.  .  .  .  Solo  adunque  il 
monarca  pu6  ottimamente  gli  altri  disporre." 

Hence  it  will  be  seen  that  the  prophecy  of  the  Veliro^  when 
divested  of  its  poetic  garb,  hardly  expresses  any  higher  aspira- 
tions than  Dante  actually  nourished  with  regard  to  his  ideal  of 
a  monarch.  And  if  Can  Grande  was  the  vicar  of  the  universal 
monarch,  and  if  he  had  already  rendered  himself  deserving  of 
the  encomiums  lavished  upon  him  in  the  seventeenth  canto  of 
the  Paradisoy  Dante  might  well  found  his  hopes  upon  him. 

*  See  Purg,  vi,  76-78. 

f  Cammilla,  Euryalus,  Tumus,  and  Nisus  are  characters  men- 
tioned in  the  ALneid,    Denvenuto  devotes  many  pages  to  them. 

X  This  is  the  view  taken  by  Cary  and  Longfellow,  who  quote 
in  support  of  it  from  Virgil,  jEn,  iii,  522.  : 

'*  .  .  .  humilemque  videmus 
Italiam/' 

n 


Readings  on  the  Inferno. 

Qucsii  la  cacceri  per  ogni  villa," 

Fin  clie  1'  avri  rimessa  nello  inferno, 
Uk  onde  invidia  prima  dipaitilla. 


He  shall  chase  her  thro 
he  have  put  her  back  int 
the  first  Envy 


gh  every  city,  until 
Hell,  there  whence 


The  Envy  is  that  espect  to  Man  in 

the  Garden   of   Pa  luto    thinks  it  i.s 

spoken  against  the  .  esthood,  and  that 

fin  che  I'  avra  rimes  leans  that  the  un- 

known leader  will  e  /aricious  prelates, 

who,  on  account  of  :tions,  will  go  to 

Hell. 

Virgil  has  told  Dante  that  he  will  liave  to  turn  his 
steps  into  a  different  path  from  that  on  which  he  was 
impeded  by  the  three  Beasts,  and  especially  by  the 
Wolf  representing  Avarice  or  Cupidity.  He  has  told 
him  that  a  deliverer  might  be  expected.who would  com- 
bat and  conquer  this  demon  of  Avarice  or  Cupidity,  and 
now  gives  it  as  his  opinion  that  what  will   tend  most 


*  Villa  is  used  for  ciliA.  In  Inf.  xxiii,  95,  we  find  it  applied 
to  Florence  : 

"  Sovra  il  bel  fiume  d'  Arno  alia  gran  villa." 
And  in  furg.  xv,  97,  to  Athens  : 

"  .  .  .  'Se  luse'siredelln  villa, 
IJel  cui  noine  ne'  Dei  fu  lama  liie, 
Ed  onde  ogni  scienza  disfavilla'." 
See  also  Purg,  xviii,  83  :      "piii  che  villa  Manlovana." 

+  Envy.  See  Wisdom  11,24;  "  Neverlheless  through  envy 
of  the  devil  came  sin  in[a  the  world  :  and  they  that  do  hold  of 
his  side  do  find  il," 


Canto  I.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  35 

to  the  benefit  of  Dante's  soul  will  be  to  journey  under 
his  guidance  through  the  realms  of  Hell,  and  over  the 
Mountain  of  Purgatory,  after  which  one  holier  than 
himself  will  guide  Dante  further. 

Ond'  io  per  lo  tuo  me*  penso  e  discerno, 
Che  tu  mi  segui,  ed  10  sar6  tua  guida, 
£  trarrotti  di  qui  per  loco  eterno, 

Ove  udirai  le  disperate  strida,  115 

Vedrai  gli  antichi  spirit!  dolenti, 
Che  la  seconda  morte  ciascun  grida*  : 

Wherefore  I  think  and  pronounce  it  for  thy 
good,  that  thou  follow  me,  and  I  will  be  thy 
guide,  and  will  lead  thee  from  here  through  a 
place  of  eternity  (Hell),  where  thou  wilt  hear 
the  shrieks  of  despair,  and  wilt  behold  the 
spirits  of  days  gone  by,  wailing  in  agony, 
for  that  each  one  proclaims  the  second  death 
(/.  e.  Hell). 

*  che  la  seconda  morte  ciascun  grida :  I  am  much  indebted 
to  the  late  Dean  Church  for  kindly  helping  me  with  this  most 
difficult  passage.  He  wrote  to  me  in  1889:  "The  whole 
passage  seems  to  me  rather  an  account  of  the  Inferno  as  a 
whole,  than  to  refer  specially  to  the  great  men  in  Limbo,  The 
disperate  strida  coming  Jirsty  seemed  to  show  that  the  three 
stanzas  correspond  to  the  three  Cantiche  :  and  the  Umbo  seems 
hardly  sufficient  to  have  a  place  to  itself  apart  from  the  three 
great  divisions."  I  have  followed  Lubin  in  taking  che  as  an 
ellipsis  for  in  che  or  di  che^  but  have  not  followed  him  in 
thinking  the  line  refers  to  the  spirits  in  Umbo^  and  that  che 
must  be  taken  lo  signify  "  whose."  Lubin's  translation 
is :  "  whose  second  death  every  one  (on  Earth)  deplores 
(believing  them  to  be  among  the  lost  in  Hell).  Scartazzini 
feels  very  uncertain  as  to  the  meaning,  but  he  agrees 
with  Lubin  in  his  opinion  that  under  no  circumstances  must 

D  2 


Readings  on  the  Inferno. 

E  poi  vedrai  color,  che  son  content! 
Nel  fuoco,  perchfe  speran  di  venire, 
Quando  che  sin,  alle  beaie  genii  : 

Alle  qua'  poi  se  tu  voirai  salire*, 

Anijua  lia  a  cift  di  mc  piii  degna  ; 


grida  be  taktn  ij 


the) 


Dr.  Moore  {Conlritt 
Dhiina  Comtiiedui,  Ca 
on  117).  -."Che  l.i  scei 
(a)  ihe  construction  ol 
here,  as  in  Purg.  I.e.,  d 
declare,  set  fcnli.    (7)  ii,  aa  1 


imploring  wiih  loud 

lal  Criticism  of  Ihe 
larks  (page  7,  note 
Against  CK  alia  is 
Hi,  las-  (fl)  Grida 
tut  In,'  but  proclaiiHi 
^,  ini;  idea  in  grid-tre  iilhi 
.%  intended  to  correspond  with  such  passa^'es  as  Job  Mi,  31, 
or  Rev.  vi,  16,  etc.,  this  is  inappropriate,  as  Scripture  never 
uses  such  expressions  of  '  the  second  death '.  (1)  Finally, 
Zaini  de'  Ferranli  appropriately  illustrates  grida  by  Virgil's 
use  of  testnlur  in  ^n.  vi,  619."  Mr.  James  Russell  Lowell, 
in  his  Essay  on  Dante  (p.  3z6),  in  discussing  this  passage,  owns 
that  he  prefers  the  5rst  of  four  Inlerpretations  that  Pietro 
di  Dante  gives,  ismong  which  to  choose,  namely,  "  that  allegori- 
cally,  depraved  and  vicious  men  are  in  a  sense  dead  in 
reputation,  and  this  is  the  hrsi  death  ;  the  second  is  that  of  the 

•  se  tu  vorrai  salire:    Lubin   observes  that  Virgil   has  told 
Uante  that  he  will  guide  him  through  Hell  and  Purgatory,  into 
which   human  reason  can  enter,  but  he   must  be  conducted 
into  Paradise   by  the  spirit   of    Deatrice,  which,   illumined  by 
revelation,  can  discern  what  is  denied  10  mere  human  reason. 
Danle  can  nnly  be  delivered  from  the  thre 
dition  of  visiting  Hell  and  Purgatory,  but  it 
,  of  his  own  free  will  whether  or  no  he  wishes  to  ascend  ini 
realms  of  bliss  (se  tu  vorrai  salire).     Lubin  thinks  that,  in  tl 
journey    throuj-h     Hell    and    Purgatory,    the     Active    Life 
symbolized  ;    in   the  journey  into  I'aradibC   l/ic  Coiitimpi-Uii 
Life. 


B  beasts  on  the  cor 
t  is  left  to  the  optio 


Canto  I.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  yj 

Ch^  quello  imperador,  che  lassu  regna, 

Perch*  10  fui  ribellante*  alia  sua  legge,  125 

Non  vuol  che  in  sua  ctttk  per  met  si  vegna. 

And  then  shalt  thou  behold  those  (spirits) 
that  are  contented  in  the  fire  (of  Purgatory), 
because  they  have  good  hope  of  coming, 
whenever  it  may  be  (the  Will  of  God),  among 
the  blessed  (in  Paradise) :  and  if  afterwards 
thou  desirest  to  mount  up  among  these  latter, 
for  that  (mission)  there  shall  be  a  spirit 
more  worthy  than  I  (i>.  Beatrice):  I  will 
at  my  departure  leave  thee  with  her;  for 
that  King  of  Kings  who  reigns  yonder  on 
high,  because  I  was  rebellious  to  His  law  (by 
being  a  heathen),  willeth  not  that  I  should 
enter  into  His  City. 

Virgil  having  described  himself  as  a  rebel  against 
God,  either  as  not  having  become  a  Christian, 
or  as  being  a  representative  of  merely  human 
reason,  now  demonstrates '  his  profound  belief  in 
the  power  of  God,  and  in  the  boundless  extent  of  His 
dominions. 


•  Ridellanie :  Compare  In/,  iv,  37-38  : 

"  £  se  furon  dinanzi  al  Cristiahesmo, 
Non  adorar  debitamente  Dio.'' 

And  in  Purg,  vii,  25-27,  Virgil  says  of  himself  to  Sordelio  : 

"  Non  per  far,  ma  per  non  far  bo  i'  perduto 
Di  veder  I'alto  Sol  che  tu  desiri, 
E  che  fu  tardi  da  me  conosciuto." 

t  per  me:  this  may  also  be  taken  in  the  sense  oi per  mezzo  di 
me^  />.,  under  my  giiid«'ince. 


Readings  on  Ike  In/emo.  Cai 

In  tulle  [i.irii  impeia,  e  qiiivi  reggc, 

Qiiivi  fi  ta  sua  einS*  e  I'  alio  seggio  : 
O  r'elice  colui,  cu'  ivi  elegge  I  " — 
He  eovtrns  in  all  parts,  and  there  (in  Para- 
dise)   He    reigns,    there    is    His    Cily,    and 
His    higli    Throne.     O  happy  he  whom  He 
elects  (^s  a  cii  ." 


Dante  at  once  ac 

Ivice  and  the  pro- 

position  of  Virgil. 

Edioalui:— ' 
Per  quelk 
Acciocch' 

Che  lu  mi  mei 

Igio                      130 

inosceaii.t 

le  e  pereio, 

Sldi'iov-„, 

.  l'ietro;t 

*  Quivi  i  la  sua  ciUil :  Compare  Psalm  t\,  4i  "  The  Lord's 
throne  is  in   Heaven";  and  I'salm  ciii,  19;  "The  Lord  halli 
prepared  his  throne  in  the  heavens  \  and  His  kingdom  ruleth 
over   all;"    and    Isaiah,    Ixvl,    i;    "Thus   saiili  ihe   Lord,  the 
heaven    Is   my   throne,  and    ihe    earth   is  my   Tootslool;"  and 
lioeihius  (ii«  CoHsol.  I'kUos.,  ivMeirum  I,  18-20); 
"  Hie  Kegum  sceptrum  dominus tenet, 
Orbisque  habenas  lemperal." 
+  Per  quello  Dto,  che  tu  non  conosifsii :  compare  I  Cor.  i,  21: 
"  For  after  that  in   the  wisdom  of  (lod  the  world  by  wisdom 
It  'io(l,  it  pleased  God  by  Ihe  foolishness  of  preaching 


e  the 


n  that  belie' 


I  /a  porta  ,li  S<in  I'ictro :  .Scarlaziini  follows  lienvenmo  in 
thinking  this  to  mean  the  Gate  of  I'aradise,  of  which  Si.  I'eler 
was  said  lo  keep  the  keys.  The  general  view,  however,  is  ihai 
it  signifies  the  Gale  of  l'iir)jalory,  the  keys  of  which  were 
entrusted  by  Si.  I'eicr  to  the  Angel  WaiUer,  who,  in  Purj,'. 
\\,  r27,  says  of  Ihe  keys  :  — 

"  Da  Pier  le  lengo  ;  e  dissemi,  ch'  io  crri 
Ami  ad  aprir,  che  a  tenerla  scrrala, 
I'ur  che  la  gente  a'  piedi  mi  a'  atlerri." 
Some  explain    that    the    Gate    of  Purgatory  is  really  the 


Canto  I.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  39 

£  color,  che  tu  fai  cotanto  mesti." —  135 

Allor  si  mosse,  ed  io  li  tenni  retro.* 

And  I  to  him :  "  Poet,  I  entreat  thee  by 
that  God  Whom  thou  knewest  not ;  in  order 
that  I  may  escape  this  evil  {i.e.  Sin),  and  worse 
{i.e.  Hell),  that  thou  wilt  lead  me  there  where 
thou  saidst  but  now  (i.e.  through  Hell  and 
Purgatory),  so  that  I  may  behold  the  Gate  of 
St.  Peter,  and  those  whom  thou  describest  as 
so  full  of  anguish  {i.e.  the  lost  spirits  in  Hell)." 
Then  he  moved  on,  and  I  kept  behind  him. 

entrance  to  Heaven,  since  all  who  enter  the  former  are  sure  of 
eventually  entering  the  latter,  and  besides,  no  entrance-gate  is 
mentioned  in  the  Paradiso. 

♦  ed  to  li  tenni  retro  :  Biagioli  says  that  iener  dietro  a  uno 
is  a  defective  construction,  and  yet  graceful ;  the  full  meaning 
being  :  tenere  in  andando  il  luogo  di  retro  ad  uno. 

End  of  Canto  I. 


Digression  on  Line  37. 

'*  Tempo  era  dal  principio  del  inattino.'\    et  seq. 

There  is  great  divergence  of  opinion  among  the 
commentators  of  the  Divina  Contmedia  in  establishing 
the  assumed  date  of  the  journey  through  the  worlds 
unseen,  which  forms  the  subject  of  the  poem. 

By  far  the  larger  number  have  thought  that  the 
time  indicated  is  the  spring  of  the  year  1300.  A 
much  smaller  number  contend  it  to  be  1301.  Of  the 
supporters  of  the  date  1300,  some  think  the  journey 
began  on  the  13th  March  ;  others  gives  various  dates 
from  the  1 5th  of  March  to  the  5th  of  April.  Lubin 
quotes  Lanci  Fortunato  {Ordinamenti  ond^  ebbe  Dante 


40 


Rfatiittgs  on  tke  Inferno. 


Canto  I 


Allighieri  informato  le  Ire  Canticlie,  Roma,  1856)  as 
taking  the  journey  to  commence  on  the  nifjlit  of 
Thursday,  tlie  7th  of  April;  and  this  opinion  is 
shared  by  dtlk  Valle  Giovanni  Orario  del  viaggio 
D/iiiUsco,Vacma,  i8^o),and  Pasquinai,  La  Priiicipale 
Allegoria,   Milano,     ~     '  '   '    '  In  considers  this 

date  is  without  do  :  one    to  assign 

to   Dante's   suppose  nte    has  himself 

indicated,  with  clei  ion,  the  day  on 

which  he  found  hin;  forest,   and    also 

that  in  which  he  et 

When    the   Poets  le  fourth  Bolgta, 

that  of  the  Divineri,  nte  to  hasten  his 

steps,  as  the  moon  is  already  setting,  and,  he  adds, 
see  Inf.  xx,  127-129  : 

"  E  pur  iernolie  fu  la  Luna  londa  : 

Ben  ten  dee  ricordar,  che  non  U  nocque 
Alcuna  volia  per  ta  selva  fonda." 
which  means,  "Yesterday  the  moon  was  full,  and  she 
was-  of  assistance  to  thee  when  tliou  wast  in  the 
thick  wood."  Lubin  says  this  gives  a  distinct  date  to 
find  tlietime.  It  was  the  niglit  of  the  full  moon  when 
Dante  found  himself  in  the  forest,  the  day  before  that 
on  which  Virgil  spoke  the  above  words. 

Dr.  Moore  cites  the  chief  landmarks  which  are 
clear  and  more  or  less  undisputed. 

He  considers  the  central  landmark  to  be  found  in 
Inf.  xxi,  1 12,  from  which  it  appears  that  it  was  then 
Easter  Eve,  it  being  universally  agreed  that  the  ruins 
here  and  elsewhere  referred  to  in  the  Inferno,  resulted 
from  the  earthquake  recorded  at  the  moment  of 
Christ's  death.      This  is  certain   from  Inf.  xii,  34-45. 


Canto  I.  Readings  on  tite  Inferno.  4 1 

Dante  passed  the  night  between  Holy  Thursday 
and  Good  Friday  in  the  Selva  oscura.  He  en- 
countered the  Tre  Fiere  on  the  morning  of  Good 
Friday,  the  season  being  that  of  spring,  and  the 
sun  among  the  same  stars  as  when  he  and  they 
were  first  created,  f>.,  acccording  to  tradition,  in 
the  constellation  of  Aries.  The  whole  day  spent 
in  continual  advance  and  retreat  (from  the  dread 
of  these  three  beasts),  and  also  in  the  interview 
with  Virgil,  who  came  at  last  to  Dante's  aid,  so 
that  it  was  nightfall  on  Good  Friday  before  they 
two  together  approached  the  Entrance  Gate  of  Hell. 
Dante  enters  into  Hell  at  nightfall  on  Good  Friday, 
whereas  Purgatory  was  entered  at  daybreak,  and 
Paradise  at  noon. 

Inf.  vii,  97-99,  shows  him  to  be  leaving  the  fourth 
circle  just  after  midnight,  and  passing  from  the  sixth 
to  the  seventh  circle  between  3  and  5  on  the  morning 
of  Saturday,  Easter  Eve.  See  xi,  1 13-14,  compared 
with  XV,  52,  ier  mattina. 

He  is  leaving  the  fourth  Bolgia  of  Malebolge  in 
the  eighth  circle  about  sunrise,  or,  as  he  prefers  to 
describe  it,  at  moon-setting  on  Easter  Eve. 

Canto  xxi,  112,  distinctly  shows  him  to  be  in  the 
fifth  Bolgia  of  Malebolge  at  7  a.m.  He  was  in  the 
ninth  Bolgia  early  in  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day 
when  the  moon  was  directly  under  their  fect(xxix,  10). 
He  passed  the  centre  of  the  earth  to  the  other 
hemisphere  between  7  and  8  p.m.  (xxxiv,  68),  and 
found  that  in  the  new  hemisphere  (see  xxxiv,  96  and 
105),  the  hour  was  between  7  and  8  a.m.,  and  was  pro- 
bably, not  as  we  might  at  first  suppose,  the  morning 


42 


Readings  on  the  Inferno. 


Canto  I. 


or  Easter  Day,  but  apparently  the  morning  of  Easter 
Eve  o\tx  again. 

Twenty-one  hours  were  spent  in  the  journey  from 
the  centre  of  the  earth  to  its  surface  at  the  Mountain 
of  Purgatory. 

Therefore  we  gathi 

I.  It  was  at  the  lime  o  *  (i.  37-40). 

3.  Dante  entered  Ihe  i  ig  of  the  day  after 

the  Full  Moon  (xx,  127). 

3.  The  actual  day  was 

These  apparently  |  be  explained  in 

two  different  senses ; 

I.  The  scientific  or  id<  lopular  or  natutal 

sense. 

Dr.  Moore  thinks  tliat  Dante  refers  to  the  Equinox 
in  its  general  or  popular  sense,  on  March  21st,  and 
that,  in  speaking  of  the  Full  Moon  he  refers,  not  to 
the  Real  or  Astronomical,  but  to  the  Calendar  Moon  ; 
and  according  to  this  he  would  have  entered  the 
Inferno  at  nightfall  on  the  day  after  the  Calendar 
Full  Moon,  which,  it  is  known  for  a  fact,  in  the  year 
1300  fell  upon  Thursday,  April  7th.  Dr.  Moore 
thinks  also  that  Dante  did  not  follow  the  prevalent 
media:val  belief  that  the  actual  day  of  the  Crucifixion 
was  March  25th,  namely,  on  the  thirty-fourth  anni- 
versary of  the  Annunciation,  but  would  have  adopted 
the  conventional  Good  Friday  as  generally  observed, 
which,  in  the  year  1300,  would  be  on  April  8th. 
Dr.  Moore  is  further  of  opinion  that  the  reference  to 
the  spring  equinox  need  not  necessarily  mean  that 
Dante's  vision  commenced  on  the  very  day  of  the 
Sun  entering  into  Aries,  but  may  have  meant  some 
other  day  while  it  was  still  in  Aries. 


Canto  II.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  43 


CANTO  II. 


Dante's  Invocation  of  the  Muses. 

His  Misgivings  as  to  his  strength. 
Virgil  relieves  his  fears. 
The  Three  Ladies  of  Heaven. 
Commencement  of  the  Journey. 

In  the  last  Canto  Dante  stated  his  proposition, 
touching  upon  the  place,  the  time,  and  the  cause  of 
this  poem,  the  obstacles  that  he  encountered,  and  the 
timely  succour  of  Virgil. 

As  we  have  noticed  before,  this  is  really  the  first 
Canto  of  the  Inferno,  the  previous  one  being  the  In 
troduction  to  the  Divina  Commedia  as  a  whole. 
Benvenuto  divides  the  Canto  into  four  parts  : 

In  the  First  Division^  from  v.  i  to  v.  9,  after 
mentioning  that  it  was  the  close  of  the  day,  Dante 
invokes  the  aid  of  the  Muses. 

///  tfu  Second  Division,  from  v.  10  to  v.  42,  Dante 
confides  to  Virgil  his  doubts  as  to  his  sufficiency  for 
the  arduous  task  before  him. 

/;/  the  Third  Division,  from  v.  43  to  v.  1 26,  Virgil 
removes  Dante's  doubts  and  tells  him  that  he  had 
received  his  mandate  from  Beatrice. 

In  the  Fourth  Division,  from  v.  127  to  v.  142, 
Virgil  receives  Dante's  thanks,  and  the  two  poets 
commence  their  journey. 


44  Reiiditigs  on  tfu  Inferiw.  Canto  II. 

IJefore  comniciicing  the  account  of  his  joiiriicy, 
Dante  infiirms  his  readers  at  what  time  of  day  he  set 
out.  Benvcniito  points  out  that  a  doubt  arises  as  to 
how  Dante  has  passed  through  a  whole  day  so 
speedily,  for  in  the  last  canto  he  said  that  it  was 
morning  ( Tempo  era  I  mattino) ;  and 

now  he  says  that  it  The  answer  to 

this  is  found  in  the  1  t  much  time  in 

deliberating   whether  i    undertake   so 

great  a  work  {iofuip  ^Itevollo).  What 

he  now  wishes  to  brii  that  this  even- 

ing hour,  which  is  t^  animate  nature 

seeks  quiet  and   rep«,^^  alone  the  com- 

mencement of  a  double  toil,  both  of  the  body  and  of 
the  mind  ;  of  the  body,  on  account  of  the  fatigue  of 
the  difficult  paths  to  be  traversed,  and  of  the  mind, 
from  the  harrowing  details  of  the  penalties  inflicted 
on  the  spirits  of  the  damned  which  he  would  have 
to  witness  and  to  describe,  and  the  compassionate 
sorrow  that  the  contemplation  of  them  would  cause 
him.  IJenvenuto  remarks  on  the  api>ropriatenes5 
of  Dante  making  his  entrance  into  Hell  occur  at 
night.  The  time  corresponds  with  the  place,  for 
as  night  is  the  time  of  darkness,  blindness,  and  sin, 
so  is  Hell  a  place  of  punishment,  obscurity,  and 
ignorance,  and  as  the  fall  of  night  deprives  us 
of  the  light  of  the  sun,  so  does  Dante  rightly  figure 
himself  as  entering  into  the  gloom  of  Hell,  where 
the  sun  never  shines  after  it  has  set  on  Earth.  It 
will  be  noticed  on  the  other  hand  that,  as  the  I'oets 
emerged  from  Hell  into  I'urgatory,  the  sun  was 
just  rising. 


Canto  II.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  45 

Lo  giorno  se  n'  andava/  e  1'  aer  branof 
Toglieva  gli  animai,t  cbe  sono  in  terra, 
Dalle  fatiche  loro  ;  ed  10  sol  uno 

M*  apparecchiava  a  sostener  la  guerra 

SI  del  cammino  e  si  della  pietate,  5 

Che  ritrarrk  la  mente,  che  non  erra. 

I'he  day  was  departing,  and  the  darkening 
atmosphere  was  releasing  all  living  things  that 
are  on  earth  from  their  toils  ;  and  I,  the  one 
alone,  was  preparing  myself  to  sustain   the 

*  Lo  giamo  se  tf  andava^  etc  :  compare  the  opening  lines  of 
Gray's  Elegy : 

"  The  curfew  tolls  the  knell  of  parting  day, 
The  lowing  herd  winds  slowly  o'er  the  lea, 
The  ploughman  homeward  plods  his  weary  way, 
And  leaves  the  world  to  darkness  and  to  me." 
And  Milton,  Par,  Lost  iv,  598 — 602  : 

**  Now  came  still  Evening  on,  and  Twilight  gray 
Had  in  her  sober  livery  all  things  clad  ; 
Silence  accompany'd  ;  for  beast  and  bird,  * 

They  to  their  grassy  couch,  these  to  their  nests, 
Were  ^lunk." 
And  Virgil,  jEneidy  viii,  26,  27  : 

**  Nox  erat ;  et  terras  animalia  fessa  per  omnes 
Alituum  pecudumque  genus  sopor  altus  habebat." 
And  Chaucer,  The  Assemble  of  FouleSy  si.  13  : 
'*  The  day  gan  failen,  and  the  darke  night. 
That  reveth  beastes  from  hir  businesse, 
Beraft  me  my  booke  for  lacke  of  light" 
t  L  aer  bruno  :  Longfellow  quotes  a  long  passage  of  Ruskin 
commenting  on  **  the  brown  air"  and  hinting  that  Dante  meant 
slate-grey,   inclining  to  black.      To  anyone   acquainted  with 
Tuscan  idiom  the  word  *'  bruno "  is  familiar  as  meaning  black. 
Portare  il  bruno^  to  be  in  mourning, /^r/<7fv  il  bruno  sul  capello^ 
to  wear  crape  on  one's  hat. 

X  Animai :    Animated  beings.       In  Convito  iii,  2,  Dante 
writes  :  "  6  1'  uomo  divino  animate  da'  filosofi  chiamata" 


46  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  Canto  11. 

straggle  (/;/  war)  both  of  the  way,  and  also 
of  the  pity  (for  [he  sufferings  I  was  about  to 
witness),    which  the  memory  that  em  not 
shall  describe. 
The  evening  is  that  of  Good  Friday  1300,  in  which 
year  Dante  supposes  ■>-■■■'      ^  taken  place. 

Dante  now,  fo!lo>  e  of  Virgil  and 

Homer,  makes  his  in  Muses,  and  it  is 

remarkable  that  he  7,  which  corre- 

sponds exactly  to  his  nc  7  of  the  first 

Canto  of  the  Purgat  ne  of  the  many 

instances  of  the  syir  i   of  the  Diviita 

Commedia. 

0  Muse,  o  alto  ingegno,*  or  m'  aiutaie  : 
O  mcnlc,  die  scrivesli  citi  cl>-  io  vjdi, 
Qui  bt  parrh  la  (ua  nobiliiaie. 
O   Muses  !    O   lofty  genius  !    now  aid    me  ; 
O   Memory,   that  didst  record  wlul   I    saw, 
here  will  he  made  manifest  Cliy  noliility  I 
What  Dante  would  say  in  this  Invocation,  is  that, 
having  lately  taken  upon  himself  to  describe  so  noble 
a   subject,  it  will  .soon  become  evident  whether   his 
mind  is  noble  and  wonderful,  having  such  an  oppor- 
tunity of  displaying  its  exalted  faculties.     He  shows 
the  confidence  he  had  in  himself,  by  calling  on  the 
powers  of  knowledge,  intelligence  and  memory. f 
•  Alto  ingfgno  :  compare  /«/  x,  58,  59  : 
"  -Se  per  queaiocieco 
C^rcere  vai  per  alieitia  cl'  iiigeguo,"  eic, 
t   Benvenuto  speaks  of  IJante  a*  a  man  of  wonderful  capacity, 
perspicuous  intellect,   the  lofiiest  tfenius,  ami   the   most  sublile 
invention,  and  says  that  his  outward  appearance  gave  strongs 
evidence  of  tlie  qualities  of  Ills  mind.      He  adds  :  ''  This  le- 


Canto  II.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  47 

Division  II,  Dante  now  confides  to  Virgil  his 
doubts  as  to  his  adequacy  to  perform  the  great  work 
which  he  has  undertaken. 

Benvenuto's  remarks  are  so  interesting,  that  at  the 
risk  of  being  tedious  I  give  them  at  length  : 

"  For  the  better  understanding  of  the  matter  that 
follows  we  must  premise  by  observing  that  this 
question  of  Dante,  which  he  figures  himself  as 
putting  to  Virgil,  is  nothing  else  than  a  certain 
struggle  of  the  mind,  and  antagonism  between  Man 
and  Reason.  For  Dante  had  been  inwardly  examin- 
ing his  strength^  and  made  within  himself  these 
arguments  and  objections :  *  Thou  art  not  Homer, 
nor  Virgil,  thou  canst  never  attain  the  excellence  of 
famous  poets,  and,  consequently,  thy  work  cannot 
long  remain  a  thing  of  value  ;  nay,  rather,  as  Horace 

spected  Dante  was  of  middle  stature,  and  when  he  had  passed 
middle  age  he  was  wont  to  walk  somewhat  bent ;  his  gait  was 
quiet  and  dignified  ;  his  garb  very  becoming,  and  suited  to  his 
profession  (as  a  poet)  ;  his  face  was  long,  his  nose  aquiline,  his 
eyes  somewhat  large,  his  jaws  full,  his  under  lip  projecting,  his 
complexion  dark,  his  hair  and  beard  thick,  black,  and  curling, 
his  expression  always  melancholy,  thoughtful  and  contemplative. 
It  happened  to  him  once  in  the  noble  city  of  Verona,  when, 
after  the  publication  of  the  Inferno^  his  reputation  was  already 
spread  abroad,  as  he  was  passing  through  a  street  before  the 
gate,  where  many  ladies  were  assembled,  that  one  of  them  said 
in  a  low  voice,  but  yet  loud  enough  to  be  heard  :  *  Look  at  the 
man  who  goes  in  and  out  of  Hell  just  when  he  pleases  and 
brings  news  of  those  who  are  there.'  *Thou  sayest  truly,* 
answered  another,  *  seest  thou  not  how  the  heat  has  made  his 
hair  to  curl,  and  the  smoke  has  given  a  dark  tint  to  his  face  ?' 
Dante,  who  seldom  or  never  was  wont  to  laugh,  could  not  but 
do  so  on  hearing  these  remarks." 


48  Reaiiings  mi  the  Inferno.  Canto  11. 

says  in  his  book,"  it  will  soon  be  carried  away  as  waste 
paper  to  the  grocer's,  and  be  torn  up  to  wrap  soap  in.' 
Having  these  thoughts  in  his  mind,  Dante  had  at  first 
begun  to  write  in  Latin,  the  language  of  literature,  but 
afterwards  he  wrote  in  the  vulgar  tongue. 

"The  same  slrugi  '  aysBenvcnuto  of 

himself)  1  expcrien  efore  I  dared  to 

write  upon  this  boo  mmedia)  of  such 

world-wide  reputatic  ises  the  question, 

which  is  often  rightl>  aid  a  man  of  such 

great  literary  and  sci(  ts  as  Dante  have 

written  in  the  poputa  :  mother  tongue  ? 

To  answer  this  briefl_,  or  many  causes  ; 

first,  that  it  might  be  of  use  to  many,  and  chiefly  to 
Italians,  who,  more  than  other  nations,  take  pleasure 
in  poetry.  For  if  he  had  written  in  the  language  of 
literature,  he  would  only  have  profited  literary  people, 
and  not  even  all  of  them,  but  only  a  few.  Therefore 
he  executed  a  work,  never  done  before,  which  the 
most  literary  and  learned  men  can  examine.  Secondly, 
because  Dante,  observing  that  all  liberal  studies,  and 
chiefly  poetry,  had  fallen  into  neglect  among  princes 
and  nobles,  who  had  been  wont  to  take  delight  in 
poetical  works,  which  indeed  used  formerly  to  be 
dedicated  to  them,  and  that  works  such  as  those  of 


•  Benvenuio  probably  intended  to  refer  lo  Ilie  concluding 
lines  of  Episl.  lib.  ii,  Episl.  i,  266-270  : 

"  Nee  prave  faciis  decorari  veisibus  opio  : 
Ne  rubeain  pinguidonatus  tnunere,  el  una 
Cum  sciiplore  meo  capsa  porrectus  aperia, 
Deferar  in  vicum  vendentem  thus  et  odores, 
£1  piper,  et  quici|uid  charlis  aniicilur  ineptis." 


Canto  II.  Readings  on  tfte  Inferno,  49 

Virgil  and  other  pre-eminent  poets  were  lying  uncared 
for  and  unseen,  cautiously  and  prudently  brought 
himself  to  write  in  the  popular  style,  when  indeed  he 
had  already  commenced  the  Divina  Commediay  thus  : 
Ultima  regna  canant^  fluido  conterminamundo^  Spiriti- 
btis  qui  lata  patent ^  qua  prantia  solvunt  Pro  mentis 
cuicumque  suis,  etc. 

"  But  many  others  say  that  Dante  recognized  the 
fact  that  his  style  did  not  come  up  to  the  standard 
necessary  for  so  exalted  a  subject ;  and  I  might  also 
have  believed  this,  had  not  the  idea  been  .put  out  of 
my  head  by  the  authority  of  our  latest  poet,  Petrarch, 
who,  speaking  of  Dante,  writes  to  my  revered  teacher 
Boccaccio  of  Certaldo,  as  follows :  '  I  have  a  strong 
opinion  as  to  his  genius,  that  all  was  within  his  reach 
that  he  might  have  attempted.*  '* 

In  Boccaccio's   Life  of   Dante  almost  the  same 
words  are  used,  only  he  uses  the  expression  idioma 
fiorentino  where  Benvenuto  says  scripsit  vtdgariter  et 
matcrne. 

lo  cominciai : — "  Poeta,  che  mi  guidi,  10 

Guarda  la  mia  virtii,  s'  ella  h  possente,* 
Prima  che  air  alto  passo  tu  mi  fidi. 

I  began  :  "  O  Poet  that  art  guiding  me,  do 
thou  have  regard  to  my  powers  (///.  virtue,  to 
see)  if  they  be  sufficient,  before  thou  com- 
mittest  me  to  the  arduous  enterprise. 

Dante  now  anticipates  a  possible  answer  of  Virgil 

*  Danlc  l>cgins  to  doubt  whether  his  powers  are  sufficient 

"  a  sostener  la  guerra 
SI  del  cammin  e  si  della  pietate." — Inf.  ii,  5,  6. 
E 


so 


Readings  on  tht  fnfernc.  Canto  il. 


to  his  question.  The  latter  might  have  replied ; 
"  Why  shouldtst  thou  be  incapable  of  going  to  the 
Unseen  World  ?  Did  not  jEneas,  according  to  my 
narration  (in  Aiii.  vi),  do  so  ?  and  St.  Paul,  as  we  arc 
told  in  the  Scriptures?"  Dante  would  practically  tell 
Virgil  that   there  v  ace   supposed   in 

Virgil's  poem  to  ha'  to  jllneas  that  he 

might   be  strengthi  "ard   and  form  a 

Kingdom  in  Italy.b  ihould  such  grace 

be  granted  to  himsc 
Tu  dici,  che  dj 

Corruitibil  tale 

.Sccolo*  an  nte.f  tf 

I'hou  sayest  that  (^neas)  the  father  of  Syl- 
vius, while  yet  corruptible  {i.e.  living)  went 
to  the  immortal  world,  and  was  there  in  the 
flesh.  ^ 


I'er6  se  1' 


A'  ogni  malej 


•  iminortaU  iuolo :  Fanfani  { Voctbolitrio  ilella  Linguii 
/liiliatM.  IHrenze,  1865)  says  thai  wi^c/i?,  besides  signifying  the 
space  of  one  hundred  years,  also  has  the  meaning  "  world," 
"  life,"  &c.  secolo  inorlah,  human  life ;  sccolo  iminortiUe,  eternal 
life.  Diane  (Vocabolario  Danttsco.  Fireme  1859)  translates 
these  latter  words  as  "  t  Inferno."     Compare  Stalius,  Theb.  xi, 

59'  ■  ...  ,      -   ■ 

totisque  exspecient  sscula  ripis." 

i.e.  the  shades   of  the  Infernal  regions  ;    and  in   the   sense  of 

"  world  "  compare /"tify.  xvi,  135: 

"  In  rimproverio  del  secol  selvaggio." 

+  seiisibilmenle :  lllanc  explains  this  word  as  corporaliiunle, 
the  opposite  of  in  viiione. 

X  The  adversary  of  every  evil  is  C.od  ;  see  I'salni  V,  5  1  "  Thou 
haiest  alt  wortcer^i  of  iniquity." 


Canto  II.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  51 

Cortese*  if  fu,  pensando  P  alto  efTetto, 
Che  uscir  dovea  di  lui,  e  il  chi,  e  il  qualej 

Non  pare  indegno  ad  uomo  d'  intelletto  : 

Ch'  ei  fu  dell*  alta  Roma  e  di  suo  impero  20 

NelP  einpireo§  ciel  per  padre  eletto  : 

La  quale,  e  il  quale  (a  voler  dir  lo  vero) 
Fur  stabiliti  per  lo  loco  santo, 
U1I  stede  il  successor  del  maggiorT  Piero. 

Per  questa  andata,  onde  gli  dai  tu  vanto,  25 

Intese  cose,  che  fiiron  cagione 
Di  sua  vittoria  e  del  papale  ammanto. 

Wherefore,  when  one  considers  the  splendid 
outgrowth  (Rome)  that  was  to  emanate  from 


*  Coriese  is  used  here  in  the  sense  of  Divine  condescension 
or  grace,  but  in  Par,  vii,  91-92,  we  find  it  signifying  clemency  : 

"  O  che  Dio  solo  per  sua  cortesia 
Dimesso  avesse." 

t  *  .•  for  a  lui, 

X  il  chi  e  il  quale:  chi  and  quiUe  are  expressions  of  the 
Scholiasts,  the  first  guis  signifying  the  substance,  and  the  second 
quid  the  quality. 

§  empireo :  the  most  exalted  of  the  Spheres  of  Heaven,  and 
according  to  the  belief  prevalent  in  the  Middle  Ages,  the  espe- 
cial abode  of  the  Deity.  In  ConviiOy  ii,  4,  Dante  writes :  **  Vera- 
mente  .  .  .  li  cattolici  pongono  lo  Cielo  Empireo,  che  tanto  vuol 
dire,  quanto  cielo  di  fiamma  owero  luminoso,"  and  in  the  same 
chapter,  "  E  questo  quteto  e  pacified  cielo  h  lo  luogo  di  quella 
Sonima  Deith  che  s6  sola  compiutamente  vede.  Questo  h  lo 
luogo  degli  spiriti  beati,  secondo  che  la  santa  Cliiesa  vuole,  che 
non  pu6  dir  menzogna." 

II  IP :  derived  from  the  Latin  uhi  is  an  ancient  poetic  form 
for  ove, 

IT  maggior  Piero:  Boccaccio  comments  on  this  passage  : 
"  cio^  di  San  Piero  apostolo,  il  quale  chiama  maggiore  per  la  ' 

£  2 


Readings  on  the  lu/eruo.  Canto  n. 

him  (tineas),  and  the  who  (the  Roman 
people),  and  the  what  (the  Roinan  Empire), 
(then)  it  does  not  appear  unreasonable  to  a 
man  of  understanding  that  the  Adversaiy  of 
all  evil  ((Jod)  was  gracious  (o  him  (in  allow- 


ing  him  to  visit  Helh  :    since  1 

le  (^ncas) 

waschosenini                                 i 

in  to  be  the 

progenitor  of                                   1 

ts  Empire : 

both  which  pli 

Rome,  and 

the  what,  the  B                               1 

;o  speak  the 

truth — were  de« 

:  holy  place 

where  sits  the  « 

reater  Peter 

(i.  e.  the  Pope). 

mey  (to  the 

Elysian    Fields/, 

ou     (Virgil) 

givest  him  due  honour  (in  the  ^':ncid),  he 

learned  things  which  were  the   cause  of  his 

victory    (over   Tiirnus)   and    of    the     Papal 

Mantle. 

Dante  here  wishes  it  to  be  understood  that  the 
great  deeds,  and  the  heroes  who  made  Rome  so 
famous,  were  a  preparation  to  render  her  worthy  to 
become  at  a  Tuture  time  the  seat  of  the  pontifical 
dignity. 

Dante  next  ai^ues  that  because  St.  Paul  was  caught 
up  to  Heaven  when  alive,  that  is  no  reason  why  he 
(Dante)  should  be  able  to  go  there,  for  St.  I'aul 
was  taken  there  for  the  contirinatioi)  of  the  Calholic 
Faith. 


dignil^  papale,  e  la  dilferenza  di  piii  allri  snnll  nomi 
I'iero."    In  /*..'-.  xxv,  14,  Danie  speaks  of  Si.  Petei  , 

Clie  lascio  Crislo  <le'  \'icarj  suoi." 


Canto  II.  Readings  on  iJie  Inferno.  53 

Andovvi*  pol  lo  Vas  d*  elezione,t 

Per  recame  conforto  a  quella  fede, 

Ch'  h  principio  alia  via  di  salvazione.  30 

Ma  io  perch^  venirvi  ?  o  chi  H  concede  ? 
lo  non  son  Enea,  10  non  Paolo  sono  : 
Me  degno  a  ci6  nh  io  n^  altri  '1  crede. 

Afterwards  the  Chosen  Vessel  (St.  Paul)  went 
there  to  bring  back  from  it  (the  unseen  world) 
confirmation  of  that  Faith  which  is  the  begin- 
ning of  the  way  of  Salvation.  But  I,  why 
(should  I)  go  there  ?  or  who  vouchsafes  it  ?  I 
am  not  Mntzs^  I  am  not  Paul ;  neither  do  I, 
nor  do  others  believe  me  worthy  of  it 

He  concludes  the  enumeration  of  his  doubts  by 

saying : 

Perch^  se  del  venire  io  m'  abbandono, 

Temo  che  la  venuta  non  sia  folle :  35 

Se*  savio,  intendi  me'  ch*  io  non  ragiono." — 

Wherefore,  if  I  (blindly)  resign  myself  to  go,  I 
fear  that  my  journey  {lit  coming)  may  prove 

*  Andawi:  vi  refers  to  the  secolo  immortaUy  the  unseen 
worlds  of  spirits,  into  which  St.  Paul  penetrated  when  caught 
up  to  Heaven.  See  ii  Cor.  xii,  2-4  :  "  1  knew  a  man  in  Christ 
above  fourteen  years  ago  (whether  in  the  body,  I  cannot  tell ; 
or  whether  out  of  the  body,  I  cannot  tell ;  God  knoweth  :)  such 
an  one  caught  up  to  the  third  heaven.  And  I  knew  such  a  man 
(whether  in  the  body,  or  out  of  the  body,  I  cannot  tell :  God 
knoweth;)  How  that  he  was  caught  up  into  paradise,  and  heard 
unspeakable  words,  which  it  is  not  lawful  for  a  man  to  utter." 

t  lo  Vas  iP  elezione :  This  refers  to  St.  Paul.  See  Acts  ix, 
15:**  But  the  Lord  said  unto  him  [Ananias],  Go  thy  way  :  for 
he  is  a  chosen  vessel  unto  me." 


foolistiDCss :  Tbou  art  wise,  andaDdetsUodest 
(my  Dieining)  better  dun  I  can  speak  it." 


In  the  next  lines  Dante  explains  the  state  of  irre- 
solution in  uhich  he  found  himself,  although  he  ha^l, 
as  related  in  the  last  Hanto.  immediately  acquiesced  in 
Vii^il's  decision  tha 
the  dead. 

Si  Che  dal 
Tal  mi  fee*  io  i> 

Che  fu  ael  otta- 

And  as  is  he  who  unwilb  what  he  willed,  and 
changes  his  purpose  from  new  thoughts,  so 
that  he  withdraws  wholly  from  his  (original) 
design :  such  did  I  become  on  that  gloomy 
hillside;  for  when  1  thought  upon  il  I  aban- 
doned (iit.  wasted)  the  enteri»rise  which  at 
first  I  had  so  eagerly  embraced  (/il.  which  at 
its  commencement  was  so  quick). 

Scartazzini  points  out  how  that  at  the  end  of  the 
last  Canto  wc  saw  Uante  firmly  resolved  to  follow 
Virgil.  Hut  already  at  the  very  commencement  of 
his  journey  new  doubts  have  taken  birth  in  his  mind. 
In  this  description  Dante  shows  a  profound  know- 
ledge of  the  human  heart,  as  well  as  of  the  means  of 
obtaining  salvation.  When  man  first  awakes  from 
his   slumber  of  sin  he  is   full   of  good    intentions.* 

•  Compare  St.  Maltheai  xiii,  21 
the  seed   inlo  stony  places,  llie  s 


Canto  ir.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  55 

With  a  certain  amount  of  enthusiasm,  he  determines 
to  change  his  life,  and  to  abandon  the  paths  of  sin 
that  are  leading  him  to  perdition.  In  these  first 
moments  he  has  no  fears  of  his  own  powers  being  in- 
adequate to  enable  him  to  carry  out  his  strong  re- 
solution. But  he  soon  experiences  the  truth  of 
Christ's  words  in  SL  John  xv,  $  :  "  without  me  ye  can 
do  nothing."  Sin  does  not  allow  its  slaves  to  escape 
so  cheaply.  Man  cannot  of  himself  be  converted,  if 
Divine  Grace  does  not  assist  him.  After  the  first 
emotions  have  passed  away,  his  powers  become  en- 
feebled. Enthusiasm  vanishes  ;  cowardice,  cold  cal- 
culation, and  dry  reason,  which,  from  his  want  of 
faith,  deceive  his  own  self,  strive  to  make  him  go 
astray  from  his  healthy  purpose.  False,  pusillani- 
mous humility  suggests,  "  Is  your  strength  sufficient 
for  so  exalted  an  undertaking  ?  It  is  true  that  others 
have  done  it  before  you,  but  they  were  quite  different 
people  from  you."  Against  these  vile  thoughts  there 
arises  illuminated  reason,  of  which  Virgil  is  here  the 
representative,  and  encourages  the  sinner  desirous  of 
repentance  by  reminding  him  of  Divine  Grace  and 
the  succour  of  Heaven.  Sd  man  finds  out  by  ex- 
perience that  if  on  the  one  hand  it  is  true  what 
Christ  says,  "  Without  me  ye  can  do  nothing,"  it  is,  on 
the  other  hand,  no  less  true  that  man  can,  as  St.  Paul 
says  in  Philippians  iv,  13,  "do  all  things  through 
Christ  which  strengtheneth  "  (him)  ;  and  in  li  Cor,  xii, 
10,  he  may  find, "  when  I  am  weak,  then  am  I  strong." 

word,  and  anon  with  joy  receiveth  it ;  Yet  hath  he  not  root  in 
himself,  but  dureth  for  a  while  ;  for  when  tribulation  or  persecu- 
tion ariseth  because  of  the  word,  by  and  by  he  is  offended.** 


56 


RmdiHgs  on  the  htftrno.  Canto  II. 


Division  III.  Virgil,  while  removing  Dante's  mis- 
givings, begins  by  showing  him  that  they  arise  from 
cowardice,  which  is  often  so  serious  a  hindrance  to 
man  as  to  cause  him  to  go  back  from  an  honourable 
purpose. 

— "  Se  io  ho  ben  la 

Riiipose  dt  '  ombra, 

— "  L'  anima  I.  :+  45 

La  qual  molie  ra, 

SI  Che  d'  0  )lve, 

Come  false  1'  ombra. 

"  If  I  have  rigl  hy  words," 

answered  the  s.  souled  one 

[i.e.  Virgil),   "tliy  s[)ini  is  asNiiieu  by  cowar- 
dice, which  oft  times  so  hinders  men,  that  it 
turns  them  back  from  honourable  enlerprise ; 
as  a  delusive  appearance  (turns  back)  a  beast 
when  it  is  shy. 
Some  ti&T»s\d.\&  quand' ovibra  "when  it  is  twilight 
gloom,"  but   Diane  says  i)\ni  otnbrare  "est  pris  par 
presque  tous  les  interpr^tes  pour  avoir  peur,  devettir 
ombrageux"     Benvenuto  understands  it  so, and  thinks 
it  a  most   appropriate  comparison,  for  as   a  young 

*  <Ul  magnanimo  ^uctP  ombra:  a  meialhesis  which  is  ihe 
same  as  P  ombra  di  ^uei  magnamma.  In  In/.y.,  73,  Dante, 
alluding  [o  Ihe  lofiy-mindedness  of  Farinaia  degli  Uberii,  calls 

"  Quell'  altro  magnanimo." 
t  villalc:  In  the  next  canio  we  see  Virgil  enjoining  Dante, 
on  entering  inio  Hell,  10  pul  away  all  irresolulion  or  cowardly 
fears.     In/,  iii,  14,  15  : 

"  Qui  si  convien  lasciare  ogni  sospeito  ; 
Ogni  villii  convien  che  qui  sia  moria." 


I 


Canto  II.  Readings  on  tin  Infertio.  57 

horse  is  afraid,  erroneously  thinking  something  it  has 
seen  to  be  something  else  likely  to  hurt  him,  and 
refuses  to  go  forward,  however  much  he  be  spurred, 
but  rather  will  go  backwards,  so  is  Dante  here  terri- 
fied by  a  false  image  that  he  pictures  to  himself,  and, 
although  he  has  begun  his  journey,  and  is  stimulated 
by  the  encouraging  voice  of  Virgil,  yet  is  for  turning 
back  from  sheer  cowardice,  until  Virgil  brings  him 
round  again  to  his  good  purpose,  by  the  power  of 
reason  and  persuasion. 

Virgil,  to  shake  off  Dante's  timidity,  now  relates 
how  it  was  that  he  came  to  assist  him,  so  that  Dante 
may  see  that  he  neither  did  so  rashly  nor  to  no 
purpose. 

Da  questa  tema  acciocch^  tu  ti  solve, 

Dirotti,  perch'  io  venni,  e  quel  che  intesi  50 

Nel  primo  punto  che  di  te  mi  dolve.  \ 

That  thou  mayest  free  thyself  from   these 
fears,  I  will  tell  thee  why  I  came,  and  what  1 
heard  at  the  first  moment  that  I  felt  compas- 
sion for  thee. 
Virgil,  in  order  to  prove  his  argument  that  Dante 
is  capable  of  executing  the  task  which  he  appears  to 
dread  so  much,  now  commences  to  relate  to  him  at 
considerable  length  how  and  for  what  purpose  he  was 
fetched  out  of  Limboy  and  sent  to  Dante's  assistance. 

lo  era  tra  color  che  son  sospcsi,*  ^^ 

E  donna  mi  chiam6  beata  e  bella,  ^B 

Tal  che  di  comandare  io  la  richiesi. 

*  sospesi :  Blanc  says  :  "  Dante  chiama  quelli  del  Limbo  i 
sospesiy  per  esprimere  tl  loro  stato  medio  fra  la  dannazione  e     . 
la  beatitudine,  ovvero  per  dire  che  la  loro  sorte  non  h  ancora 
definitivamente  decisa."     Nearly  all  the  commentators,  how- 


Readings  on  the  [nferno. 


Canto  H. 


I  was  among  those  that  are  in  suspense  (/.  e. 
in  Limbo),  and  there  called  me  a  Lady  so 
saintly  and  beauteous,  that  I  besought  her  to 
give  me  her  commandsi 
The  Lady  is  Beatrice,  as  we  shall  see  at  line  ^o : 

Lucevan  gli  o — *■■  — ■  -■'■  -*■-  '-  -iiella  ;* jj 


ever,  take  the  liist  of 

ations,  and  consider 

sospeii  to  signify  "  ni  tt 

pare  Inf.  iv,  43  : 

"  Gran  duol  mi 

)  lo  intesi, 

Perocchfe 

tre 

Conobbi, 

ran  sospeai." 

The  words  written  ovcj 

'»/  :ii,  9  :  "  Lasciate 

ogni  sperania,  voi,  cb' 

il's  own  words,  /«/ 

IV,  42  : 

"  Senza  s[>ciiic  vivvmu  m  Misio." 
show  clearly  that  the  spirits  in  Limbo  are  supposed  (o  be  tosptti 
Ira  il  cielo  e  P  inferno,  and  can  have  no  hope  of  bettering  their 
condition  after  the  Day  of  Judgment. 

■-  la  sMla:  Scariazzini  remarks  that  "ihe  star"  is  put  here 
as  a  collective  noun  to  signify  the  stars  in  general.  Biagioli 
takes  the  same  view,  and  quotes  tbe  following  lines  of  Itoiithius, 
Lib.  ii,  Aftlr.  iii  : 

"  Cum  polo  I'licebus  loseis  quadrigis 
Lucem  spargere  cwperit, 
Pallet  albenies  habeiata  vultus, 
Klammis  Stella  premeniihus." 
and  in  Canzone  iv,  Dante  writes  : 

"  Poi  mi  parve  veder  appoco  appoco 
Turbar  !o  Sole  ed  apparir  la  slella, 
E  pianger  egli  ed  ella." 
This  last  quotation  appears  a  direct  contradiction  to  those  wlio 
would  understand  la  stilla  as  the  sun,  but  in  support  of  ilieir 
opinion    they  cite  the  di-st   lines    of  Canzone  vi  in  the   AV»/f 
Apocrife,  Dante,  Opere  Minori,  ed.  Fralicelli,  vol.  i,  p.  247  ; 
"  La  bella  Stella  che  'I  tempo  misura 
Sembra  la  donna  che  nn  ha  innamorato," 
Boccaccio    interprets    the    passage  as   "  that    star    which    is 
brightest." 


Canto  II.  Readings  on  tlu  Inferno.  59 

£  cominciommi  a  dtr  soave  e  plana, 
Con  angelica  voce,  in  sua  favella  :* 
— *  O  aniina  corteset  Mantovana 

Di  cui  la  fama  ancor  nel  mondo  dura, 

£  durerk  quanto  il  moto  lontana  :  X  ^ 


*  Con  angelica  voce^  in  sua  favella  :  Scartazzini  says  that  this 
must  be  understood  that  Beatrice  was  speaking  with  an  angelic 
voice  ;  and  not,  as  some  commentators  maintain,  that  the  words 
in  sua  favella  refer  to  the  language  she  used,  but  only  to  the 
sotindoi  i\i^  voice  in  which  she  spoke. 

t  cortese  :  We  have  the  word  here  in  its  more  literal  sense  of 
"generous,"  "courteous."  In  line  17  it  is  used  in  the  same 
sense  as  Cacciaguida  uses  it  in  Par,  xv,  47-48,  as  signifying  the 
Grace  shown  by  God  to  Man  : 

"  *  Benedetto  sie  tu,'  fu, '  trino  ed  uno, 
Che  nel  mio  seme  sei  tanto  cortese^.' " 

X  quanto  il  moto  lontana  :  Many  editions  and  MSS.  read 
mondo  and  probably  with  as  good  authority.  Dr.  Moore  ( Tex* 
tual  Criticism  of  the  D,C,y  pages  271-272)  says  the  difference  of 
reading  is  rather  a  celebrated  one,  and  that  it  has  been  argued 
with  some  probability  that  Dante  had  in  his  mind  Virgil's  cele- 
brated description  of  Fame  {^n.  iv,  175,  etc.)  : 

"  Famay  malum  quo  non  velocius  ullum  : 
Mobilitate  viget,  viresque  acquirit  eundo.^ 
in  which  the  three  words  in  italics  seem  to  have  points  of  con- 
tact with  Dante's  wordSj  fama^  moto  and  lontana.  Dr.  Moore 
adds  that  Foscolo  maintains  the  singular  opinion  that  botli 
readings  originated  with  Dante  himself,  and  also  holds  the 
theory  that  Dante  kept  his  poem  by  him  for  several  years,  con- 
tinually retouching  it,  and  constantly  bringing  it  up  to  date,  by 
entering,  under  the  form  of  prophecies,  allusions  to  contem- 
porar)'  events.  Dr.  Moore  thinks  moto  suits  the  word  lontana 
better,  if  that  word  be  taken  a^  a  verb^  which  appears  preferable 
to  taking  it  as  an  cuijective,  Boccaccio,  although  he  reads 
mentre  il  mondoy  paraphrases,  "  dice  lontana  per  lontanerh^ 
cio^  si  prolungherh." 


\ 


6o  Readings  on  the  Inferno.         Canto  II. 

L'  amico  inio,*  e  non  della  ventura, 
Nella  disertaf  piaggta  h  impedito 
SI  nel  cammin,  che  voho  h  per  paura  : 

£  temo  che  non  sia  gik  si  smarrito, 

Ch'  10  mi  sia  tardi  al  soccorso  levata,  65 

Per  quel  ch'  io  ho  di  lui  nel  Cielo  udita 

Her  eyes  shone  more  than  the  stars : 
and  she  commenced  saying  to  me  softly 
and  gently  in  her  speech,  with  the  voice 
of  an  angel :  '  O  generous  Mantuan  Shade, 
whose  renown  yet  endures  in  the  world, 
and  will  endure  as  long-lasting  as  Time 
(///.  Motion).  My  friend,  but  not  (a  friend) 
of  fortune,  is  so  impeded  in  his  way  on 
the  desert  mountain  -  slope  (by  the  three 
wild  beasts)  that  he  has  turned  back  from 
terror :  and  I  fear  that  he  is  already  so  far 
astray,  that  I  may  have  arisen  too  late  for 
his  succour,  froir/what  I  have  heard  of  him 
in  Heaven. 

Beatrice  shows  that  the  souls  of  the  Blessed  can  see 
in  God  as  it  were  in  a  looking-glass  all  that  is  passing 

*  V  antico  mio :  In  many  passages  in  the  Divina  Commedia 

does  Beatrice  show  herself  to  be  Dante's  friend,  but  most  of  all 

in  Purg,  XXX,  136- 141,  when  she  alludes  to  this  visit  of  hers  to 

Virgil : 

**  Tanto  giu  cadde,  che  tutti  argomenti 

Alia  salute  sua  eran  gik  cortt, 

Fuor  che  mostrargli  le  perdute  genti. 

Per  questo  visitai  P  uscio  dei  morti, 

£d  a  colui  che  1*  ha  quassu  condotto, 

Li  preghi  miei,  piangendo,  furon  porti." 

t  itiserta  :  The  Mountain  side  was  said  to  be  deserted,  owing 
to  there  being  so  few  who  scale  the  steep  ascent  of  Heaven. 


Canto  II.  Readings  on  tlu  Inferfto.  6i 

on  earth.*  She  urges  Virgil  to  hasten  to  Dante's  aid, 
reveals  to  him  who  she  is,  and  promises  him  her  good 
offices  on  his  behalf  in  Heaven. 

Or  muovt,  e  con  la  tua  parola  omata, 

£  con  ci6  ch*  h  mestieri  al  suo  campare, 
L'  aiuta  si,  ch'  io  ne  sia  consolata. 

lo  son  Beatrice,  che  ti  faccio  andare  :  70 

Vegno  di  loco,  ove  tomar  disio  : 
Amor  nit  mosse,  che  mi  fa  parlare. 

Quando  sar6  dinanzi  al  Signor  mio, 
Di  te  mi  loder6  sovente  a  lui.' — 
Tacette  allora,  e  poi  cominciai  io  :  75 

Arise  then,  and  with  thy  ornate  speech,  and 
with  what  (argument  or  persuasion)  is  neces- 
sary for  his  escape,  give  him  such  succour, 
that  I  may  be  consoled  thereby.  I  that  send 
thee  forth  am  Beatrice ;  I  come  from  a  place, 
to  which  I  desire  to  return  (i.e.  Paradise) : 
Love  (for  Dante)  moved  me,  which  makes 
me  speak.  When  I  shall  be  (again)  in  the 
presence  of  my  Lord,  often  will  I  praise  thee 
to  him.'  She  then  was  silent ;  and  I  there- 
upon began : 

Now  that  we  have  reached  the  point  where  Beatrice 
names  herself  to  Virgil,  it  will  be  well  to  say  a  few 
words  about  her.  Throughout  the  Divina  Cofnmedia^ 
as  well  as  in  other  of  Dante's  works,  such  as  the  Vita 

*  Compare  Par.  xvii,  37-42  : 

**  La  contingenza,  che  fuor  del  quaderno 
Delia  vostra  materia  non  si  stende, 
Tutta  h  dipinta  nel  cospetto  etemo  ; 
Necessitk  pero  quindi  non  prende 

Se  non  come  dal  viso,  in  che  si  specchia. 
Nave  che  per  correntc  giu  disccnde." 


62  Readings  on  ike  Inferno.  Canto  II. 

Nuova^  and  the  Canzoniere^  she  appears  in  a  two-fold 
aspect  First  as  the  object  of  Dante's  earliest  boyish 
love,  which,  however,  was  only  a  pure,  platonic  affec- 
tion,  that  never  seems  to  have  got  beyond  a  slight 
acquaintance.  Secondly,  as  the  symbol  of  Divine 
Theology.  Benvenuto  da  Imola,  whose  commentary 
was  written  only  fifty  years  after  the  death  of  Dante, 
expressly  states  that  this  Beatrice  was  really  and 
truly  a  Florentine  woman  of  great  beauty,  and  of  the 
most  honourable  reputation,  as  may  be  read  in  other 
passages,  but  especially  at  the  end  of  the  Purgatorio. 
When  she  was  eight  years  old,  she  so  entered  into 
Dantfs  Iieart^  that  she  never  went  out  from  it,  and  he 
loved  her  passionately  for  the  space  of  sixteen  years, 
at  which  time  she  died.  His  love  for  her  increased 
with  his  years  ;  he  would  follow  her  wherever  she 
went,  and  always  thought  that  in  her  eyes  he  could 
behold  the  summit  of  happiness.  Dante,  in  his  works, 
at  one  time  takes  Beatrice  in  a  historical  sense  as  a 
real  personage,  and  at  another  in  a  mysterious  sense 
as  Sacred  Theology.  And  Benvenuto  thinks  this 
symbolism  very  well  chosen,  for  as  Beatrice  was  the 
most  beautiful  and  modest  among  the  ladies  of  Flo- 
rence, so  is  Theology  the  most  beautiful  and  honour, 
able  among  the  secular  sciences. 

Beatrice  was  the  daughter  of  Folco  Portinari,  whose 
family,  and  that  of  Dante  were  on  terms  of  friendship. 
The  meetings  of  the  children  were  not  very  frequent, 
and  in  due  course  of  time  Beatrice  married  Simone 
de'  Bardi,  but  died  in  1290.  The  personal  identity 
of  Beatrice  Portinari  was  never  questioned  by  the  old 
commentators  except  by  Giovanni  Maria  Filelfo  in 


Canto  II.  Readings  on  tlie  Inferno.  63 

his  fanciful  and  worthless  Vita  Danfis,  1468,  and  in 
later  times  he  was  followed  by  Anton  Maria  Biscioni 
(Annoiazioni  sopra  il  Convito  di  Dante ^  Florence, 
1723),  who  renewed  the  doubt  as  to  her  reality. 
Much  ingenuity  and  erudition  have  since  been 
expended  in  throwing  mists  of  darkness  over  what 
had  up  to  then  been  considered  a  plain  and  straight- 
forward narrative.  Professor  Poletto  {Dizionario  Dan- 
tcscOy  vol.  viii,  Siena,  1892)  says  the  question  has  at  the 
present  day  reached  this  point,  that  the  advocates  of 
the  different  theories  have  ranged  themselves  into  three 
camps,  namely,  (i)  Those  who  with  Bartoli  deny  any 
existence  at  all  to  the  Beatrice  of  the  Vita  Nuova ; 
(2)  Those  who  with  Giuliani  refuse  to  see  any  allegory 
whatever  in  the  Vita  Nuova;  and  (3)  Those  who 
steering  a  middle  course  admit  the  real  personality 
of  Beatrice,  but  at  the  same  time  discern  an  incipient 
allegorical  transformation.  Mr.  James  Russell  Lowell 
in  his  Essay  on  Dante  (page  197)  says  that  "  so  spiri-- 
tually  docs  Dante  always  present  Beatrice  to  us,  even 
where  most  corporeal,  as  in  the  Vita  Nuova^  that 
many,  like  Biscioni  and  Rossetti,  have  doubted  her 
real  existence.  But  surely  we  must  consent  to  believe 
that  she  who  speaks  of 

*  the  fair  limbs  wherein 
I  was  enclosed,  which  scattered  are  in  earth ' 

(Purg,  xxxi,  50-S0« 

was  once  a  creature  of  flesh  and  blood.  When  she  died, 
Dante's  grief  .  .  .  filled  her  room  up  with  something 
fairer  than  the  reality  ever  had  been.  There  is 
no  idealizer  like  unavailing  regret,  all  the  more  if  it  be 
a  regret  of  fancy  as  much  as  of  real  feeling.    She  early 


64  Readings  oft  the  Inferno.         Canto  If. 

b^^  to  undergo  that  change  into  something  rich 
and  strange  in  the  sea  of  his  mind  {mardi  iutto  senno) 
which  so  completely  super-naturalised  her  at  last" 

Scartazzini  in  his  latest  commentary  (Milan,  1893) 
says  that  Beatrice  is  a  name  that  Dante  feigns,  in 
order  to  conceal  the  identity  of  the  lady  he  first  loved, 
thereby  admitting  Beatrice,  but  not  Beatrice  Portinari. 

For  my  own  part  I  prefer  to  follow  the  belief  that 
was  held  by  the  old  commentators  in  the  early  child- 
like love  of  Dante  for  Beatrice  Portinari,  a  love  so 
unselfish,  that  it  never  sought,  nor  even  apparently 
expected,  any  return,  and  I  even  incline  to  the  theor}' 
I  have  heard  advanced,  that  Beatrice  was,  as  a  young 
child,  betrothed  to  her  future  husband  Simone  de'  Bardi, 
and  that  Dante's  love  for  her  was  merely  that  defer- 
ential adoration  so  prevalent  in  the  Age  of  Chivalry  and 
in  no  way  derogatory  to  pure  and  honourable  feeling. 

Scartazzini,  remarking  on  the  various  opinions  as 
to  the  allegorical  signification  of  Beatrice,  some  of 
which  take  her  to  be  the  symbol  of  Theology,  some  of 
Divine  Grace,  some  of  the  spirit  of  Christianity,  says  : 
"  Let  us  interrogate  Dante  himself.  The  office  of 
Beatrice  in  the  Divina  Commedia  is  to  conduct  Dante 
from  the  Terrestrial  Paradise  to  the  Paradise  or 
Heaven..  The  latter  is,  as  Dante  himself  shows  (Z>^r 
Monarchia  iii,  §  15),  a  figure  of  the  happiness  of  life 
eternal,  which  consists  in  the  fruition  of  the  sight  of 
God  {aspeito  divino*\  to  which  Man's  own  virtue  or 

♦  In  Par.  iii,  58-60,  Dante  says  to  Piccarda  de'  Donati  : 

"  Ne'  mirabili  aspetti 
Vostri  risplende  non  so  che  divino, 
Che  vi  trasmuta  dai  primi  concetti." 


Canto  II.  RtcuUngs  en  the  Inferno.  65 

strength  is  not  able  to  ascend  unless  illumined  by  the 
light  of  Heaven.  1*0  this  state  of  beatitude  Man  can 
only  arrive  through  the  spiritual  training  which  trans- 
cends human  reason,  under  the  direction  of  ecclesias- 
tical authority.  It  follows,  therefore,  that  as  Dante 
reaches  the  Paradise  of  Heaven  under  the  guidance.of 
Beatrice,  she  must  perforce  be  intended  to  represent 
in  her  allegorical  sense  the  symbol  of  ecclesiastical 
authority.  And  since  it  is  the  duty  of  this  authority 
to  direct  Man  according  to  revelation,  Beatrice  will 
be  the  symbol  of  Ecclesiastical  Authority  in  so  far  as  it 
is  in  possession  of  Divine  Revelation,  If  further  proofs 
were  needed  to  confirm  this  opinion  they  will  be  found 
in  the  concluding  cantos  of  the  Purgatorio** 

Scartazzini  further  remarks  that  one  cati  easily  un- 
derstand what  is  the  allegorical  significance  of  Virgil, 
namely,  to  conduct  Dante  through  the  regions  of  Hell 
and  Purgatory  as  far  as  the  Terrestrial  Paradise.  In 
De  Mon,  iii,  §  15,  Dante  describes  the  latter  as  figuring 
the  happiness  of  this  life,  which  consists  in  the  prac- 
tice of  virtue.  To  this  happiness  Man  attains  by  the 
training  of  philosophy  (J>er  gli  ammaestramenti filoso- 
jici\  under  the  direction  and  by  the  guidance  of 
Imperial  Authority.  Therefore  Scartazzini  concludes 
that  Virgil  must  be  the  symbol  of  Imperial  Authority, 
which,  in  accordance  with  the  training  of  philosophy, 
l^uides  Man  to  temporal  happiness.  It  is  Beatrice 
that  sets  Virgil  in  motion,  since,  as  Dante  says  in  De 
Mon,  iii,  \  4, ''  il  regno  temporale  non  ha  autoriti  se 
non  in  quanto  dallo  spirituale  la  riceve."  And  in  the 
same  chapter :  ''  Similmente  dico,  che  il  temporale 
non   riceve   dallo   spirituale  T  essere,  n^  ancora   la 

F 


66  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  Canto  II. 

virtji  che  k  la  sua  autoriti^,  n^  ancora  1'  operazione 
semplicemente  ;  ma  bene  riceve  da  lui  questo : 
che  piji  virtuosamente  adoperi  per  lo  lume  delta 
grazia,  &c."     {Translation  by  Marsilio  Ficino). 

Virgil  now  relates  how  he  answered  Beatrice,  pro- 
fessing his  readiness  to  perform  her  behests,  and 
asking  her  why  she  so  condescended  as  to  come  down 
into  Hell. 

— '  O  donna  di  virtu,*  sola  per  cui 

L'  umana  speae  eccede  ogni  contentot 
Da  quel  ciel,  che  ha  minor  li  cerchi  sui : 
Tanto  m'  aggrada  il  tuo  comandamento, 

Che  V  ubbidir,  se  gik  fosse,  m'  h  tardi ;  80 

Pill  non  t*  h  uopo  aprirmi  il  tuo  talento.! 

*  donna  di  virtik :  Biagioli  says  that  this  stands  for  donna 
virtuoso^  as  in  the  Vita  Nuova  we  find  donna  di  cortesia  for 
donna  coriese^  signor  della  nobilUl  for  signor  nobile,  uomo  di 
dottrina  for  uomo  dotto^  and  ri  di  giusiizia  for  ri  giusio, 
Bocthius  addresses  his  catisolairix  as  "  O  virtutum  omnium 
nutrix  !" 
t  contento:  for  contenuto;  see  Par,  ii,  112-1 14  : 
*'  Dentro  dal  ciel  delta  divina  pace 

Si  gira  un  corpo,  nella  cui  virtute 
L'  esser  di  tutto  suo  contento  giace." 
The  meaning  of  the  passage  is  that  the  human  race,  from  being 
endowed  with  reason,  is  superior  in  dignity  and  excellence  to 
all  sublunary  created  beings.  The  heaven  which  has  its  circles 
lesser  (che  ha  minor  li  cerchi  sui)  is  that  of  the  Moon,  the 
lowest  in  rank,  as  it  was  supposed  to  be  the  narrowest  of  the 
spheres  of  Paradise. 

t  ialento :  used  here  in  the  sense  of  "  desire,"  "  will."    Com- 
pare In/,  X,  55,  where  Cavalcanti  is  described  looking  around 
him  to  see  if  his  son  Guido  is  with  Dante  : 
'*  D'  intomo  mi  gu^d6,  come  talento 

Avesse  di  veder  s'  altri  era  meco." 


Canto  II.  Readings  on  the  Inferno,  67 

Ma  dimmi  la  cagion,  che  non  ti  guardi 

Dello  scender  quaggiuso  in  questo  centra* 
Dair  ampio  loco,t  ove  toraar  tu  ardi.' — 

'O  Saintly  Lady,  through  whom  alone  the 
human  race  excelleth  all  that  is  contained 
within  that  heaven  which  has  its  circles 
lesser :  so  much  does  thy  command  delight 
•  me,  that  the  obeying  thee,  were  it  already 
(accomplished),  would  seem  too  slow  to  me ; 
it  is  no  longer  needful  for  thee  to  unfold 
unto  me  thy  desire.  But  tell  me  the  reason 
why  thou  fearest  not  to  descend  down  here 
into  this  centre  {i,e.  Hell)  from  that  vast 
space  (the  Empyreal  Heaven)  to  which  thou 
bumest  to  return.' 

Virgil  goes  on  to  tell  Dante  liow  Beatrice  an- 
swered him  at  considerable  length,  and  first  explains 
to  him  that  such  is  the  state  of  her  perfection  (allud- 
ing to  her  allegorical  character)  that  she  cannot  in 
any  way  be  affected  by  any  human  misery,  but  that 
she  only  obeys  the  commands  of  two  Beings  more 
exalted  even  than  herself,  in  seeking  out  Virgil  for 
the  purpose  of  despatching  him  to  Dante's  assis- 
tance. 


*  centra:  According  to  Dante's  system  of  cosmography, 
Hell  was  thought  to  be  situated  in  the  very  centre  of  the 
Earth. 

t  P ampio  loco:  The  Empyreal  Heaven,  the  widest  and  most 
exalted  of  the  spheres  of  Paradise.  In  Purg,  xxvi,  63,  Dante 
says  of  it  : 

"  Ch'  h  pien  d'  amore  e  piii  ampio  si  spazia." 

F  2 


68  Readings  on  tki  Inferno.  Canto  II. 

— '  Da  che  tu  vuoi  saper*  cotanto  addentro,  8$ 

Dirotti  brevemente,'— mi  rispose, — 
'  Perch'  io  non  temo  di  venir  qua  entro. 
Temei:  si  dee  di  sole  quelle  cose 

Ch'  hanno  potenza  di  fore  altrui  male  : 
Deir  altre  no,  che  non  son  paurose.  90 

Io  son  fisitta  da  Dio,  sua  merc^  tale, 
Che  la  vostra  miseria  non  mi  tange, 
Ni  fiamma  d'  esto  incendio  non  m'  assale. 

'Since  thou  desirest   to  know  such  deeply 

secret  things/  she  answered  me,  'why  I  do 

not  fear  to   come  within  this   place,  I  will 

briefly  tell  thee.     One  should  only  be  afraid 

of  those   things   which   have  power  to  do 

harm  to  others :  but  not  of  the  rest,  which 

are  not  fear-causing.     I  am  created  by  God 

in  His  Grace   such  (a  p>erfect  nature)   that 

misery  of  yours  (in  Hell)  touches  me  not, 

nor  does  any  flame  of  yonder  burning  have 

eflect  on  me. 

There    is    a    marked    distinction    intended    here 

between  the  two  terms  vostra  miseria,  which  refers  to 

the  spirits  in  Limbo  who  are  only  so  far  afflicted  that 

*  Da  che  tu  vuoi  saper:  Talice  da  Ricaldone  {La  Commedia 
di  Dante  Alighieri  col  Comento  Inedito  di  Stefano  Talice  da 
Ricaldone^  Torino,  1886)  comments  on  these  nine  lines  as 
follows  :  "  Beatrice  answers  by  saying,  *  Since  thou,  O  Poet, 
desirest  to  learn  the  reasons  of  Theology,  understand  that,  as 
the  rays  of  the  sun  cannot  be  stained  by  wickedness,  so  The- 
ology cannot  be  corrupted  either  by  heretics,  or  by  philosophers, 
or  by  tyrants,'  and  she  adds  :  *  The  reason  why  I  do  not  fear  to 
come  hither  is  because  one  only  need  fear  those  things  that  are 
able  to  harm  one  ;  but  this  place  (Hell),  these  heretics,  these 
sins,  cannot  deprave  (de/raudare)  Sacred  Theology ;  nor  can 
the  flame  {d*  esto  incendio)  reach  it,  i.e.  the  fire  of  concupiscence 
is  not  able  to  touch  me  (Beatrice).' " 


Canto  II.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  69 

they  live  without  hope  in  desire,  and  fiamma  (T  esto 
inctndio^  which  alludes  to  those  tormented  in  Hell. 

After  this  short  digression,  Beatrice  returns  to  the 
first  part  of  the  subject,  and  tells  Virgil  who  were  the 
two  that  sent  her  to  him. 

Donna  k  gentil  nel  ciel,  che  si  compiange 

Di  questo  impedimento,  ov*  10  ti  mando,  95 

Si  che  duro  giudizio  lassii  frange. 

There  is  in  Heaven  a  noble  Lady,  who  feels 
such  compassion  for  this  hindrance  (on  the 
Mountain)  about  which  I  send  thee,  that  she 
breaks  the  stem  judgment  there  above. 

In  a  literal  sense  the  Donna  Gentile  is  the  Virgin  ,f 
Mary,  whose  name,  like  that  of  our  Lord,  is  not  men- 
tioned throughout  the  Inferno^  being  evidently  con- 
sidered too  sacred  and  sublime  to  be  pronounced  in 
the  abode  of  sin.  In  the  allegorical  sense  the  Donna 
Gentile  is  the  symbol  of  Divine  grace,  and  is  said  to  \ 
appease  the  just  judgment  of  God  in  Heaven,  which 
would  otherwise  punish  every  sinner  according  to  his 
sin,  but  which  can  be  recalled  by  Interceding  Grace. 

A  third  lady  is  now  introduced. 

Questa  chiese  Luda*  in  suo  dimando, 
E  disse  : — Or  ha  bisogno  il  tuofedele 
Di  tty  ed  to  a  ie  lo  raccomando, — 

*  Lucia :  Scartazzini  thinks  that  Dante  either  refers  to  the 
celebrated  Virgin  martyr  of  Syracuse,  or  to  Lucia  Ubaldini, 
sister  of  Cardinal  Ottaviano  Ubaldini  (who  in  Inf,  x,  120,  is 
mentioned  as  il  cardinal^.  This  Lucia  was  in  1225  living  in 
the  Convent  of  Sta.  Chiara  di  Monticelli,  near  Porta  San  Pier 
Gattolini  at  Florence,  and  was  subsequently  canonized.  In  the 
allegorical  sense  Lucia  is,  as  her  name  implies,  a  symbol  of 
Illuminating  Grace.    The  Ci^tholic  Church  venerates  her  as 


70  Readings  an  tk$  Infimo.         Canto  IL 

She  (the  Donna  GenHle)  in  her  request  be- 
sought Luda  and  said :  l^j  faUkful  cm  is 
in  need  of  thee  naw^  and  /commend  kim  unto 
thee. 

It  may  be  well  to  remind  the  reader  of  the  dif- 
ferent personages  who  successively  speak  in  this  part 
of  the  narrative. 

Virgil  is  telling  Dante  how  a  Lady,  who  names 
herself  as  Beatrice,  seeks  him  out  in  Limbo^  and 
explains,  as  a  reason  for  her  descent  into  Hell,  that  a 
second  Lady,  the  Donna  Gentile,  has  sought  out  a 
third  Lady,  Lucia,  in  Paradise,  and  informing  her  of 
Dante's  deadly  peril,  entreats  her  to  do  something  for 
him.  Lucia  thereupon  comes  over  to  Beatrice,  asks 
her  to  lend  Dante  her  aid,  and  Beatrice  relates  to 
Virgil  how  speedily  she  has  done  so,  and  how  she 
now  entrusts  Dante  to  his  (Virgil's)  persuasive 
eloquence. 

Luda,  nimica  di  ciascun  cnidele,*  loo 

the  patron  saint  of  all  who  suffer  from  diseases  of  the  eyes. 
Dante  was  her  fedcU,  on  the  one  hand  because  he  had  sought 
for  Light  when  lost  in  the  darkness  of  the  forest,  that  is,  during 
the  epoch  of  his  moral  and  religious  aberrations,  and  on  the 
other  hand,  because  he  had  a  special  veneration  for  Sta.  Lucia. 
We  read  in  the  Convito,  iii,  9,  his  own  account  of  the  weakness 
of  his  eyes  :  "'  per  afTaticare  lo  viso  molto  a  studio  di  leggere, 
in  tanto  debilitai  gli  spiriti  visivi,  che  le  stelle  mi  pareano  tutte 
d'  alcuno  albore  ombrate  :  e  per  lunga  riposanza  in  luoghi  scuri 
e  freddi,  e  con  affreddare  lo  corpo  delP  occhio  con  acqua  chiara, 
rivinsi  la  virtu  disgregata,  che  tomai  nel  primo  buono  stato 
della  vista." 

*  ciascun  crudeU :  Benvenuto  explains  that  none  are  so  cruel 
as  they  who  despair  of  the  Grace  of  God. 


Canto  II.  Recuiings  on  the  Inferno.  ji 

Si  mosse,  e  venne  al  loco  dov*  io  era,* 
Che  mi  sedea  con  1'  antica  Rachelfc.t 

Disse  : — Beatrice^  loda  di  Dto  vera^ 

CM}  non  soccorri  quel  che  f  amb  tanto^ 

Che  usdoXPer  te  della  volgare  sckiera  f  105 

Non  odi  tu  lafieta  del  suo  ptanto^ 

Non  vedi  tu  la  morte  che  il  combat  te 

Su  lafiumana^  ove  ilmar  non  ha  vanto  f — 

Lucia,  the  enemy  of  everyone  that  is  cruel, 
hastened,  and  came  (over)  to  the  place 
where  I  was,  where  I  sat  with  the  Rachel  of 
ancient    days.      She    said:    Beatrice^    true 

*  €U  loco  dor/  io  era :  In  Par.  xxxi,  64-69,  we  learn  where  was 
Beatrice's  allotted  place  in  Heaven,  namely  in  the  third  rank  of    * 
the  Blessed  in  the  Highest  Heaven  : 

"  Ed  :— •  Ella  ov*  h  ? '— di  subito  diss*  io. 
Ond'  egli : — '  A  terminar  Io  tuo  disiro 
Mosse  Beatrice  me  del  loco  mio  ; 
E  se  riguardi  su  nel  terzo  giro 

Del  sommo  grado,  tu  la  rivedrai 
Nel  trono  che  i  suoi  merti  le  sortiro*." 

t  r  antica  Rachele :  In  the  Divina  Commedia^  Rachel  stands 
as  a  symbol  of  Divine  Contemplation.  See  Purg,  xxvii,  104, 
where  in  Dante's  dream  Leah  says  to  him  : 

"  Ma  mia  suora  Rachel  mai  non  si  smaga 

Dal  suo  miraglio,  e  siede  tutto  giorno. 

Eir  k  de'  suoi  begli  occhi  veder  vaga, 

Com'  io  dell'  adomarmi  con  le  mani ; 

Lei  Io  vedere,  e  me  1'  oprare  appaga." 

X  Che  us  do  per  te  della  volgare  schiera  /In  the  Convito  i,  i, 
we  may  read  Dante's  own  words  as  to  his  having  left  the  com- 
mon herd.  "  E  io  adunque,  che  non  seggo  alia  beata  mensa, 
XMiyfuggito  dalla  fastura  del  vulgOy  ai  piedi  di  coloro  che  seg-  _ 
gono  ricolgo  di  quello  che  da  loro  cade  "  (which  means  that  he 
studied  as  much  as  he  was  able).    And  in  the  Vita  Nuova^  in*     ^ 


72  Readings  on  tki  Inferno.  Canto  IL 

praise  of  God^  wky  dost  thou  not  succour  him 
{Dante)  who  loved  thee  so^  thai  for  thee  he 
issued  forth  from  the  vulgar  herdf  Dost 
thou  not  hear  the  anguish  of  his  complainit 
Dost  thou  not  see  the  death  that  combats 
him,  beside  that  flood  where  the  ocean  has 
no  boast  f 

The  usual  explanation  of  this  passage  is  that 
Dante  was  struggling  for  his  life  on  the  banks  of 
the  river  Acheron,  which  gives  the  ocean  none  of 
its  waters,  the  rivers  of  Hell  not  being  supposed  to 
fall  into  the  sea.  But  Scartazzini,  remarking  that  no 
river  has  been  mentioned  as  flowing  through  the  wood, 
takes  fiumana  in  the  all^orical  sense  as  the  life  of 
man,  so  tempestuously  tossed  about  by  his  passions 
that  even  the  raging  ocean  cannot  claim  to  be  more 
stormy  than  it.  He  thinks  that  flumana,  in  its  literal 
sense,  signifies  the  dark  forest,  and  the  death  with 
which  Dante  is  threatened  is  spiritual  death  from  the 
attacks  of  the  three  beasts,  namely.  Sensuality, 
Ambition  and  Cupidity. 

Beatrice  ends  her  narrative  by  telling  Virgil  how 
speedy  she  was  to  fulfil  Lucia's  behest,  and  with 
what  confidence  she  entrusts  Dante  to  his  charge. 

Al  mondo  non  fur  mai  persone  ratte 

A  fsLT  lor  pro,  n^  a  fuggir  lor  danno,  i  lo 

Com'  io,  dopo  cotai  parole  fatte, 

the  last  paragraph  he  writes  :  **  Appresso  a  questo  Sonetto 
apparve  a  me  una  mirabil  visione,  nella  quale  vidi  cose,  che  mi 
fecero  proporre  di  non  dir  piu  di  questa  bcnedetta  [Beatrice] 
infino  a  tanto  che  io  non  potessi  piu  degnamente  trattare  di  lei. 
£  di  venire  a  cio  io  studio  quanto  posso,  si  com'  ella  sa  verace- 
mente." 


Canto  II.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  73 

Venni  quaggiii  dal  mio  beato  scanno, 
Fidandomi  nel  tuo  parlare  onesto, 
Che  onora  te  e  quei  che  udito  1'  hanna' 

Never  were  persons  in  the  world  more  quick 
to  seek  their  advantage,  nor  to  flee  from 
their  hurt,  as  I  (Beatrice)  after  such  words 
were  uttered  (as  those  of  Lucia):  I  came 
down  here  from  my  Blessed  seat,  confiding 
in  thy  noble  speech,  which  honours  thee,  as 
well  as  those  who  have  listened  to  it' 

Benvenuto  remarks  that  in  the  above  passage 
Dante  demonstrates  the  great  force  and  virtue  of 
eloquence;  which  is  able  to  recall  the  erring,  collect 
the  scattered,  bend  the  stifT-necked,  and  perform  many 
other  wonderful  things. 

In  conclusion,  Virgil,  after  telling  Dante  the 
powerful  effect  on  himself  of  the  sight  of  the  tearful 
sympathy  of  Beatrice,  strongly  urges  him  to  go 
forward  with  courage  and  resolution. 

Poscia  che  m'  ebbe  ragionato  questo,  115 

Gli  occhi  lucenti*  lagrimando  volse  ; 
Perch^  mi  fece  del  venir  pi(k  presto  : 

*  Gli  occhi  lucenti :  In  this  single  instance  of  the  eyes  of 
Beatrice  being  mentioned  in  the  Inferno^  they  appear  to  have 
exerted  the  same  potent  influence  on  Virgil,  as  we  afterwards 
read,  at  the  end  of  the  Purgaiorio^  and  throughout  the  Para- 
disOy  that  they  did  upon  Dante. 

Sec  Purg.  xxxi,  109-111  : 

*'  Menrenti  agli  occhi  suoi ;  ma  nel  giocondo 
Lume  ch'  6  dentro  aguzzeranno  i  tuoi 
Le  tre  di  Ik,  che  miran  piik  profondo." 


74  RMdi$igs  an  tk$  Infemo.         Canto  IL 

E  venni  a  te  cosl,  com' ella  volse ; 

Dinanzi  a  quella  fiera  ti  levai| 

Che  del  bel  monte  il  corto  andar  ti  tolse.         lao 
Dunque  che  h  ?  perch^  perch^  ristai  ? 

Perchi  tanta  viltk  nel  core  allette?* 

Perch^  ardire  e  firancheita  non  hai  ? 

And  Purg.  xxxi,  1 15-1 19 : 

**  Disser :  '  Fa  che  le  viste  non  rispannii ; 
Posto  t*  avem  dinanzi  agli  smeraldi, 
Ond'  Amor  gik  ti  trasse  le  sue  armL' 
Mille  disiri  piu  che  fianuna  caldi 

Strinsermi  gli  occhi  agli  occhi  rilucentL" 
Also  in  Purg.  xxvii,  52-49  Viigil,  to  encourage  Dante  while 
passing  through  the  flames,  speaks  of  Beatrice's  eyes : 
''  Lo  dolce  Padre  mio,  per  confbrtarmi. 
Pur  di  Beatrice  ragionando  andava, 
Dicendo  :  '  Gli  occhi  suoi  gik  veder  parmi.'" 
See  also  Par.  v.  124-126,  where  Dante  says  to  Beatrice : 
*'  lo  veggio  ben  si  come  tu  t*  annidi 

Nel  proprio  lume,  e  che  dagli  occhi  il  traggi, 
Perch  'ei  comiscan,  si  come  tu  ridi." 
And  Par.  xv,  34-36  : 

'*  Ch^  dentro  agli  occhi  suoi  ardeva  un  riso 
Tal,  ch'  io  pensai  co'  miei  toccar  lo  fondo 
Delia  mia  grazia  e  del  mio  Paradiso." 
In  Convito^  ii,  16,  Dante  says  of  Beatrice, ''  Gli  ocChi  di  questa 
donna  sono  le  sue  dimostrazioni,  le  quali  dritte  negli  occhi 
dello  'ntelletto,  innamorano  1'  anima,  liberata  nolle  condizioni." 
Francesco  da  Buti  {Commento  sopra  la  Divina  Comwudia  di 
Dante  AUigkieri^  publicato  per  cura  di  Crescentino  Ciannini^ 
Pisa^  1858),  comments  thus:  "Gli  occhi  di  Beatrice  sono  le 
ragioni  sottilissime  et  efficacissime  e  V  intelletti  sottilissimi,  che 
hanno  avuto  li  Teologi  in  considerare  e  contemplare  Iddio  et 
insegnare  a  considerarlo  e  contemplarlo." 

*  allette :  Blanc  says  that  he  is  unable  to  accept  the  inter- 
pretation that  some  commentators  give  to  this  word,  as  derived 
from  letto^  and  signifying,  dor  letto^  albergare^  annidare^  but  he 


Canto  II.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  75 

Poscia  che  tai  tre  donne  benedette* 

Curan  di  te  nella  corte  del  cielo,  125 

£  il  mio  parlar  tanto  ben  t'  impromette  ?" 

After  she  had  said  this  to  me,  weeping,  she 
turned  (aside)  her  brightly  beaming  eyes, 
whereby  she  made  me  more  speedy  in  my 
coming :  And  I  came  to  thee  as  she  desired ; 
I  delivered  thee  from  the  presence  of  that 
wild  beast  (the  wolf),  which  deprived  thee  of 
the  short  way  to  the  beautiful  mountain  (of 
virtue).  What  is  it  then  ?  Why,  why  dost 
thou  tarry?  Wherefore  dost  thou  invite  such 
coward  fears  into  thy  heart?  Why  hast  thou 
not  boldness  and  freedom,  when  three  such 
blessed  ladies  in  the  Court  of  Heaven  are 
taking  thought  for  thee,  and  my  words  (spoken 
in  canto  I)  promise  thee  so  much  good  ?  " 

Benvenuto  says  that  Virgirs  concluding  words 
imply  that  in  the  Poet  Dante  has  human  science  to 
assist  him,  as  well  as  sacred  Theology,  and  the  Grace 
of  God. 

thinks  it  comes  rather  from  the  Latin  allectare^  a  frequentative 
of  allicere^  and  that  Dante  means  to  say,  '*  Why  dost  thou  give 
access  to,  callest,  and  invitest  cowardice  into  thy  heart  of  thine 
own  accord?"  Scartazzini  also  takes  the  same  view.  The 
English  translations  mostly  translate  it  in  the  sense  of  "  har- 
bouring," "lodging,"  "nursing,"  "embedding,"  Benvenuto 
renders  it  "  cur  tu  advocas  ?  "  and  says  of  allette^ "  et  est  verbum 
Tuscorum  :  quando  enim  volunt  vocare  avem  dicunt :  alUcia 
illam  avem :  et  est  allecto  verbum  frequentativum  hujus  verbi 
allicioP 

*  f re  donne  benedciie  ;  namely,  Beatrice,  the  Virgin  Mary,  and 
Lucia. 


76  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  Canto  n. 

Division  IV.  The  good  effect  of  Virgirs  long  and 
persuasive  speech  is  now  shown  in  Dante's  complete 
return  to  his  good  purpose,  and  resignation  to  Virgil's 
guidance.  He  compares  himself,  bowed  down  to  the 
earth  in  the  darkness  of  sin,  to  the  flowers  that  are 
bent  down  and  closed  by  the  cold  night;  and,  as 
these  are  straightened  and  opened  by  the  rays  of  the 
morning  sun,  so  is  the  soul  of  Dante  uplifted,  and  his 
heart  opened  by  the  Illuminating  Grace  of  God. 

Quali  i  fioretti*  dal  notturno  gelo 

Chinati  e  chiusi,  poi  che  il  Sol  gl'  imbianca, 
*    Si  drizzan  tutti  aperti  in  loro  stelo  ; 

Tal  mi  fee*  io,  di  mia  virtute  stanca  :  150 

£  tanto  buono  ardire  al  cor  mi  corse, 
Ch'  10  cominciai  come  persona  franca : 

Even  as  the  flowerets,  bent  down  and  closed 
by  the  frost  of  night,  when  the  sun  whitens 
(1.  e.  illumines)  them,  uplift  themselves  all 
open  on  their  stems :  such  did  I  become 
with  my  exhausted  vigour ;  and  such  good 
courage  ran  into  my  heart,  that  I  began  as 
one  undaunted : 

Dante  expresses  his   profound   gratitude,  first   to 

*  Quali  I  fioretti :  Compare  Boccaccio,  //  Filostrato^  p.  ii, 
St  Ixxx  : 

"  Come  fioretto  dal  nottomo  gelo 

Chinato  e  chiuso,  poi  che  il  sol  P  imbianca, 
S'  apre  e  si  leva  dritto  sopra  il  stelo." 

And  Chaucer :  Troilus  and  Creseide^  1 1,  cxxxix  : 

"  But  right  as  floures,  through  the  cold  of  nyghte 
Ydosed,  stowpen  on  her  stalkes  lowe, 
Redressen  hem  ayein  the  sonne  brighte, 
And  spreden  on  her  kynde  cours  by  rowe,"  etc. 


Canto  II.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  ji 

Beatrice,  who  sought  out  Vii^l,  and  next  to  Virgil 
who  so  readily  obeyed  her  summons.      ''••- '  • 

— "  O  pietosa  colei  che  mi  soccorse, 

£  tu  cortese,*  che  ubbidisti  tosto 

Alle  vere  parole  f  che  ti  porse  1  135 

Tu  m'  hai  con  desiderio  il  cor  disposto 
SI  al  venir,  con  le  parole  tue, 
Ch'  10  son  tomato  nel  primo  proposto. 

Or  va,  che  un  sol  volere  h  d'  ambo  e  due  : 

Tu  duca,  tu  signore  e  tu  maestro : " —  140 

Cos)  gli  dissi ;  e  poich^  mosso  fue, 

Entrai  per  lo  cammino  alto  e  silvestro. 

*'  O  full  of  pity  she  (Beatrice)  who  succoured 
me !  And  courteous  thou  (Virgil)  who  didst 
so  speedily  obey  the  words  of  truth  that  she 
addressed  to  thee !  Thou  hast  by  thy  words 
disposed  my  heart  with  so  great  a  desire  to 
come,  that  I  have  returned  to  my  first  pur- 
pose. Go  now,  for  one  sole  will  is  in  us  both : 
Thou  guide,  thou  lord  and  master."    Thus 


*  cortese :  In  Convito  ii,  11,  Dante  explains  cortesia  thus: 
"Nulla  cosa  in  donna  sta  piit  bene,  che  cortesia.  £  non 
siano  li  miseri  volgari  anche  di  questo  vocabolo  ingannati,  che 
credono  che  cortesia  non  sia  altro  che  larghezza  :  ch^  larghena 
6  una  speziale  e  non  generale  cortesia.  Cortesia  e  onestade 
6  tutt'  uno  :  e  perocch^  nelle  corti  anticamente  le  virtudi  e 
li  belli  costumi  s'  usavano  (siccome  oggi  s'  usa  il  contrario),  si 
tolse  questo  vocabolo  dalle  corti ;  e  fu  tanto  a  dire  cortesia^ 
quanto  uso  di  corte  ;  lo  qual  vocabolo  se  oggi  si  togliesse 
dalle  corti,  massimamente  d'  Italia,  non  sarebbe  altro  a  dire 
che  turpfssay 

t  vere  parole :  Compare  /'or.  iv,  94-96  : 
"  lo  t'  ho  per  certo  nella  mento  messo, 
Ch'  alma  beata  non  poria  mentire, 
Perocch'  h  sempre  al  primo  vero  appresso." 


78 


Readings  oh  the  Inferno.  Canto  II. 


I  spake  to  him ;    and  when  he  had  moved 
(onward),  I  eatered  upon  the  deep  and  woody 
path  (to  Heil). 
Boccaccio  says  that  Dante  names  Virgil  his  guide 
as  regards  their  journeying,  his  lord  as  far  as  pre- 
eminence and  auth — ■'' -A,  and  his  master 

witii  regard  to  his  ' 


Ekd  of  Canto 


li    PROtKMIUM. 


Alfieri,*  alluding  i^  .—  ™..^.t  f^acisage  from  line  94 
to  109,  observes:  "Here  is  the  most  difficult,  and,  up  to 
now,  the  least  understood  passage  in  the  Divitia  Com- 
viedia :  here  is  the  knot  in  which,  more  than  in  any 
other,  all  the  commentators  have  got  entangled.  If 
I  am  too  bold  in  saying  that  I  think  I  have  found  the 
real  signification  of  it,  the  reader  must  be  indulgent 
and  pardon  me  for  the  sake  of  the  immense  labour  it 
has  cost  me  to  find  it  out.  There  arc  in  us  (mortals) 
two  parts,  of  which  one  is  called  Heart,  that  is  Appe- 
tite ;  the  other  Soul,  that  is  Reason.  Should  it 
happen  that  the  adversary  of  Reason  succeeds,  cither 
by  open  assaults  or  by  seductive  flatteries,  in  making 
itself  lord  where  it  was  servant,  and  in  bringing  the 
other  part  into  subjection,  the  latter,  fallen  from  its 


•  Allieri's  remarks  are  given  by  Iliagioli  (La  Divina  Commedia 
ili  Dante  Alighieri,  Naples,  1854)  from  commenls  wriuen  in 
.^Ifieri'i.  own  copy  of  Uante,  and  brouijht  10  lighi  afier  his 
(leatti. 


Canto  II.  Recidings  on  the  Inferno.  79 

sovereign  height,  laments,  gets  sad,  and  has  recourse 
to  Truth,  to  illumine  it  by  its  light,  and  dissipate  the 
darkness  of  its  ignorance.  But  Truth  can  only  be 
acquired  by  Philosophy,  and  therefore  to  it  does  Truth 
turn  its  prayers.  Philosophy  in  its  turn  takes  action, 
and  divides  itself  into  two  principal  parts,  the  one  of 
which  is  the  Science  of  things  divine,  the  other  that 
of  things  human  ;  and  the  first,  to  whom  Truth  has 
addressed  its  prayers,  turns  to  the  second,  and  moves 
it  to  the  first  operation.  Therefore  I  conclude  that 
the  Gentil  donna  del  cieloy  who  laments  over  the  aber- 
ration of  the  Poet,  i.e,  of  Man  fallen  into  error,  is  the 
soul,  that  is.  Reason ;  that  Lucia,  to  whom  she  ad- 
dresses herself,  is  a  figure  of  Truth,  and  she,  in  her 
turn,  makes  her  entreaty  to  Beatrice^  symbol  of  the 
Science  of  things  divine,  otherwise  called  Theology. 
Beatrice  is  sitting  with  the  Rachel  of  bygone  days, 
who  is  a  symbol  of  Meditation,  and  her  inseparable 
companion  ;  and  finally,  in  Virgil,  sent  *by  Beatrice 
to  succour  Dante,  is  figured  Knowledge  of  things 
human,  or  in  other  words.  Natural  Science.  And 
Dante  selected  Virgil  for  this  mission,  firsts  as  an 
evidence  of  his  love  and  gratitude  towards  him,  from 
whom  he  *had  derived  the  pure  style  which  had 
already  done  him  honour,'  and  secondly^  because  the 
power  of  poetry  was  (in  Dante's  opinion)  so  great,  che 
nulV  i  al  mondo  che  non  possano  i  versu  Let  us  now 
go  into  details  (continues  Alfieri),  where  we  shall  find 
such  a  number  of  other  proofs  of  what  I  have  advanced, 
that  it  is  not  possible  that  the  aspect  of  such  beauti- 
ful truth  should  not  enamour  whoever  seeks  it  out  and 
loves  it.     In   Convito  iii,  i,  it  is  explained  that  ^per 


8o' 


Readings  on  tfu  Inferno.  Canto  ir. 


donna  gentile  s'  inteiide  la  nobiU  anima  d'  ingegno,  e 
libera  nella  sua  propria,  potesta,  Che  4  la  ragione.'  In 
Conv.  iii,  8,  Dante,  speaking  of  the  mouth  and  eyes, 
says  :  '  li  quali  due  luoghi  per  bella  similitudine  si 
possono  appellare  balconi  della  donna  che  nel  dificio 
del  corpo  abita,  c'"^  ''  -'■>:■"-'  And  again,  in 
Conv.   iii,   2,   '  L'  a  qual   k   con   la 

nobiiti  della  potenz  tgione,  partecipe 

della   divina   natura  :h6    1'    anima    h 

tanto   in    questa    so  lobilitata.'      And 

in  Conv.  iv,  31  :  '  E  c  ile  alia  sentenzia 

di  Tullio  in   quello  :he   parlando    in 

persona  di   CaCone,  eetestiaU   anima 

discese  in  noi,  dell'  altissimo  abitacolo  venuta  in  loco,  lo 
quale  alia  divina  natura  e  alia  etemitade  i  contrario.' 
And  now  (says  Alfieri)  1  contend  to  have  proved 
who  is  the  gentil  donna,  why  she  is  called  donna, 
why  gentile,  why  she  is  in  Heaven,  that  is,  near  her 
own  source  and  origin  [presso  alprincipio  sito)." 


Canto  III.  Readings  on  tJic  Tnfenio.  8 1 


CANTO  III. 


The  Gate  of  Hell. 
The  Souls  of  those  who  were  equally 

indifferent  to  good  and  evil. 
The  Acheron. 
Charon. 

Benvenuto  says  that  Dante,  having  completed  the 
two*  preliminary  cantos,  in  the  first  of  which  he  laid 
down  his  proposition,  and  in  the  second  made  his  in- 
vocation, now  in  this  third  canto  enters  upon  his 
narrative  or  general  subject. 
Benvenuto  divides  it  into  five  parts. 
In  tlie  First  Division,  from  v.  i  to  v.  21,  Dante 
describes  the  Entrance  Gate  of  Hell,  and  the  terrible 
inscription  over  the  doorway. 

In  the  Second  Division,  from  v.  22  to  v.  57,  he 
relates  the  anguish  of  those  who  lived  without  fame, 

*  We  have  noticed  before  (page  2)  that  Benvenuto  has 
made  a  slight  discrepancy  in  first  stating  that  the  preliminary 
part  of  the  Inferno  {procemium)  consists  of  three  cantos,  where- 
as now  he  says:  *'Expeditis  duobus  capitulis  prohemialibus,  in 
quorum  primo  Dantes  proposuit,  in  secundo  invocavit,  nunc 
consequenter  in  isto  tertio  capitulo  incipit  suam  narrationem 
sive  tractatum."  It  is  evident  that  this  latter  is  Benvenuto's 
meaning. 


82  Readings  oh  the  Inftrno.         Canto  IIL 

being  neither  good  nor  bad,  and  of  the  Angels  who 
were  neither  for  God  nor  against  Him. 

In  the  Third  Division,  from  v.  58  to  v.  69,  he 
relates  the  special  penalties  of  these  spirits,  and 
remarks  one  in  particular,  for  whose  public  career  he 
felt  great  contempt 

In  ike  Fourth  :  70  to  v,  120,  he 

describes  the  souls  ig  conveyed  over 

the  river  Acheron  b  mm  Charon,  who 

opposes  the  entrant  bis  boat. 

In  the  Fifth  Di  ;l  to  v.  136,  Vii^il 

answers  a  question  1  1  him,  after  which 

an  earthquake,  acco  id  and  lightning, 

so  terrifies  Dante  that  he  falls  down  in  a  swoon. 


Division  I.  We  are  not  told  at  what  hour  the  Poets 
reach  the  Gate  of  Hell,  but  there  is  a  distinct  indica- 
tion in  canto  vii,  97-99,  that  it  is  past  midnight  when 
they  are  leaving  the  fourth  circle,  and  we  may  there- 
fore conclude  that  they  enter  into  Hell  just  at  night- 
fall  on  Good  Friday  1300. 

It  maybe  observed  that  Dante's  entrance  into  Pur- 
gatory and  the  Terrestrial  Paradise  took  place  at 
daybreak,  and  into  Paradise  at  noon. 

By  a  prosopopceia,  or  figure  of  giving  personality 
to  inanimate  things,  Dante  makes  the  Gate  of  Hell 
itself  utter  the  dire  words  with  which  this  canto 
opens. 

"  Per  me  si  va  nclhi  aiii  dolentc. 

Per  mi  si  va  ntlP  elcrtio  dohre. 
Per  me  si  T/a  Ira  la  perdiila  genie. 
Oiiisli:i,i  mosse  it  liiio  alio  fatlorc  : 


Canto  III.  Readings  on  iJic  I nf Olio,  83 

Fecemila  divina  potestaief  5 

La  somma  sapUnua  e  ilprimo  amort,  f 
DinanMi  a  tm  nmjur  cost  ereait^  % 
Se  turn  eteme^  id  to  etema  \  duro  : 
Lasciaie  e^pu  speranMa^  voi^  cH  eniraie  /  " 

"Through  me  is  the  way  into  the  city  of  woe, 
through  me  is  the  way  into  eternal  suffering, 
through  me  is  the  way  among  the  lost  people. 
Justice  moved  my  Great  Maker  (to  build 
me)  :  the  divine  omnipotence  (of  the  Father), 
the  highest  Wisdom  (of  the  Son),  and  the 
Primal  Love  (of  the  Holy  Ghost)  made  me. 
Before  me  were  no  created  things,  but 
eternal,  and  eternally  I  endure.  Abandon 
all  hope  ye  who  enter." 

Benvenuto  says  that  this  last  is  the  most  universal 

*  la  divina  potest  ate ^  etc. :  Scartazzini  says  that  in  these  two 
lines  Dante  is  alluding  to  the  Holy  Trinity,  according  to  the 
theological  maxim  that  opera  ad  extra  sunt  totius  Trinitaiis; 
and  that  in  his  circumscription  of  the  Three  Persons  Dante  is 
following  St.  Thomas  Aquinas.  See  Summ,  TheoL  Pars.  I.  qu. 
xxxix,  art.  viii :  "  Item,  secundum  Augustinum,  Patri  attri- 
buitur"  potentia^  Filio  sapientia^  Spiritui  sancto  honitas^ 

\  primo  amore :  St.  Thomas  Aquinas  says  that  punishment 
when  deserved  is  love. 

t  Dinansi a  me  nonfur  cose  create:  Hell  is  "the  everlasting 
fire  prepared  for  the  devil  and  his  angels."  {St,  Matth.  xxv,  41.) 
Scartazzini  thinks  it  was  prepared  after  the  fall  of  Lucifer,  and 
consequently  after  the  Angels  and  the  spheres  of  Heaven. 
The  things  created  before  Hell  are  therefore  the  Angels  and 
the  Heavens,  and  these  are  cose  create  which  last  eternally. 

II  etema :  Blanc  says  the  adjective  is  here  used  as  an  adverb 
for  eternamente.    It  is  frequently  so  used  by  Dante. 

G  2 


84 


Readitigs  on  the  hiferno.         Canto  II!. 


and  crowning;  of  the  penalties  of  Hell,  that  the  spirits 
of  the  doomed  can  never  hope  for  any  term  or  limit 
to  their  punishment ;  and  the  lost  soul  maybe  said  lo 
live  on  in  eternal  chastisement,  just  as  the  salamander 
lives  on  in  the  fire  for  a  considerable  time  (a/'V'"""^'")' 
But  here  Uenvenu        ■  ■  •  ■     •  j  may  arise,  as  to 

why  Dante  conld  h.  is  to  pass  through 

the  gate  after  rea  ion.     The  answer 

to  which  is  Ihat   D  ?r  into   Hell  after 

the  manner  that  thi  did,  but  with  the 

full  knowledge  that  e  to  come  out,  as 

will  be  stated  furt  anto ;  like  as  we 

have  sometimes  see  lord  cast  anyone 

into  prison  for  the  sake  of  example,  and  order  that  he 
shall  never  issue  from  it ;  whereas  he  will,  as  a  special 
favour,  grant  leave  to  some  one  else  to  enter  in  and 
see  the  prisoners'  condition  and  the  mode  of  their 
punishment,  but  with  the  full  security  of  being  able 
to  come  out  again. 

The  terrible  words  of  the  inscription  seem  to  have 
caught  Dante's  eyes  before  he  has  realised  where  they 
were  placed, 

Quesie  parole  di  colore  oscuro  lO 

Vid'  io  serine  al  sommo  d'  una  porta  : 
Perch'  io  : — "  Maesiro,  il  senso  lor  m'  4  duro." — 
These  words  I   beheld  inscribed  in  sombre 
hue  over  the  summit  of  a  gateway.     Whereat 
1  (said  to  Virgil);   "Master,  iheir  import  is 
terrible  to  me," 

Dante  means  that  the  written  warning  that  he 
must  abandon  all  hope  of  coming  out  again  fills  his 
heart  with-  fear.     It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  through- 


Canto  III.         Readings  on  the  Inferno.  85 

out  the  Inferno^  and  until  he  has  passed  out  of  Purga- 
tory into  the  Terrestrial  Paradise,  Dante  depicts  him- 
self as  entirely  lacking  all  the  qualities  of  a  brave 
man,  such  as  it  is  known  that  he  exhibited  in  his  youth, 
and  notably  at  the  battle  of  Campaldino.  Although 
Virgil  now  enjoins  him  to  lay  aside  all  cowardice,  his 
human  fears,  in  the  presence  of  the  awful  mysteries  of 
the  hitherto  unseen  world,  are  too  great  for  him  to 
suppress. 

Ed  egli  a  me,  come  persona  accorta  : 
— "  Qui  si  convien  lasciare  ogni  sospetto  ;* 

Ogni  viltk  convien  che  qui  sia  morta.  15 

Noi  siam  venuti  al  loco  ov'  10  t*  ho  detto,t 
Che  tu  vedrai  le  genti  dolorose, 
Ch'  hanno  perduto  il  ben  dello  intelletta*^ — 

And  he  to  me,  as  one  quick  to  understand : 

*  sospetto  has  in  this  passage  the  signification  of  "fear!"  It 
is  used  in  that  sense  in  Inf,  v.  129  : 

"  Soli  eravamo  e  senza  alcun  sospetto." 

\  07/  to  f  ho  deito:  Virgil  is  referring  to  his  words  in 
Inf,  i,  115,  et  seq, : 

"  E  trarrotti  di  qui  per  loco  etemo, 
Ove  udirai  le  disperate  strida, 

Vedrai  git  anttchi  spiriti  dolenti, 
Che  la  seconda  morte  ciascun  grida." 

X  il  ben  dello  intelletto :  Blanc  observes  of  this  passage  that  it 
"ne  signifie  pas  :  ils  ont  perdu  /*  m/^//?//^,  mais  ce  qui  constitue 
le  bonheur  de  Tintelligence,  c'est  k  dire,  ils  ont  perdu  la 
connaissance  de  Dieu.''  In  Convito^  tr.  ii,  14,  Dante  says  : 
"  Cos)  della  induzione  della  perfezione  seconda  le  scienze  sono 
cagioni  in  noi ;  per  1'  abito  delle  quali  potemo  la  ventk  specu- 
lare,  ch'  h  V  ultima  perfezione  nostra,  siccome  dice  il  Filosofo 
nel  sesto  dell'  Etica,  quando  dice  che  '1  vero  h  'l*bene  dello 
intelletto." 


86  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  Cant 

"  Here  must  all  fear  be  left  behind,  every 
cowardice  must  here  be  annihilated  (///.  be 
dead).  We  arc  come  to  the  place  where  I 
have  told  thee,  that  thou  wilt  behold  the 
sorrowing  folk,  who  have  lost  the  good  of  the 
intellect  {i.t.  tl  od)." 

Virgil  now  leads  i  the  Gate. 

E  poichi  la  SI  ise. 

Con  lieto  nfortai,* 

M  i  mise  <  Dse. 

And  after  thai  ind  on  mine 

with  joyful  m  lok  comfort, 

he  led  (///,  put)  mc  ni  umuug  [ne  secret  things 
{t.e.  hidden  from  mortal  eyes). 
Benvenuto  thinks  that  Virgit  did  in  real  truth 
introduce  Dante  into  Hell,  for  he  had  already  given 
him  such  a  description  of  sins  and  their  punishments 
that  Dante  found  the  way,  so  to  speak,  prepared  for 
him.  And  Virgil  leads  Dante  with  a  joyful  counten- 
ance, for  the  wise  man  is  ever  ready,  willingly, 
joyfully,  and  without  envy,  to  impart  knowledge  to 
others. 

Division  If.  On  first  entering  within  the  gloomy  por- 
tals of  Hell,  Dante's  attention  is  at  once  attracted  to  the 
punishment  of  those,  who.se  lives  had  been  absolutely 


•  E  poichi  lit  suit  iitano  .  .  . 

.  .  .  oniT  io  mi  conjortai  : 
Compare  Chaucer,  The  Assemble  of  Fouies,  st.  z%  : 
"  And  wiih  that  my  hand  in  his  he  toke  aiio 
Of  which  1  comfort  cau);ht,  and  went  in  fa 


Canto  III.         Readings  on  the  Inferno.  87 

neutral,  who  had  never  sinned  actively,  nor  done  any 

single  deed    worthy  of   praise.     They  are    briefly 

described  and  contemptuously  dismissed  from  further 

notice. 

Quivi  sospiri,*  pianti  ed  aiti  guai 

Risonavan  per  V  aer  senza  stelle, 

Perch'  10  al  cominciar  ne  lagrimai. 
Diverse  lingue,  orribili  favelle,  25 

Parole  di  dolore,  accenti  d'  ira,t 

Voci  alte  e  fioche,t  e  suon  di  man  con  elle, 

*  Quivi  sospiri :  Longfellow  gives  the  following  translation 
of  the  description  by  Frate  Alberico  ( Visio  §9)  of  the  Mouth  of 
Hell.  "  After  all  these  things,  I  was  led  to  the  Tartarean 
Regions,  and  to  the  mouth  of  the  Infernal  Pit,  which  seemed 
like  unto  a  well ;  regions  full  of  horrid  darkness,  of  fetid  exhala- 
tions, of  shrieks  and  loud  bowlings.  Near  this  Hell  was  a 
Worm  of  immeasurable  size,  bound  with  a  large  chain,  one  end 
of  which  seemed  to  be  fastened  in  Hell.  Before  the  mouth  of 
this  Hell  there  stood  a  great  multitude  of  souls,  which  he 
absorbed  at  once,  as  if  they  were  (lies ;  so  that,  drawing  in  his 
breath,  he  swallowed  them  all  together;  then,  breathing, 
exhaled  them  all  on  fire,  like  sparks." 
t  accenti  (V  ira:  compare  Inf.  xxiv.  67-69  : 

"  Non  so  che  disse,  ancor  che  sopra  il  dosso 
Fossi  delP  arco  gik  che  varca  quivi ; 
Ma  chi  parlava  ad  ira  parea  mosso." 
X  fioche:  Some  translate yf<7r^^  as  hoarse,  but  I  think  Scartaz- 
ztni's  explanation  is  much  the  best,  taking  yf^A^  as  contrasting 
with  alte^  and  he  says  that  the  voices  were  loud  or  faint,  accord- 
ing as  their  torment  made  these  wretched  beings  either  yell 
with  pain,  or  be  completely  subdued  and  overcome,  and  he 
quotes  in  illustration  of  the  latter  Dante's  question  in  line  33  : 

"  Che  gent*  ^,  che  par  nel  duol  si  vinta  ?  " 
See  also  Inf,  i,  62,  63  : 

"  Dinanzt  agli  occhi  mi  si  fu  offerto 
Chi  per  lungo  silenzio  parea  fioco," 
that  is,  ''  one  whose  voice  had  become  faint,  weak,  from  long 


88  Readings  on  tlie  Inferno.        Canto  il  I. 

Facevano  un  tumulto,  il  qual  s*  aggira 

Sempre  in  quell'  aria  senza  tempo  tinta. 

Come  la  rena*  quando  a  turbo  spira.  30 

Here  sighs,  lamentations  and  loud  cries  of 
woe  resounded  through  the  starless  air, 
whereat  at  first  I  wept.  Divers  tongues, 
horrible  utterances,  words  of  anguish,  accents 
of  anger,  voices  loud  and  faint,  and  with 
them  the  sounds  of  hands  (of  spirits  beating 
their  breasts  in  their  agony),  made  a  tumult 
that  is  for  ever  whirling  on  in  that  eternally 
dark  air,  even  as  the  sand  (does)  when  it  is 
blowing  a  whirlwind. 

These  miserable  wretches  are  rightly  compared  to 
the  sand  for  their  number,  and  like  it  are  vile,  sterile, 
and  only  fit  tb  be  trodden  under  foot.  They  are 
despised  by  every  one,  and  blown  about  by  every 
blast  of  fortune.  And  as  will  be  shown  presently, 
they  all  run  equally  without  aim  or  object,  and  arc 
scattered  in  all  directions. 

Dante  now  asks  Virgil  who  these  arc. 

Ed  io,  ch'  avea  d'  orrorf  la  testa  cinta, 

Dissi: — "  Maestro,  che  h  quel  ch*  i*  odo  ? 
E  che  gent*  fe,  che  par  nel  duol  si  vinta  ?  " — 

disuse. **    Benvenuto  interprets  the  voices  as  hoarse,  and  com- 
ments  as   follows  :   ^*^  fioche^  idest   raucae,  et   graves   propter 
nimietatem  planctCis,  qui  focit  raucescere  vocem." 
*  Come  ia  rena  :  Compare  Milton,  Par,  Lost^  ii,  903 : 

" Un-numbcred  as  the  sands 

Of  Barca  or  Gyrene's  tornd  soil, 

Levied  to  side  with  warring  winds,  and  poise 

Their  lighter  wings. " 

t  d*  orror:  Many  read  dt  error,    Benvenuto  gives  both  read- 
ings, explaining  it  orror ^  propter  horribilem  clamorem^  and  d* 


Canto  III.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  .S9 

And  I,  who  had  my  head  begirt  with  horror, 
said :  "  Master,  what  is  this  that  I  hear  ?  and 
what  folk  are  these  that  seem  so  overcome 
with  woe  ?  " 

The  intensity  of  their  pain  had  completely  con- 
quered, in  these  miserable  souls,  their  power  to  endute 
suffering. 

Ed  egli  a  me  : — '*  Questo  misero  modo 

Tengon  V  anime  triste  di  coloro,  35 

Che  visser*  senza  infamia  e  senza  lode. 
Mischiate  sono  a  quel  cattivo  core 
I  Degli  angeli,  che  non  furon  ribelli, 

N^  fur  fedeli  a  Die,  ma  per  s^  fore. 
Cacciarlit  i  ciel  per  non  esser  men  belli :  40 

N^  lo  profondo  inferno  gli  riceve, 
Ch^  alcuna  gloria  i  rci  avrcbbcr  d*  cUi." — 

And  he  to  me  :  "  This  miserable  condition 
the  melancholy  souls  of  those  sustain  who 
lived  without  infamy  and  without  praise. 
They  are  mingled  with  that  caitiff  choir  of 
Angels,  who  were  not  rebellious,  nor  were 

error^  idest  qui  habebam  fantasiam  turbatam  tantd  confusiofu. 
Scartazzini  thinks  that  Dante  bad  in  his  mind  the  following 
line  of  Virgil  {^n,  ii,  559)  of  which  this  passage  is  an  obvious 
imitation : 

"  At  me  turn  primum  saevus  circumstetit  horror." 

*  Che  visser^  etc.  :  See  Rev.  iii,  14-16,  where  our  Lord  says  to 
St.  John  :  '*And  to  the  angel  of  the  church  of  the  Laodiceans 
write  :  These  things  saith  the  Amen,  the  faithful  and  true 
witness,  the  beginning  of  the  creation  of  God.  I  know  thy 
works,  that  thou  art  neither  cold  nor  hot.  I  would  thou  wert 
cold  or  hot  So  then  because  thou  art  luke-warm,  and  neither 
cold  nor  hot  I  will  spue  thee  out  of  my  mouth." 

+  Cacciarli:  I  do  not  here  follow  Wittc,  who  reads  cacdanli^ 
as  cacciarli  is  a  reading  generally  preferred. 


Readings  on  the  Tafenio.         Canto  tn. 

faithful  to  God,  but  were  for  themselves  {i.e. 
stood  aloof).  Heaven  cast  them  out  that  its 
lustre  &boukl  not  be  impaired  (///.  so  as  not 
to  be  less  beautiful),  nor  does  deep  Hell 
receive  them,  because  the  guilty  would  have 
some  glory  over  •*>'■'" 


The  guilty  migh 
those  who  had  bee 
merit  as  severe  as  t 
them  for  not  havii 
wickedness.  France: 
might  contend  that  I 
paltry  spirits  in  Limb-. 


;h  if  they  saw 
ccive  a  punish- 
y  would  despise 
'  distinction  in 
larks  that  some 
ive  placed  these 
:,  but  the  answer 


would  be  that  they  who  were  doomed  to  Limbo  were 
punished  for  original  sin,  whereas  these  wretches  had 
had  that  purged  out  by  Baptism,  and  Dante  evidently 
wished  to  show  that  they  had  all  been  Christians. 
Buti  adds  that  others  might  argue  that  they  ought  to 
have  been  placed  among  the  slothful  {accidiosi)  in 
the  mire  of  the  Styx  (see  Canto  vii,  115-126),  but 
he  says  that  sloth  {accidia)  is  only  negligence  re- 
specting what  is  good ;  and  that  it  docs  not  mean 
that  they  were  careless  about  what  was  evil. 

Dante  would  seem  to  be  su  stunned  and  confused 
at  the  awful  sounds  which  greet  his  cars  as  soon  as 
he  has  passed  through  the  gate,  that  he  has  not  yet 
begun  to  use  his  eyes ;  and  he  now  questions  Virgil 
a  second  time  as  to  the  meaning  of  these  sounds  of 
woe.  Virgil  declines  to  give  him  anything  like  full 
details  as  to  the  condition  of  the  suffering  wretches, 
but  tells  him  merely  to  take  one  look  at  them,  and 
leave  them  to  their  fate. 


Canto  III.  Readings  on  the  Infciiw.  91 

Ed  io  : — "  Maestro,  chc  h  tanto  grcvc 
A  lor,  che  lamentar  gli  fa  s)  forte  ?" — 
Rispose  : — "  Dicerolti  *  molto  breve.  45 

Quest!  non  hanno  speranza  di  morte^t 
E  la  lor  cieca  vita  h  tanto  bassa, 
Che  invidiosi  son  d'  ogni  altra  sorte.t 

Fama  di  loro  il  mondo  esser  non  lassa, 

Misericordia  e  giustizia  gli  sdegna  :  50 

Non  ragioniam  di  lorj  ma  guarda  e  passa." — 

And  I :   "  Master,  what  is    so   grievous    to 
them,  that  makes  them  lament  so  loudly  ? '' 

*  Dicerolti:  the  same  as  te  lo  dird,  Dicere  is  an  old  and  now 
obsolete  word  often  used  by  early  writers  instead  of  dire^  dird* 

t  speranza  di  morte:  Scartazzini  interprets  it:  "They  are 
certain  that  their  miserable  and  vile  condition  will  never  come 
to  an  end."  Compare  Rev,  ix,  6 :  "'  And  in  those  days  shall 
men  seek  death,  and  shall  not  find  it ;  and  shall  desire  to  die, 
and  death  shall  flee  from  them.**  Lubin  takes  quite  a  different 
view,  and  thinks  speranxa  di  morie  means  their  (fruitless)  hope 
of  their  memory  dying  in  the  world.  He  quotes  St  Bernard 
{De  Considerationiy  lib.  v,  cap.  xii) :  "  Horreo  incidere  in 
manus  mortis  viventis  et  vitx  morientis.  Haec  [est]  secunda 
mors,  quse  nunquam  peroccidit,  sed  semper  occidit  Quis  det 
illis  semel  mori,  ut  non  moriantur  in  aetemumi  qui  dicunt 
montibus,  cadite  super  nos^  et  coUibus,  operite  nos^  quid  nisi 
mortem  mortis  beneficto  aut  finire  aut  evadere  volunt  ?  invoca- 
bunt  mortem  et  non  veniet  ....  Durante  anima  durat  et 
memoria,  sed  qualis?  Foeda  flagttiis,  horrida  lacinoribus, 
vanitate  tumida,  contemptu  hispida  et  neglecta  ....  In 
setemum  ergo  necesse  est  cruciari." 

X  altra  sorte :  These  wretches  covet  even  the  lot  of  the  worst 
sinners,  who  have  left  some  notoriety  behind  them. 

II  Non  ragioniam  di  lor:  Compare  Ecclus,  xliv,  9:  "And 
some  there  be  which  have  no  memorial ;  who  are  perished, 
as  though  they  had  never  been ;  and  are  become  as  though 
they  had  never  been  bom." 


.V.V.       1  lie  world  will    allow  i 
mention    of   them,  (divine)    Mercy  disdaii 
them  (by  closing  Heaven  against  them),  an 
Justice  (by  not  admitting  them  into  Hell 
Let  us  not  speak  of  them,  but  look  thou 
and  pass  on." 

Dante  takes  a  glance  at  the  throng  before  hi 
Benvenuto  says  that,  in  obedience  to  Virgil,  it 
mere  passing  glance,  and   he  looks  at  them 
mass  {pmnes  reducit  ad  unum  cumulum).    See 
however,  on  riguardai, 

Ed  10,  che  riguardai,*  vidi  un  insegna,t 
Che  girando  correva  tanto  ratta, 
Che  d'  ogni  posa  mi  pareva  indegna  : 

E  dietro  le  venla  si  lunga  tratta 

Di  gente,  ch'  i'  non  avrei  mai  creduto, 
Che  morte  tanta  n'  avesse  disfatta. 

And  I,  who  looked  attentively,  beheld  a  * 
banner,  which  whirling  round  ran  so  quickly, 
that  it  seemed  disdainful  (///.  unworthy)  of 
all  pause.  And  behind  it  there  came  so  long 
a  train  of  people,  that  I  never  should  have 
believed  that  death  had  undone  so  many. 

*  riguardai:  guardare'xs  to  look  ;  rie^unrrf.^*-*  ♦--  '-   ' 


Canto  III.         Readings  on  the  Inferno.  93 

Benvenuto  suggests  that  perhaps  the  flag  was  a 
mere  white  rag  such  as  would  be  carried  by  low 
fellows  of  the  baser  sort  {sicut  portant  ribaldi)  who 
have  no  distinguishing  banner  of  their  own,  and 
Benvenuto  describes  ribaldi  to  be  louts,  cowards, 
flatterers,  costermongers,  barge-porters,  beggars,  and 
such  like,  of  whom  the  multitude  is  infinite ;  ''  nor 
could  I  ever,"  he  adds,  "  have  believed  there  were  so 
many  in  the  world  as  I  once  upon  a  time  saw  in  the 
House  of  Charity  {ad  pagnotam)  at  Avignon,  nor 
shall  I  ever  be  surprised  when  I  see  Italy  filled  with 
such  wretches,  so  many  did  I  see  in  Provence  and 
Savoy." 

Division  III.  Dante,  while  describing  the  miser- 
able torments  of  the  caitiff  throng  makes  especial 
mention  of  one,  though  he  refrains  from  uttering 
his  name.  There  is  great  dissension  among  the 
commentators  as  to  the  person  of  whom  Dante 
intended  to  speak.  Some,  among  whom  is  Benvenuto, 
take  him  to  be  Esau,  who  made  the  g^eat  renuncia- 
tion of  his  birthright,  but  Scartazzini  points  out  that 
Dante  has  particularly  spoken  of  the  person  being 
some  one  that  he  knew  by  sight  The  same  objection 
forbids  our  accepting  the  opinion  of  those  who 
maintain  that  the  person  indicated  is  the  Emperor 
Diocletian,  who  abdicated  his  throne  in  his  old  age. 
Dante  is  evidently  referring  to  some  contemporary 
personage,  but  wishes  to  suppress  his  name.  Some 
think  the  allusion  is  to  Vieri  de'  Cerchi,  the  unwarlike 
chief  of  Dante's  own  party,  the  Bianchi,  But  by  far 
the  larger  number  of  the  commentators  think  that 


94  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  Canto  III. 

he  is  speaking  of  Celestine,  who  through  the  machi- 
nations or  Cardinal  Gaetani  (his  successor  on  the 
Papal  Throne  as  Boniface  VHI),  was  induced  to 
resign  the  Papacy,  Dante's  resentment  against  Boni- 
face, upon  whom  he  looked  as  the  author  of  all  his 
misfortunes,  was  sc  -■       •        ould  readily  have 

felt  a  considerable  :sentment  against 

Celestine  for  maki  ir  for   Boniface.* 

The  abdication  of  ewcd,  in  his  own 

time,  according  to  a  different  light 

•  In  Inf.  xxvii,  104-ic  :  la  say  ; 

Clieilmio.  e  cari." 

Longfellow  (ranslaies  a  passage  from  the  ComeiUo  of  Uoc- 
caccio,  on  the  abdication  of  Celesline  V,  as  follows  :  "  Deint; 
a  simple  man  and  of  a  holy  life,  livLng  as  a  hermii  in  ihe  moun- 
tains of  Morrone  in  Abruizo,  above  Selmona,  he  was  elected 
Pope  in  Perugia  after  the  death  or  Pope  Niccota  d'  Ascoli  ;  and 
his  name  being  Peter  he  was  called  Celesline.  Considering  his 
simplicity,  Cardinal  Messer  Benedeuo  Gaiano,  a  very  cunning 
nian,  of  great  courage,  and  desirous  of  being  I'ope,  managing 
asluiely,  began  to  show  him  that  he  held  this  high  office  much 
to  the  prejudice  of  his  own  soul,  inasmuch  as  he  did  not  feel 
himself  competent  for  it;  others  pretend  that  he  contrived 
with  some  servants  of  his  to  have  voices  heard  in  the  chamber 
of  (he  aforesaid  Pope,  which,  as  If  they  were  voices  of  angels 
sent  from  Heaven,  said,  'Resign,  Celestine!  Resign,  Celes- 
tine I'  moved  by  which,  and  being  an  Idiotic  man,  he  look 
counsel  with  Messer  Dcnedetto  aforesaid,  as  10  ihc  l>est  mode 
of  resigning."  Gower,  in  his  Cenfessio  Amanlis,  Hook  ii,  relates 
this  legend  at  great  length.  The  marginal  note  says  :  "con- 
fessor .  .  .  narral,  qualiler  papa  Bonefacius  predecessoreiti 
suum  Celesiinum  a  papain  conirajeciaia  circumvencione  frau- 
dulenier  supptaniavlt." 

"  The  cardinals,  that  wolden  save 
The  forme  of  lawe  in  the  conclave. 


Canto  III.        Readings  on  the  Inferno.  95 

by  diflferent  minds.    The  Monkish  writers  held  it  up 
as  a  noble    example  of   Christian    perfection,  but 

Gon  for  to  chese  a  new  pope. 
And  after  that  they  couthe  agrope 
Hath  eche  of  hem  said  his  entent. 
Til  ate  laste  they  assent 
Upon  a  holy  clerk  recluse, 
Which  full  was  of  gostly  vertuse. 
His  pacience  and  his  simplesse 
Hath  set  him  into  highe  noblesse. 
Thus  was  he  Pope  canonized 
With  great  honour  and  intronised. 
And  upon  chaunce,  as  it  is  falle. 
His  name  Celestin  men  calle  .  .  . 


A  cardinal  was  thilke  tide, 

Which  the  papate  long  hath  desired. 

And  therupon  gretely  conspired  .  .  . 

This  cardinal,  which  thoughte  guile, 
Upon  a  day,  whan  he  hath  while. 
This  yonge  clerke  unto  him  toke 
And  made  him  swere  upon  a  boke 
And  tolde  him  what  his  wille  was. 
And  forth  with  al  a  trompe  of  bras 
He  hath  him  take  .... 

This  clerk,  whan  he  hath  herd  the  form, 
How  he  the  pope  shuld  enform, 
Toke  of  the  cardinal  his  leve 
And  goth  him  home,  till  it  was  eve. 
And  prively  the  trompe  he  hadde. 
Til  that  the  pope  was  a  bedde. 
And  at  the  midnight,  whan  he  knewe 
The  pope  slepte,  than  he  blewe 
Within  his  trompe  through  the  wall 
And  tolde,  in  what  manner  he  shall 


gfi  Readings  on  the  Inferno.         Canto  III. 

politically  it  jarred  harshly  against  some  of  the  first 
principles  or  the  Papal  authority,  and  the  saintliness 
of  the  man  by  no  means  reconciled  the  Catholic 
universe  to  a  Pope,  whose  oflRce  invested  him  with 
infallibility,  acknowledging  before  the  world  his  utter 
incapacity,  his  unt*- '-*-'-  '-"-■- -'ty.  Benvenuto 
does  not  think  that  ng  to  Celcstine, 

but  in  case  any  shoi  ,  as  a  son  of  the 

Church,  for  attackir  one  whom  the 

Church  had  canonii  s  probable  that 

Dante  wrote  the  wi  aeforc  Celestine 

was  canonized.     Thi.  ittle  doubt  that 

whoever  was  in  DanI  I  not  intend  the 

name  or  identity  to  be  known.  This  is  the  view  taken 
of  the  passage  by  Scartazzini,  who  says  that  it  can 
never  be  decided  with  certainty  who  was  the  person 
referred  to. 

PoscifL  ch'  io  v'  ebbi  alcun  riconosciuto, 

Vidi  c  conobbi  1'  ombra  di  colui 

Ctie  fece  per  viltatc  il  gran  ritiuio.  60 


Che  quest'  era  la  setta  de'  cattivi, 
A  Dio  spiacenii  ed  ai  nemici  sui. 

After  that  I  had  recognized  some  among 
them,  I  perceived  and  knew  the  sliade  of  him 
who  from  base  fear  made  the  great  refusal. 
I  forthwith  understood  and  felt  assured  that 

His  papacie  leve  and  lake 
His  first  estate 

The  pope,  full  of  innocence, 
Conceiveth  in  his  conscience 
Thai  it  is  goddes  wil,  he  cesse," 


Canto  III.        Readings  on  the  Inferno.  gj 

this  was  the  company  of  those  caitifr9y  dis- 
pleasing alike  to  God  and  to  His  enemies. 

Dante  next  gives  a  description  of  the  penalty  in^ 
flicted  upon  the  unhappy  wretches,  who,  from  their 
unprofitable  lives,  cannot  be  said  to''  have  ever  been 
really  alive. 

Quest!  sciauratii  che  mai  non  fiir  vivi,* 

Erano  ignudi  e  stimolati  molto  65 

Da  mosconi  e  da  vespe  ch'  erano  ivi. 

Elle  rigavan  lor  di  sangue  il  volte, 

Che  jnischiato  di  lagrime,  ai  lor  piedi, 
Da  fastidiosi  vermi  era  ricolto. 

These  unfortunate  wretches,  who  were  never 
alive,  were  naked,  and  sorely  stung  by 
gadflies  and  hornets  that  were  there.  They 
(the  insects)  made  their  faces  to  stream  with 
blood,  which,  mingled  with  their  tears,  was 
gathered  up  at  their  feet  by  loathsome  worms. 

Benvenuto  remarks  in  his  quaint  way  :  ''  And  take 
note,  Reader,  that  although  this  is  a  very  unsavoury 
subject,  yet  it  is  profitable  that  it  should  have  been 
described  for  an  example  and  terror  to  others,  that 
they  may  beware  of  so  miserable  a  class  of  captives 
{tarn  miserabiUm  sectam  captivorum).f 

*  moi  non  fur  vivi :  Compare  Conv,  iv,  7  :  "  E  da  sapere 
che  veramente  morto  il  malvagio  uomo  dire  si  pu6  .  .  .  vivere 
negli  animali  h  sentire,  animali  dico  bruti,  vivere  nell'  uomo  k 
ragione  usare  .  .  .  .  ^  morto  uomo  ed  h  rimasto  bestia." 

1 1  notice  that  in  the  text  of  Benvenuto  adopted  by  Sir  James 
Lacaita  the  passage  setta  dei  caiiivi  is  explained  as  sectam 
captivorumy  but  a  note  quotes  the  Este  manuscript  of  Ben- 
venuto as  giving  sectam  vitiorum^  leaving  it  doubtful  whether 
Benvenuto  interpreted  cattivi  as  "  captives  "  or  as  "  wicked." 

H 


98 


Readings  on  the  In/emo.        Canto  III. 


Division  IV.  In  this  portion  of  the  canto  we 
leam  how  the  Poets  see  the  shades  of  the  doomed 
being  ferried  over  the  river  Acheron  by  Charon,  who 
forbids  Dante  to  enter  his  bark,  as  he  is  still  alive 

E  poi  che  a  riguardaTC  oltre  mi  diedi,  70 

Vidi  gen"  -"- 


Ch']o  sappia 
Le  fa  di 

And  then  as 
1  saw  people 
whereupon  I  : 
me   tliat    I    m^ 


□r  mi  concedi 

look  further, 

t  great  river, 

ff  grant  unto 

..•£se  are,  and 


what  usage  makes  them  appear  so  desirous  of 
passing  over,  as  (far  as)  I  discern  by  the 
feeble  light." 

Dante  had  obeyed  Virgil's  injunction  to  cast  but 
a  rapid  glance  at  the  contemptible  spirits  of  the  luke- 
warm who  were  running  after  the  banner.  New  to 
these  supernatural  scenes,  he  asks  Virgil  the  meaning 
of  the  unwonted  spectacle  of  the  spirits  hurrying 
into  the  ferry-boat.  Virgil  declines  to  give  him  an 
explanation  until  they  shall  have  reached  the  shore 
of  the  river  which  he  tells  him  is  the  Acheron.  Ben- 
venuto  thinks  that  perhaps  Virgil  wished  Dante  to 
approach  these  opening  horrors  of  Hell  in  silence 
and  in  meditation. 

Ed  egU  a  ine  : — "  Le  cose  li  fien  conle,* 

*  conle:     derived   from    the    Latin   cogniius  "known."      In 
/"/  X,  39,  ii  is  used  in  the  sense  of  "  clear,"  "  precise  :  " 
"  Le  parole  tue  sien  conte." 


Canto  III.         Readings  on  the  Inferno.  99 

Quando  noi  fermerem  li  nostri  passi 
Sulla  trista  riviera  d'  Acheronte,**  * 

And  he  to  me :  *'  The  things  (thou  askest) 
shall  be  (made)  known  to  thee  when  we  shall 
arrest  our  steps  upon  the  dismal  shore  of 
Acheron." 

Dante  thinks  Virgirs  words  were  meant  as  a  re- 
proof to  him,  and  is  much  disconcerted. 

Allor  con  gli  occhi  vergognosi  e  bassi, 

Temendo  not  1  mio  dir  gli  fusse  grave,  80 

Infino  al  fiume  di  parlar  mi  trassi. 

Then  with  my  eyes  ashamed  and  cast  down, 
fearing  lest  my  speaking  might  be  irksome 
to  him,  I  refrained  from  speech,  until  (we 
reached)  the  stream. 

Dante  now  sees  Charon,  the  grim  ferryman  of 
M)^hology. 

In  Inf,  xxxiii,  31,  according  to  Bati,  it  has  the  signification  of 

"  weU  trained :" 

''  Con  cagne  magre,  studiose  e  conte." 

In  Purg,  ii,  55-57,  the  sense  is  ''radiant,''  ''resplendent : " 
"  Da  tutte  parti  saettava  il  giomo 

Lo  sol,  ch'  avea  colle  saette  conte 
Di  mezzo  il  ciel  cacciato  capricorao." 

*  Acheronte  is  derived  from  "Axn,  plural  of  *x»»  "pain,"  and 
^imw  "  flowing."  Some  derive  it  from  A  privitivc,  and  x«P*i  "joy." 
Benvenuto  thinks  the  river  has  a  general  allegorical  significa- 
tion of  worldly  concupiscence,  through  which  all  pass  who  go 
to  Hell. 

t  Temendo  no  V  mio  dir^  etc. :  for  temendo  non  il^  etc,  like 
the  Latin  vereor  ne^  or  vereor  non,  Blanc  quotes  this  passage, 
and  says  that  before  the  article,  or  the  pronoun  i7,  non  very 
frequently  takes  the  form  nol  or  no  7.  Benvenuto  reads  nel 
mio  dir. 

H  2 


Ed  ecco  vi 

Un  vecchio  bianco  per  a 

Gridando  ; — "  Giiai  a  voi 
Non  isperaie  mai  veder  lo  cielo  I 

r  vegno  per  menarvi  ail'  alira  riva, 

Nelle  tenebre  eterne,  in  caldo  e  in  gelo," 


And  behold. 
Old 


"Woe  unto 

hope  to  look 

duel  you  to 

gloom,  : 
Having  thi 
Charon  turns  his  an 

by  reason  of  his  being  a  living  man,  or^as  others 
interpret  the  passage,  of  his  being  a  scut  alive, 
from  not  being  dead  in  trespasses  and  sins,  refuses 
him  admission  to  his  bark. 


:  in  a  boat  an 

ocks,  crying: 

Nevermore 

e  to  con- 

,  into  eternal 

ies  of  the  wicked, 
I  ijante,  and  noting  tliat 


•  gelo:  Compare  Mikon,  Par.  Lost,  book  ii,  596-603  : 
"  Thilher  by  harpy-footed  Furies  haled 
At  certain  revolutions,  all  the  damned 
Are  brought,  and  feel  by  turns  the  bitter  change 
Of  fierce  extremes,  extremes  by  change  more  fierce, 
From  beds  of  raging  fire,  lo  starve  in  ice 
Their  soft  ethereal  warmth,  and  there  to  pine 
Immoveable,  infixed,  and  frozen  round. 
Periods  of  lime  ;  thence  hurried  back  to  fire." 
and  Shakespeare,  Measure  for  Meature,  act  iii,  scene  i  ; 

" the  delighted  spirit 

To  bathe  in  fiery  floods,  or  to  reside 
In  thrilling  regions  of  thick-ribbed  ice  ; 
To  be  imprisoned  in  (he  viewless  winds 
And  blown  wiih  restless  violence  round  nbout 
The  pendant  world." 


Canto  III.        Readings  an  the  Inferno.  loi 

E  tu  die  se'  cosd,  anima  viva, 

Partiti  da  cotesti  che  son  morti." — 

Ma  poi  ch'  ei  vide,  ch'  io  non  mi  pardva,  90 

Disse :— "  Per  altra  via,*  per  altri  porti 
Verrai  a  piaggia,  non  qui,  per  passare : 
Pill  lieve  legno  convien  che  ti  porti.** — 

And  thou  whcstandest  there,  living  soul,  part 
thyself  from  these  who  are  deadV  But  when 
he  saw  that  I  departed  not,  he  said :  ''  By 
another  way,  and  by  other  ports  shalt  thou 
come  to  the  shore,  not  here  (in  order)  to  pass ; 
a  lighter  vessel  must  carry  thee." 

From  the  answer  which  Virgil  now  makes  to 
Charon  on  Dante's  behalf  (and  he  uses  words  either 
similar  or  identical  wherever  their  progress  is  op- 
posedf),  one  might  infer  that  he  wishes  to  insist 
on  the  admission  of  Dante  into  Charon's  boat.     It  is 

*  Per  altra  via^  etc. :  the  other  way  and  the  other  ports  by 
which  Dante  was  to  journey  according  to  the  supposition  of 
Charon,  who  saw  that  his  was  a  soul  not  doomed  to  perdition, 
is  told  us  in  Purg,  ii,  100^  loi  : 

"  la  marina  .  .  .  , 
Dove  r  acqua  di  Tevero  s'  insala  ..." 
"  the  shore  .  .  .  where  the  waters  of  the  Tiber  flow  into  the 

5C3»    •    .    • 

"  Perocch^  sempre  quivi  si  ricoglie, 
Qual  verso  d'  Acheronte  non  si  cala.** 
"for  it  is  always  there  that  are  received  those  that  do  not 
descend  to  Acheron." 

All,  except  those  doomed  to  Hell,  were  supposed  by  Dante  to 
make  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber  their  starting-point  for  Purgatory, 
whither  they  were  conveyed  by  an  Angel  in  a  light  vessel  {jCon 
un  vasello  snelletto  e  leggierd), 

t  See  Virgirs  answer  to  Minos,  Inf.  y,  23,  et  seq.y  and  to 
Plutus,  Inf,  vii,  11,  12. 


102  Readings  on  the  Inferno.        Canto  iii. 

probable,  however,  from  the  context,  that  this  ferry 
being  the  only  ostensible  means  of  crossing  the 
Acheron,  he  would  not  imagine  that  any  dispensa- 
tion could  take  place  on  Dante's  behalf.  Whether 
Virgil  was  aware  that  Dante  would  be  taken,  when 
in  a  trance,  acrosF  ♦l"'  Arli*>rnn  nr  not,  and  simply 
wished  to  give  a,  Charon,  must  be 

a  matter  of  conj  vill  be  discussed 

further  on,  there  i  t  that  it  was  not 

by  the  ferry-boat  jnted  the  obstacle 

of  the  river. 

E  il  duca  a  )i  :rucciare  : 

Vuolsi  c  :e  9$ 

Q\b  che  SI  vuoie,  c  iiiu  non  tiimandare." — 
And  my  leader  to  him:  "Charon,  vex  not 
thyself.     It  is  so  willed  there  (in  Heaven), 
where  is  power  to  do  that  which  is  willed,  and 
enquire  no  further." 
It  was  the  will  of  God  that  the  living  soul  of  Dante 
should  pass  over  the  Acheron  by  some  way,  whatever 
it  might  be. 

Virgil's  reproof  reduces  Charon  to  silence. 
Quinci  fur  quete*  Ic  lanose  gote 

Al  nocchier  del  la  lividaf  palude, 

*  Quinci  fur  quete :  Scartauini  says  this  verse  is  almost  a 
translation  of  j£n.  vi,  102  : 

"  Ut  primum  cessit  furor,  el  rabida  ora  quienini." 
+  livida  palude :  We  see  below  in  canto  vii,  106-7,  that  the 
waters  of  Acheron  form  the  Stygian  marsh  : 

"  Una  palude  fa,  che  ha  nome  Stige, 
Queslo  trislo  ruscel." 
see  also  Virg.  tEn.  vi,  318-313  : 

"  Die,  ait,  o  virgo,  quid  vull  concursus  ad  ainnem  ? 


Canto  III.        Readings  on  the  Inferno.  103 

Che  intomo  agli  occhi  avea  di  fiamme  rote.* 

Thereat  were  quieted  the  shaggy  cheeks  of 
the  ferryman  of  the  dark  lagoon,  who  round 
about  his  eyes  had  wheels  of  flame  (1.  e,  his 
eyes  glared). 

Charon's  opposition  to  Dante's  passage  of  the 
Acheron  reminds  one  of  that  which  later  on  Dante 
was  to  encounter  from  Cato  at  the  entrance  into  the 
Ante-PurgatoriOf  and  in  both  cases  is  the  opposition 
withdrawn  in  deference  to  Virgil,  who,  though  he 
addresses  Charon  in  terms  of  indignant  contempt, 
uses  all  his  powers  of  persuasive  eloquence  to  remove 
the  objections  of  Cato. 

The  short  conversation  between  Charon  and  the 
Poets  must  be  understood  as  a  digression,  and  Dante 
now  relates  the  effect  on  the  unhappy  spirits  on  the 

Quidve  petunt  anima:?  vel  quo  discrimine  ripas 
Hae  linquunt,  iliac  remis  vada  iivida  vemint  ? 
01  li  sic  breviter  fata  est  longseva  sacerdos : 
Anchisa  generate,  Deum  certissima  proles, 
Cocyti  stagna  alta  vides,  Stygiamque  paludemJ* 

See  also  Catullus,  xvii,  10  : 

"  Totius  ut  lacus  putidaeque  paladis  Lividissima.*' 

Lombardi  says  that  livido  is  blue  black  colour,  which  (from  a 

bruise  or  similar  cause)  makes  the  blood  come  up  below  the 

surface  of  the  skin. 

*  di fiamttu  rote:  Compare  Spenser,  Faerie  Qjueene^  book 
vi,  canto  vii,  st  xlii  : 

**  His  looks  were  dreadfull,  and  his  fiery  eies, 

Like  two  great  beacons,  glared  bright  and  wyde, 
Glauncing  askew,  as  if  his  enemies 

He  scorned  in  his  overweening  pride." 
See  also  further  down,  line  109  of  this  canto  : 

"  Caron  dimonio,  con  occhi  di  bragia.** 


104 


Readings  on  the  Inferno.        Canto  III. 


shore,  of  the  cruel  words  addressed  to  them  by  Charon 
^  in  lines  84-7, 

Ma  quell'  anime,  ch'  eran  lasse  e  nude,*  100 

Cangiar  colore  e  diballera  i  denti, 
Ratio  che  inteser  le  parole  crude. 
But  iliose  souls  who  were  weary  and  naked, 
changed  coloui  ;ir  teeth  the 

instant   that  ::ruel  words 

(spoken  by  C\ 
Best  em  mi  aval  li, 

L'  umana  :inpa  e  il  seme 

Dilorseiu  ncnti.t  to; 

They  blasphem  eir  parents, 

the  human  race  tne,  and  the 

seed  of  their  engendenng,  ana  of  their  birth. 

»  lasse  e  nude:  Fralicelli  {La  Divina  Commedin  di  Dante 
AUglUeri  col  comenlo  di  Pieiro  Fralicelli,  Firenie,  1864)  begs 
his  readers  to  notice  once  for  all,  that  these  souls  are  manifested 
to  Dante  with  all  the  phenomena  belonging  to  humanity  ;  and 
therefore  they  change  colour,  gnash  their  teeth,  suffer  hunger, 
pain  in  their  limbs,  etc.,  although  in  other  passages  they  are 
represented  as  being  incorporeal  and  impalpable  beings.  How 
these  various  material  passions  befall  them  will  be  related  in 
Purg.  x 


Note  especially  the  last  triple' 
"  Secondo  che  ci  affliggo 
E  gli  altri  aftetti,  1 
E  quesia  k  la  cagic 


of  the  passage,  io6-io3: 


r  ombra  si  Rgura, 
n  di  che  tu  ammiri." 
Dante  had  asked  Staliushow  shades  could  become  so  emaciated. 
t  Bestemmiavano  .  .  .  lor tiascimsnli: corn-pare  Job\'\\,ifl seq.  : 
"  And  Job  spake,  and  said,  Let  the  day  perish  tvherein  I  was 
bom,  and  the  night  in  which  it  was  said,  There  is  a  man  child 
conceived,"  and  J4remiah  xx,  14,  "  Cursed  be  the  day  wherein 
I  was  bom  :  let  not  the  day  wherein  my  mother  bare  nie  be 
blessed.  Cursed  be  the  man  who  brought  tidings  to  my  father 
saying,  A  man  child  is  bom  unto  thee." 


Canto  III.        Readings  on  the  Inferno.  105 

Poi  si  ritrasser  tutte  qaante  insieme, 
Forte  piangendo,  alia  riva  malvagia, 
Che  attende  ciascun  uom  che  Dio  non  teme. 

Caron  dimonio,*  con  occhi  di  bragia, 

Loro  accennando,  tutte  le  raccoglie  ;  1 10 

Batte  col  remo  qualunque  s'  adagia.t 

Then,  all  together,  loudly  weeping,  they 
betook  themselves  to  the  accursed  shore 
(of  the  Acheron)  that  awaits  every  man  who 
feareth  not  God.  The  demon  Charon,  with 
eyes  like  burning  coals,  beckoning  them, 
collects  all  together ;  he  beats  with  his  oar 
everyone  that  lingers  (or,  sits  down  to  rest). 

In  a  beautiful  simile  of  leaves  dropping  off  the 
tree,  one  by  one,  in  the  fall  of  the  year,  Dante  de- 
scribes  the  souls  of  the  lost  casting  themselves,  each 
in  its  turn,  into  the  boat. 

*  Caron  dimonio :  Scartazzini  calls  attention  to  the  way  Dante 
has  posted  mythological  personages  as  custodians  of  the  dif- 
ferent circles  of  Hell ;  and  remarks  that  in  doing  so  Dante 
only  conforms  to  the  theological  beliefs  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
namely,  that  the  beings  of  the  Pagan  Mythology  were  to  be 
looked  upon  as  actually  existing,  not  as  gods,  but  rather  as 
fiends  ;  and  they  thus  contrived,  after  a  fashion,  to  reconcile 
Christian  belief  with  Pagan  tradition.  The  fountain  of  the 
belief  in  question  is  St.  Paul,  who  writes  in  i  Cor,  x,  20  :  "  The 
things  which  the  Gentiles  sacrifice,  they  sacrifice  to  devils,  and 
not  to  God." 

\s*adagia:  It  is  doubtful  whether  o^^'arn  does  not  mean, 
to  sit  down,  to  rest  oneself.  That  is  how  Scartazzini  interprets 
it,  as  also  Giuliani.  The  expression  is  quite  common  in  Tus- 
cany. Most  commentators  take  it  as  derived  from  adagio^  slow, 
and  to  mean  here  the  act  of  retarding  one's  steps. 


luiunno*  si  ievan  le  fogtie 
appresso  all'  alira,  in6n  che  il  r. 


*  Come  if  auiunno  :  Compare  Virg.  jEn.  vi,  305-310 : 
"  Hue  omiiis  turba  ad  ripas  cfTusa  niebat, 
Maires  at(|ue  viri,  defunctaquc  corpora  vita 
Magnanimflra'""'™""   """i  '""■■"'.seque  puella, 
Iinposiiique  n  parentum  : 

Quam  mulca  ik  ire  primo 

Lapsa  cadum  . 
Biagioli  finds  great  i  for  saying  :  " 

1  \'6\h\c  et  1' 
tateur  de  Virgile,"  wl  a  din 

between  the  two  passa{  omparing  the  mul- 

titude of  souls  with  the  aves  ;  white  Dante 

]ikens  the  souls  detachitig  ,..i.Mi^t.i...o  ,,-j,..  .he  shore  aduna  ad 
una  [o  the  falling  of  the  dry  leaves  from  the  bough  one  aAer 
the  other.  Dante  may,  however,  quite  well  have  followed 
Virgil  in  comparing  the  souls  10  ihe  leaves  while  treating  the 
subject  somewhat  differently.  Compare  also  Millon,  Par.  Lost, 
i.  30"-3O4 ; 

"  His  legions,  Angel  forms,  who  lay  intranc'd 
Thick  as  autumnal  leaves  that  strow  the  brooks 
In  Vallombrosa,  where  ihe  Etrurian  shades, 
High  over-arch'd,  imbower." 
See  also  Arioslo  Orl.  Fur.  xvi,  si.  75 : 

"  Poi  son  le  genii  senia  nome  tante, 
Che  del  lor  sangue  oggl  faranno  un  lago  ; 
Che  meglio  conlerei  ciascuna  foglia, 
Quando  I'  auiunno  gli  arbori  ne  spoglia." 
Danle  evidently  intended,  in  Ihe  simile  of  the  leaves,  to  com- 
pare ihem  to  Ihe  number  of  ihe  souls,  as  well  as  to  their  similar 
movement. 

Ruskin,  Modem  Painfers,  iii,  161,  says:  "When  Dante 
describes  ihe  spirits  falling  from  the  bank  of  Acheron  'as  dead 
leaves  flutter  from  a  bough,'  he  gives  the  most  perfect  image 
possible  of  iheir  utter  lightness,  feebleness,  passiveness,  and 
scattering  agony  of  despair    without,   however   for  an  instant 


Canto  III.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  107 

Vede*  alia  terra  tutte  le  sue  spoglie, 
Similemente  il  mal  seme  d'  Adamo :  115* 

Gittansi  di  quel  lito  ad  una  ad  una, 
Per  cenni,  come  augelt  per  suo  richiamo. 

As  in  the  autumn  the  leaves  &11  off  one  after 
another,  until  the  bough  sees  all  its  spoils 
upon  the  earth,  even  so  do  the  evil  seed  of 

losing  his  own  clear  perception  that  these  are  souls  and  thou 
are  leaves  ;  he  makes  no  confusion  of  one  with  the  other." 

Longfellow  quotes  Shelley,  in  his  Ode  to  the  West  Wind,  as 
inverting  the  image,  and  comparing  dead  leaves  to  ghosts : 
"  O,  wild  West  Wind  1  thou  breath  of  Autumn's  being  I 
Thou,  from  whose  unseen  presence  the  leaves  dead 
Are  driven,  like  ghosts  from  an  enchanter  fleeing. 
Yellow,  and  black,  and  pale,  and  hectic  red. 
Pestilence-stricken  multitudes." 

*  vedei  Some  commentators  read  : 

**  Rende  alia  terra  tutte  le  sue  spoglie." 
The  respective  readings  are  energetically  maintained  by  their 
respective  advocates,  but  not  only  has  vede  the  support  of  most 
of  the  best  MSS..  and  editions,  but  the  line  is  evidently  imi- 
tated from  Virgil,  Georg,  ii,  80-82 : 

'*  ingens 
Exiit  ad  ccelum  ramis  felicibus  arbos, 
Miraturque  novas  frondes  et  non  sua  poma." 

f  ctmu  augel  per  suo  richiamo :  Lubin  says  this  passage 
alludes  to  the  general  snaring  of  birds  that  takes  place  in 
October,  when  a  small  bird  in  a  cage  is  concealed  under  the 
branches  of  trees  or  under  a  bush  to  lure  other  birds  into  the 
snares  prepared  for  them. 

I  am  reminded  of  some  lines  of  Edward  Waller,  though  I 
have  not  been  able  to  verify  them  : 

*'  Thus,  fair  Incognita,  thy  song 

Caused  young  Love  listening  to  be  blest. 
As  nightingales  the  fowlers  charm 
With  their  own  warble  to  the  nest" 


io8  Readings  oh  Ike  lufemc.        Canto  III. 

Adam  :  they  casi  themselves  from  that  shore 

one  by  one  at  signals  (from  Charon),  as  a 

bird  ((.  i.  ii  falcon)  at  its  (signal  of)  recall. 

The  next  three  lines  are  intended  to  show  in  what 

never-ending  quantities  the  souls  are   conveyed  to 

Hell. 

Cosl  sen  van  ina, 

Ed  avail.  ese, 


Anche  di 

s'  ad  una. 

Thus  they  de                              ; 

If  waters,  and 

even  before  1                                  i 

,  the  far  side. 

again  is  a  fre:                              i 

ed  on  this. 

Division  V.  Dante  had  put  two  questions  to 
Virgil  in  lines  72-4,  namely: 

(1)  What  people  are  i)\ess{quali  sono?)on  the  bank 
of  the  Acheron  }  and 

(2)  What  law  makes  them  so  desirous  of  passing 
over  the  river  (qual  costume  U  fa  di  trapassar  purer 
si  Pronte  f) 

Virgil  promised  that  he  should  have  the  infor- 
mation as  soon  as  they  had  reached  the  shore  of 
the  Acheron,  and  accordingly  proceeds  to  answer 
his  questions. 

— "  Figliuol  mio," — disse  il  Maestro  cottese,* 
— "Quelli  che  muoion  nell'  ira  di  Dio 

Tutti  convegnon  qui  d'  ogni  paese  : 
E  pronli  sono  a  Irapassar  lo  rio, 

Ch^  la  divina  giustizia  gli  sprona  12; 

SI  che  la  tema  si  volge  in  disio. 

•  cortest:  Benvenuto  explains  that  Virgil  was  a  courteous 
Master  in  that  he  was  ever  liberal  in  imparting  his  knowledge. 


Canto  III.        Readings  on  the  Inferno.  109 

"  My  Son,"  said  the  courteous  Master,  "  They 
who  die  in  th^  wrath  of  God  must  all  as- 
semble here  from  every  country,  and  they 
are  ever  ready  to  cross  the  river,  because 
Divine  Justice  so  spurs  them  on  (by  means 
of  their  conscience),  that  their  very  dread 
(of  punishment)  is  turned  into  desire  (of  un- 
dergoing it). 

Benvenuto  says  that  in  this  world  one  may  often 
see  a  great  criminal  go  of  his  own  accord  and  give 
himself  up  for  capital  punishment,  when  he  might 
easily  escape,  so  much  is  he  blinded  by  sin,  and 
influenced  by  Divine  Justice.  ''  I  have  indeed  heard 
of  a  man,"  he  adds,  "who  had  killed  another  and 
escaped,  and  some  time  afterwards  went  of  his  own 
free  will  to  the  judge,  confessing  his  crime,  and 
asking  to  be  beheaded,  as  he  could  neither  sleep  nor 
rest." 

Virgil  next  answers  a  question  that  he  may  have 
perceived  Dante  wished  to  put  to  him,  but  had  been 
deterred  by  Virgil's  injunction  of  silence,  namely, 
Why  had  Charon  refused  him  admission  into  his 
bark? 

Quinci  non  passa  mat  anima  buona ; 
£  per6  se  Caron  di  te  si  lagna, 
Ben  puoi  saper  omai  che  il  suo  dir  suona." — * 

No  innocent  soul  ever  passes  this  way ;  and 
hence  if  Charon  complains  of  thee,  well 
canst  thou  now  understand  what  his  words 
import  (namely,  that  thou  art  not  one  of  the 
souls  of  the  doomed)." 

*  suona :   lit,  "  what  his  speech  sounds " ;  but  suona  here 
means  '*  signifies,  imports.'^ 


1 10  Readings  on  ike  Infertto.         Canto  III. 

A  great  convulsion  of  nature  now  takes  place, 
and  Dante  falls  into  a  swoon.  It  is  worthy  of 
remark  that  whereas  the  last  phenomenon  that  he 
witnesses  before  losing  his  senses  is  a  brilliant  flash 
of  lightning,  we  find  him,  in  the  first  line  of  the  next 
canto,  being  rec  "    '  *     iness  by  the  loud 

clap  of  thunder  t  iking  it  quite  pos- 

sible that  in  an  ifter  swooning  he 

may  have  awak  he  had  been,  by 

some  supernatur  ihall  be  discussed 

anon,  transported  of  the  Acheron. 

Finilo  quesi  i  130 

Trem6 ..  ivento 

La  mente  ai  sudore  ancor  mi  bagna. 
La  terra  lagrimosa  djede  vento,+ 
Che  baleni  una  luce  vermiglia, 
La  qual  mi  vinse  ciascun  seniimento  :  13s 

E  caddi,  come  1'  uom  cui  sonno  piglia. 

*  ia  buja  campagna:  The  Anonimo  Fiorentino  thinks  that 
Dante  describes  the  country  as  dark  and  gloomy  from  the 
absence  of  sun  and  stars,  but  also  dark  from  the  obscurity  of 
the  sins  punished  there. 

+  diide  vento :  The  Anonimo  Fiorentino  gives  as  the  expla- 
nation of  the  earthquake,  thunder,  and  lightning,  that  the  souls 
in  Hell,  seeing  other  souls  arrive  there,  began  lamenting  at  their 
coming,  feeling  more  bitter  remorse  in  their  consciences,  and 
these  lamentations  made  such  a  din,  that  they  caused  a  move- 
ment in  the  air,  and  created  a  wind  as  Dante  describes  :  and 
this  movement  of  the  air,  this  wind  acting  on  the  tire  which 
may  be  supposed  to  exist  in  that  region,  caused  them  to 
become  bright ;  and  that  bright  glare  flashed  through  the 
atmosphere  Just  like  a  flash  of  lightning,  and  made  the  air  look 
crimson-red.  It  would  therefore  appear  lo  have  been  a  ficlitious 
flash  of  lightning,  followed  in  the  next  canto  by  a  fictitious  clap 
of  thunder. 


Canto  III.        Readings  on  the  Inferno,  1 1 1 

When  this  (speech  of  Virgil's)  was  finished, 
the  gloomy  plain  shook  so  violently,  that 
the  terror  of  it  still  bathes  my  memory  with 
sweat  The  tearful  ground  (f.  e,  the  ground 
that  is  bedewed  with  tears)  gave  out  a  blast 
of  wind,  that  lightened  forth  a  crimson  glare 
which  overcame  all  sensation  in  me ;  and  I 
fell  as  a  man  whom  sleep  hath  seized. 

We  are  not  told  in  what  manner  Dante  passed 
over  to  the  other  side  of  the  Acheron,  after  Charon's 
refusal  to  ferry  him  over.  Only  a  few  commentators 
have  maintained  that  Charon,  on  hearing  Virgirs 
reproof,  and  in  deference  to  the  Divine  Authority, 
with  which  he  was  invested,  withdrew  his  opposition, 
and  that  Dante  thereupon  passed  over  in  the  boat; 
but  this  is  undoubtedly  an  erroneous  view.  The 
more  general  and  the  most  probable  interpretation 
is  that  Dante  was  conveyed  over  the  Acheron  while 
in  a  trance  by  an  angel.  In  the  ninth  canto  of  the 
Inferno^  when  the  fiends  have  closed  the  gates  of  the 
City  of  Dis  against  the  poets,  we  find  them  opened 
by  a  supernatural  messenger  who  is  considered  by 
nearly  all  the  commentators  to  have  been  an  angel.* 
His  advent  is  announced  by  a  violent  peal  of  thunder 

*  I  have  by  me  an  interesting  correspondence  between  the 
late  Duke  of  Sermoneta,  one  of  the  greatest  Dantists  of  his 
time,  and  Count  Carlo  Troya,  the  learned  author  of  the  Veltro 
Allegorico^  on  the  subject  of  the  passage  of  the  Acheron.  The 
Duke  held  very  strongly  the  opinion  that  good  angels  could  not 
act  as  ministers  of  Hell,  and  that  Dante  was  not  carried  by  an 
angel  across  the  Acheron,  neither  did  the  Duke  think  the 
passage  was  made  in  Charon's  boat.  The  late  Dean  Church, 
in  a  letter  dated  Feb.  19th,  1890,  wrote  to  me  :  "I  quite  agree 


Lucia  has  carried  him,  while  unconscious,  to  t 
threshold  of  Purgatory.  •     Scartazzini  remarl 
that  the  words  of  Virgil  to  Charon  would  i 
promise   that   the   Divine  decree   would   be 
out  in  spite  of  him,  and  that  the  co-operation 
angel  would  be  in  some  sort  a  fulfilment  c 
promise.     Scartazzini  says  that,  with  regard 
allegorical   sense   of  this  passage,  it  will   sufl 
remember  that,  according  to  the  scholastic  tea 
the  first  operations  of  Divine  Grace  are  myst 
Compare  St.  John  iii.  8  :  "  The  wind  bloweth  wl 
listcth,  and  thou  hearest  the  sound  thereof  but 
not  tell  whence  it  cometh  nor  whither  it  goeth  . 
everyone  that  is  born  of  the  Spirit," 

with  the  Duke  of  Sernioneta  in  thinking,  for  ihe  rea»)ns 
he  gives,  that  Dante  did  not  cross  in  Charon's  boai,  bi 
transported  across  in  a  way  which  he  cannot  understand 
I  ihink  that  this  is  not  absolutely  certain,  but  only  the 
probable  inierprelation  ..." 
•/•w-y.  ix.  sa.  i 


Canto  IV.        Readings  an  the  Inferno,  113 


CANTO  IV. 


The  First  Circle. 
Limbo. 

The  Blameless  Unbaptized. 
The  Illustrious  Heathen. 

At  the  close  of  the  last  Canto  we  saw  that  Dante, 
overcome  by  the  accumulated  horrors  around  him, 
had  sunk  down  in  a  swoon.  In  the  present  Canto 
we  see  him  awakening  to  find  himself  on  the  verge 
of  the  awful  precipice,  which  is  the  descent  to  the 
first  Circle  of  HelL  This  circle  is  called  Limbo  from 
its  being  the  outside  zone  or  border  of  the  Circles  of 
Hell,  the  primary  meaning  of  the  word  being  the 
border  of  a  garment. 

Benvenuto  divides  the  Canto  into  six  parts. 

In  the  First  Division^  from  v.  I  to  v.  24,  Dante 
describes  his  feelings  when  he  recovered  his  senses, 
and  how  he  entered  into  the  First  Circle. 

In  tJu  Second  Division,  from  v.  25  to  v.  43,  the 
fate  of  the  unbaptized,  both  infants  and  adults,  is 
mentioned. 

In  the  Third  Division,  from  v.  44  to  v.  66,  Dante 
sounds  Virgil  as  to  whether  there  is  any  hope  or 
possibility  of  the  inmates  of  Limbo  changing  their 
condition  for  the  better,  and  Vii^il  answers  him. 

/;/  the  Fourth  Division,  from  v.  67  to  v.  1 1 1,  Dante 

I 


1 14  Readings  on  Hu  Inftmo.         Canto  IV. 

gives  a  description  of  a  noble  castle  within  the  pre- 
cincts of  Limbo^  which  is  the  abode  of  the  more 
illustrious  heathen,  and  speaks  of  four  great  poets  of 
ancient  times^  in  whose  company  he  passes  within 
the  gates. 

In  the  Fifth  Division^  from  v.  112  to  v.  129,  he 
speaks  of  the  souls  of  renowned  warriors  that  he  saw 
there. 

In  the  Sixth  Division^  from  v.  130  to  v.  151,  he 
names  others  who  were  preeminent  in  science  and 
philosophy. 

Division  I  The  first  words  of  the  Canto  are  but 
a  continuation  of  those  with  which  the  previous  one 
ended.  Dante  had  fainted  at  the  earthquake,  fol- 
lowed by  a  lightning  flash.  He  is  recalled  to  con- 
sciousness by  a  clap  of  thunder.  In  line  9  the  Poet 
tells  us  that  this  thunder  was  the  sound  of  the  lamen- 
tations of  the  doomed.  Benvenuto  draws  attention 
to  its  being  a  common  expression  to  say  of  a  man 
with  a  stentorian  voice,  that  he  speaks  in  a  voice  of 
thunder. 

Ruppemi  P  alto  sonno  nella  testa 

Un  greve  tuono,*  si  ch'  io  mi  riscossi, 
Come  persona  che  per  forza  h  desta  : 

£  1'  occhio  riposato  intomo  mossi, 

*  Un  greve  tuono:  Compare  Milton,  Par,  Losty  viii,  240-244  : 

'* Fast  we  found,  fast  shut. 

The  dismal  gates,  and  barricado'd  strong  ; 

But  long  ere  our  approaching  heard  within 
Noise,  other  than  the  sound  of  dance  or  song. 
Torment,  and  loud  lament,  and  furious  rage." 


Canto  IV.         Readings  on  the  Inferno.  115 

Dritto  levato,  e  fiso*  riguardai  5 

Per  conoscer  lo  loco  dov*  10  fossi. 

A  loud  thunder-clap  broke  the  deep  slumber 
in  my  brain,  so  that  I  started  up  as  one  that 
is  roused  by  force.  And  rising  to  my  feet 
(///.  erect),  I  turned  my  rested  eyes  around 
me,  and  gazed  attentively  in  order  to  re- 
cognize the  place  where  I  was. 

He  finds  that  in  some  mysterious  way,  which  he 
does  not  explain,  he  is  now  on  the  interior  bank 
of  the  Acheron,  having  traversed  its  flat  shore,  and 
is  now  standing  on  the  edge  of  the  awful  chasm  that 
leads  down  into  Hell. 

Vero  h  che  in  su  la  proda  mi  trovai 

Delia  valle  d'  abisso  dolorosa, 

Che  tuono  accoglie  d'  infiniti  guai.  * 
Oscura,  profond'  era  e  nebulosa,  10 

Tanto  che,  per  ficcar  lo  viso  al  fondo, 

Id  non  vi  discemeva  alcuna  cosa. 

True  is  it  that  I  found  myself  upon  the  brink 
of  the  dolorous  Valley  of  the  Abyss  {i.e. 
Hell),  which  gathers  thunder  of  infinite  woes 
(/.  e.  collects  into  one  thunder  all  the  lamen- 
tations that  ascend  from  below).  It  was  so 
obscure,  profound  and  cloudy,  that  for  all 
that  I  fixed  my  gaze  on  its  depths,  naught 
could  I  discern  there. 

Benvenuto  thinks  that  Dante  is  here  picturing  the 
difficulty  and  profundity  of  the  subject  before  him, 
for  vices  are  infinite,  diverse,  various,  occult  and 
unknown.  Hence  Dante  is  right  in  picturing  that 
at  first  sight  he  could  not  discern  anything,  for  every- 

*  /iso :  adjective  used  adverbially  for  ftssamente^  aitenta" 
mente. 

I  2 


1 16  Readings  om  the  Inferno.         Canto  IV. 

thing  presented  itself  to  his  eye  in  a  confused  way. 
And  well  might  Dante  in  the  first  canto  exclaim  : 
Eh  quanto  a  dir  qual  era  i  cosq  dura  I 

On  being  invited  by  Virgil  to  follow  him  down 
the  descent  into  Hell,  Dante  hesitates  to  do  so,  on 
noticing  the  pallor  of  Virgil's  face. ' 

— ^  Or  discendiam  quaggiik  nel  cieco  mondo," — 
Comindb  il  poeta  tutto  smorto : 
— ^"  lo  sar6  primo^*  e  tu  sanu  secondo." —  15 

Ed  10,  che  del  color  mi  fui  accorto, 

Dissi : — "  Come  verr6,  se  tu  paventi, 

Che  suoli  al  mio  dubbiare  esser  conforto?" — 

"  Let  us  DOW  descend  into  the  blind  world, 
here  below,"  began  the  Poet,  as  pale  as 
death :  "  I  will  be  first,  and  thou  shalt  be 
second."  And  I,  who  had  become  aware  of  « 
his  (pallid)  colour,  said  :  "  How  shall  I  go  if 
thou  art  afraid,  that  art  wont  to  be  the  com- 
fort in  my  doubts  ?  " 

Virgil  hastens  to  assure  Dante  that  the  change 
in  his  countenance  is  not  due  to  any  fear  for  himself, 
but  arises  from  sympathy  for  the  sufferings  they  arc 
about  to  witness. 

Ed  egli  a  me : — "  L'  angoscia  delle  gently 

Che  son  quaggiik,  nel  vise  mi  dipigne  20 

Quella  pietk,  che  tu  per  tema  senti. 

Andiam,  ch^  la  via  lunga  ne  sospigne  :" — 
Cos!  si  mise,t  e  cosi  mi  fe'  entrafe 

*  lo  sard  primo^  etc. :  Compare  Inf.  xii,  114: 

*'  Questi  ti  sia  or  primo,  ed  io  seconda" 

t  si  ndse:  It  is  doubtful  whether  one  must  understand  s\ 
mise  as  in  the  same  sense  as  in  Canto  iii,  21  : 

"  Mi  mise  dentro  alle  segrete  cose." 
in  which  case  this  passage  would  be  si  mise  dentro  cU  primo  cer- 


Canto  IV.  Readings  on  the  Inferno,  i  ij 

Nel  primo  cerchio  che  V  abisso  eigne. 

And  he  to  me  :  "  The  anguish  of  the  people 
who  are  here  below  depicts  on  my  foce  that 
pity  which  thou  takest  for  fear.  Let  us  on : 
for  our  long  way  urges  us  (to  hasten)." 
Thus  he  placed  himself  (before  me),  and 
thus  he  made  me  enter  into  the  first  circle 
that  girds  the  abyss. 

It  must  be  remembered  that  the  despicable  souls  of 
the  lukewarm  were  on  the  other  side  of  the  Acheron, 
and  consequently  outside  the  first  circle  that  formed 
the  girdle  of  Hell. 

Division  IL  In  the  ensuing  lines  we  read  how 
Dante  finds  himself  among  the  spirits  of  the  blame- 
less heathen,  whose  penalty  is  purely  mental  suffer- 
ing at  the  thought  of  being  for  ever  debarred  from 
the  sight  of  God. 

Dante  listens,  but  hears  no.  sounds  that  betoken 
bodily  anguish. 

Quivi,  secondo  che  per  ascoltare,  25 

Non  avea  pianto,  ma'  *  che  di  sospiri, 
Che  V  aura  etema  facevan  tremare  : 


chio :  or  whether  one  should  take  the  view  of  Benvenuto,  who 
comments  thus  :  "  cosi  si  mise^  scilicet,  ante  me,  quia  me  prse- 
cessit,  e  cosly  secundum  quod  ipse  praedixerat  mi  fee  intrare^ 
scilicet,  post  se,"  etc. 

*  md  che :  Scartazzini  states  that  this  is  originally  the  same 
as  the  Latin  magis  guam^  from  which  the  Proven9al8  formed 
mais  gue,  the  Spaniards  mas  gue,  and  the  old  Italian  writers 
mt^  chey  in  the  sense  of  piik  che^  and  of  se  non  che.  See  fnf 
xxviii,  66  : 

"  £  non  avea  ma'  ch'  un'  orecchia  sola." 


1 1 8  Readings  an  the  Inferno.         Canto  I  v. 

Cio  awenia  di  duol  senza  martin, 

Ch'  avean  le  turbe,  ch'  eran  molte  e  grandi, 

D*  infand  e  di  femmine  e  di  viri.  jo 

Here  in  so  fiu:  as  by  listening  (I  could  ascer- 
tain), there  was  no  lamentation,  except  of 
sighs,  which  made  to  tremble  the  air  (of  that 
region  which  to  the  spirits  in  it  is)  eternal. 
This  arose  from  the  grief  without  torments 
which  these  multitudes  had,  that  were  nume- 
rous and  vast,  of  infonts,  of  women,  and  of 
men. 

Dante  appears  to  have  been  too  much  astonished 
to  utter  a  word,  so  Virgil  anticipates  his  probable 
desire  to  know  whose  souls  these  are  among  whom 
he  finds  himself. 

Lo  buon  Maestro  a  me  : — **  Tu  non  dimandi 
Che  spiriti  son  questi  che  tu  vedi  ? 
Or  vo'  che  sappi,  innanzi  che  piu  andi,* 

Ch'  ei  non  peccaro  :  e  s'  elli  hanno  mercedi, 

Non  basta,  perch6  non  ebber  battesmo,  35 

Ch'  6  parte  t  delta  fede  che  tu  credi : 


*  andi:  for  vadi.  It  is  thought  that  in  Dante's  time  the  veri> 
andare  was  not  so  defective  as  it  is  now,  and  that  the  forms 
ando^  andi^  anda^  were  commonly  used  instead  of  those  in  use 
at  the  present  time,  vo^  vaiy  va^  which  are  supplied  (says 
Fraticelli)  from  the  verb  vadere, 

t  parte:  In  the  edition  of  Z^  Crusca  the  reading /ir/a  was 
substituted  for  parte  (Dr.  Moore  thinks)  "  from  considerations 
of  ecclesiastical  propriety.  It  has  no  MS.  authority.  Dr. 
Barlow  did  not  find  it  in  a  single  one  of  138  MSS.  examined, 
though  one  MS.  had  porto.  Compare  the  language  of  ii,  30." 
Scartazzini  says  that  Baptism  is  certainly  called  janua  sacra- 
fnentarum^  but  in  no  case  is  it  ever  styled  janua  fidci.  Lorn- 
bardi  also  denies  that  Baptism  can  be  considered  la  porta  delta 


Canto  IV.         Readings  an  the  Inferno. 


"9 


£  se  furon  dinanzi  al  Cristianesmo, 
Non  adorar  debitamente  Dio  : 
£  di  questi  cotai  son  io  medesma 

Per  tai  difetti,  non  per  altro  rio,  40 

Semo  perduti,  e  sol  di  tanto  oflfesi, 
Che  senza  speme  vivemo  in  disio." — 

The  good  Master  to  me:  "Thou  dost  not 
ask  what  spirits  are  these  that  thou  seest? 
Now  I  wish  thee  to  know,  before  thou  goest 
farther,  that  they  sinned  not;  yuL  if  fte]^ 
have  ro*:p^  '^  ffuffres,  not,  for  they  had^ot^ 

§APlispi»-  whjph^  ja.  j^t^  of_^tB!rrF«i&^ 

thou^-baliesfistv  Aiid-iC~theyJived  before 
jChristianityp  Jhey.jlid.,not  worship  ^God..ip^ 
right  nianaer.  (/.  e.  according  to  the 
Mosaic  law,  the  only  authorized  mode  of 
worshipping  him  before  Jesus  Christ).* 
And    of   these    am    I    myself.     For   these 

fede^  seeing  that  it  opens  the  way  to  the  Sacraments,  and  not 
to  the  Faith,  which  latter  on  the  contrary  must  precede  it 
The  Ethiopian  Eunuch  had  to  make  to  St  Philip  the  Deacon 
his  profession  of  faith,  '*  I  believe  that  Jesus  Christ  is  the  Son 
of  God,''  before  he  could  be  baptized  by  him.  Lombardi  con- 
cludes that  Faith  is  the  porta  del  Baiiesimo^  and  not  Baitenmo 
porta  delta  Fede^  and  in  Inf.  ii,  29-30,  Dante  himself  has  said : 

"  quella  fede, 
Ch'  h  principio  alia  via  di  salvazione." 
Faith  has  its  distinct  articles  which  may  well  be  styled  parti 
delta  Fede.   "  Ut  enim  corporis  membra  articulis  distinguuntur  : 
ita  etiam  in  hac  fidei  confessione,  quidquid  distincte,  et  sepa* 
ratim  ab  alio  nobis  credendum  est,  recte,  et  apposite  articulum 

dicimus.'' 

{Catech.  Rom.  cap.  i.). 

*  I  must    confess  to  feeling  very  doubtful  as  to  the  right 
meaning  of  this  passage.   Benvenuto  interprets  it :  '*  And  I  am 


I20  Readings  om  ike  Inferno.        Canto  IV, 

defects  {$.  e,  for  the  lack  of  Baptism  and 
Faith)  and  for  no  other  guilt,  are  we  lost« 
and  only  so  for  afflicted,  that  without  hope 
we  live  in  desire.** 

Dante  is  much  moved  at  Virgil's  words : 

Gran  duol  mi  prese  al  cor  quando  lo  intesi, 
Perocch^  genti  di  moUo  valore 
Conobbi,  che  in  quel  limbo  *  eran  sospesi.         4$ 

Great  sadness  laid  hold  on  my  heart  when 
I  heard  this,  because  I  knew  people  of  much 
worth,  who  were  in  that  Um^  in  a  state  of 
suspense  (/.  e,  neither  saved  nor  damned). 


Division  III,  Dante  now  puts  a  question  to  Virgil 
as  to  whether  any  of  the  inmates  of  Limbo  had  ever, 
to  his  knowledge,  changed  their  condition  for  the 
better.  From  reverence  he  avoids  mentioning  the 
name  of  our  Lord,  nor  does  he  ever  do  so  throughout 
the  Inferno,  and  Virgil,  in  his  answer,  is  equally 
reticent  about  the  Holy  Name.  It  is  an  Article  of 
the  Catholic  Faith  (says  Benvenuto)  that  Christ,  at 
his  Resurrection,  descended  into  Limbo,  and  delivered 

one  of  these,  because  I  (Virgil)  was  bom  and  lived  before  the 
time  of  Christianity,  and  because  I  did  not  believe  in  the  coming 
of  Christ."  He  says  that  is  why  Virgil  turned  pale  on  entering 
ttiis  Circle :  it  was  from  a  natural  feeling  of  sympathy  for  the 
illustrious  souls  condemned  to  exist  there,  of  whom  he  himself 
was  one. 

*  limbo:  We  have  already  noticed  that  Umbo  or  Utnbo  is  so 
called  from  being  the  outer  zone  or  girdle  of  the  Circles  of 
Hell. 


Canto  IV.         Readings  on  the  Inferno.  121 

the  souls  of  the  patriarchs*  {Chris tus  resurgens  des- 
cendit  ad  limbtim  et  inde  liberavit  animas  patruni). 
As  to  the  truth  of  this  Article,  Dante  is  now  especially 
anxious  to  get  an  answer  from  Virgil. 

— "  Dimmi,  Maestro  mio,  dimmi,  Signorc," — 
Comincia'  10,  per  voler  esser  certo 
Di  quella  fede  che  vince  ogni  errore : 

— "  Uscicci  mai  alcuno,  o  per  suo  merto, 

O  per  altruist  che  poi  fosse  beato  ?  " —  50 

"Tell  me,  my  Master,  tell  me,  my  Lord," 
commenced  I,  wishing  to  be  assured  of  that 
Faith  which  overcometh  every  error,  "Did 
any  either  by  his  own  merit,  or  by  others,  go 
forth  from  here,  that  afterwards  was  blessed 
(in  Heaven)  ?  " 

Virgil  replies  : 

£  quel,  che  intese  il  mio  parlar  coperto, 
Rispose  : — "  lo  era  nuovot  in  questo  stato, 
Quando  ci  vidi  venire  un  possente  || 
Con  segno  di  vittoria  coronato. 

*  In  the  Este  MS.  of  Benvenuto  the  passage  is  worded  some- 
what differently,  namely,  that  Christ  descended  into  Umbo 
after  His  death,  and  before  His  Resurrection.  This  was  also 
the  teaching  of  the  Scholiasts. 

\  per  altrui:  compare  I  Pet.  iii,  18-19:  "For  Christ  also 
hath  once  suffered  for  sins,  the  just  for  the  unjust,  that  he 
might  bring  us  to  God,  being  put  to  death  in  the  flesh,  but 
quickened  by  the  Spirit  :  by  which  also  he  went  and  preached 
unto  the  spirits  in  prison." 

%  lo  era  nuovo :  As  Virgil  died  about  19  years  before  the 
birth  of  Christ,  and  as  Our  Lord  was  33  years  of  age  at  the 
time  of  His  death,  Virgil  could  only  have  been  about  fifty  years 
in  Umbo  at  the  period  alluded  to. 

II  Un  possente :  In  St,  Matth,  xxviii,  18,  Our  Lord  says  to  His 


122  Readings  om  the  Inferno.         Quito  IV. 

And  he,  who  undeistood  my  covert  speech, 
answered :  "  I  was  yet  a  novice  in  this  condi- 
tion (ue.  in  Umbo)  when  I  saw  come  among 
us  a  Mighty  One,  crowned  with  a  sign  of 
victory  (/.e.  the  Cross). 

Virgil  now  goes  on  to  tell  Dante  of  the  Spirits  in 
Limbo  that  were  liberated  by  Christ 

Trasseci*  1'  ombra  del  primo  parente,  55 

D*  Abel  S110  figliOy  e  qoella  di  No^ 
Di  Mois^  legistaf  e  ubbidiente  ; 
Abraam  patriarca,  e  David  re, 

Israel  con  lo  padre,  e  co^  sooi  nati,t 
£  con  Rachele,  per  cui  |  tanto  fe*,  60 

Ed  altri  mold  ;  e  fecegli  bead  : 

£  vo*  che  sappi  che,  dinanzi  ad  essi, 
Spiriti  umani  non  eran  salvati." — 
From  it  (Umbo)  He  took  away  the  shac^e  of 
the  first  parent,  of  Abel  his  son,  and  that  of 
Noah,  of  Moses  the   lawgiver  and  obedient 
(unto  God);     Abraham   the  patriarch  and 

Disciples  after  His  Resurrection :  *'  All  power  is  given  unto 
me  in  heaven  and  in  earth."       ^ 

*  Trasseci:  and  in  verse  53  ci  vidi  venire:  Observe  how 
careful  Virgil  is  to  show  Dante  that  he  does  not  for  one  mo- 
ment forget  his  own  condition,  but  fully  associates  himself  with 
the  spirits  in  Umbo  who  have  no  hope  of  bettering  their  lot. 
a' may  either  mean  *' thence,"  i.e,  from  Umbo^  or  "from  among 
us."  Either  interpretation  agrees  with  the  sense  of  Virgil's 
words. 

t  Moisl  Ugista  e  ubbidienie  :  This  means  that  Moses  imposed 
on  the  children  of  Israel  that  obedience,  which  he  himself 
willingly  yielded  to  God. 

X  suoi  nati:  This  evidently  means  all  the  progeny  of  Jacob, 
namely,  his  twelve  sons,  and  his  daughter  Dinah. 

\per  cui  tanto  f^ :  Jacob  **did  so  much"  for  Rachel  by 
serving  her  fother  Laban  twice  seven  years  for  her. 


Canto  IV.         Readings  on  the  Inferno.  123 

David  the  King,  Israel  with  his  father  (Isaac) 
and  his  children,  and  with  Rachel  for  whom 
he  (Israel)  did  so  much,  and  many  others; 
and  made  them  blessed  And  I  would  have 
thee  to  know,   that  before  these  were  no 

* 

human  spirits  saved." 

Lombard!  says  that,  from  the  time  of  the  Fall  of 
Adam  up  to  the  hour  of  the  Redemption,  Paradise 
had  been  closed,  and  all  spirits  of  men. excluded 
from  it. 

During  the  above  conversation  the  Poets  have  been 
moving  onwards. 

Non  lasciavam  V  andar,  perch'  ei  dicessi, 

Ma  passavam  la  selva  tuttavia,  65 

La  selva  dico  di  spiriti  spessi. 

We  did  not  desist  from  advancing  because 
he  was  speaking,  but  still  were  passing  onward 
through  the  forest,  the  forest,  I  mean,  of 
crowded  spirits. 

Benvenuto  remarks  that  it  is  as  though  Dante 
would  say:  "This  is  a  forest  of  many  men,  not  of 
many  trees." 

Division  IV,     Dante  and  Virgil  are  now  met  by 

the  shades  of  four  great  Poets  of  antiquity,  by  whom 

they  are  conducted  to  a  noble  castle,  which,  within 

the  precincts  of  Limbo,  is  the  allotted  abode  of  the 

most  illustrious  heathen.    The  whole  region  is  lighted 

up  by  a  beacon  of  extraordinary  brilliancy. 

Non  era  lunga  ancor  la  nostra  via 

Di  qua  dal  sonno  \*  quando  vidi  un  foco, 

*  Di  qua  dal  sonno  :  On  the  reading  sommo  adopted  by  some 


12^  Readings  am  the  Inftmo.         Canto  IV. 

Ch'  emisperio  di  tenebre  ^cia. 

We  had  not  proceeded  far  {fit,  our  way  was 
not  yet  long)  beyond  the  sleep  (i.&  where 
I  swooned)  when  I  beheld  a  flame  which 
prevailed  over  the  hemisphere  of  darkness. 

Others  read  sammo  instead  of  sonna,  and  translate 
*"  the  summit,''  "  the  head  of  the  valley."  The  alle- 
gorical interpretation  of  the  above  passage  seems  to 
be  that  the  learning  of  those  great  poets  and  philoso- 
phers, like  a  bright  beacon,  illumined  the  darkness, 
and  drove  away  the  ignorance  of  the  age  in  which 
they  lived. 

Dante  now,  by  some  intuitive  process,  seems  to 
become  aware  of  the  character  of  the  occupiers  of 
this  particular  region. 

Di  lungi  v*  eravamo  ancora  un  poco,  70 

Ma  non  si,  ch'  io  non  discemessi  in  parte, 
Che  onrevol  gente  possedea  quel  loco. 

We  were  still  some  little  way  off  from  it  (the 
beacon),  but  not  so  far  but  what  I  could  in 
part  discern  that  honourable  personages 
possessed  that  spot 

He  asks  Virgil  who  they  are,  and  why  they  have  a 
different  custom  from  the  others,  in  having  the  privi- 
lege of  the  beacon  light 


commentators  Dr.  Moore  (  Textual  Criticism^  page  280)  remarks: 
"  Sonno  has  probably  been  changed  to  the  more  obvious  sommo 
by  some  one  who  missed  the  reference  to  sonno  at  the  beginning 
of  the  Canto  ;  and  to  sano  or  suono  by  others." 


Canto  IV.         Readings  on  the  Inferno.  125 

— "  O  tu  chc  onori*  c  scienza  ed  arte, 

Quest!  chi  son,  ch'  hanno  cotanta  onranza, 

Che  dal  modo  degli  altri  li  diparte  ?" —  75 

"O  thou  who  holdest  in  honour  (every) 
science  and  art,  who  are  these  who  have  such 
honour,  that  it  parts  them  from  the  custom 
of  the  others  ?  " 

Virgil  tells  him  that  they  owe  their  privil^es  to 
their  distinguished  merit 

£  quegli  a  me  : — "  L'  onrata  nominanza, 
Che  di  lor  suona  su  nella  tua  vita, 
Grazia  acquista  tiel  ciel  che  si  gli  avanza." — 

And  he  to  me.:  "  The  honoured  renown  of 
them  which  echoes  in  thy  life  (Le.  in  the 
world),  wins  (for  them)  in  Heaven  that 
favour,  which  gives  them  such  a  (special) 
distinction.'' 

Dante  now  supposes  himself  to  hear  one  of  the 
spirits  proclaiming  the  return  of  Virgil  to  Limbo, 
and  demanding  especial  respect  to  be  paid  to  him, 
as  the  Prince  of  the  Latin  Poets. 

Intanto  voce  fu  per  me  udita  :t 

— "  Onorate  V  altissimo  poeta  ;  80 

*  onori :  It  has  been  noticed  how  Dante  makes  the  word 
honour,  in  its  various  forms,  ring  and  reverberate  through  these 
lines, — onrevoly  onori^  onranza^  onrata^  onoraie  / 

t  vocefu  per  me  udita :  Benvenuto  thinks  that  the  voice  may 
have  been  either  that  of  Horace  or  of  Ovid,  for  they  both  extol 
him  greatly  in  their  works.  He  quotes  Ovid  as  having  written 
in  his  praise  :  **  Omnia  divino  cantavit  carmine  vates,**  and  he 
adds  that  Horace  in  his  (first)  book  of  the  Odes  speaks  of  Virgil 
as  the  half  of  his  soul. 

"  Anim?e  dimidium  meae." 

Hor,  I  Carm,  iii,  8. 


126  Readings  on  ilu  Inferno,         Canto  IV. 

L'  ombra  soa  torna,*  ch'  eia  dipartita." — 

Meanwhile  a  voice  was  heard  by  me  (exclaim- 
ing) "  Honour  the  sublime  poet ;  His  shade, 
which  had  departed  (now)  returns." 

Dante  sees  a  noble  group  of  spirits  approaching 

him. 

Poich^  la  voce  fu  restata  e  queta, 

Vidi  quattro  grand'  ombre  t  a  noi  venire ; 
Sembianza  avevan  n^  trista  n^  lieta.  X 

*  V  ombra  sua  tama^  ck  era  diparHta:  It  was  to  go  to 
Dante's  aid  that  the  shade  of  Virgil  had  parted  from  his  fellow- 
poets. 

t  quattro  gramP  ombre :  Scartazzini  points  out  that,  as 
regards  Horace,  Ovid,  and  Lucan,  Dante  had  made  a  minute 
study  of  their  works,  but  being  unacquainted  with  Greek,  and 
there  not  being  a  Latin  translation  of  Homer  at  that  time,  he 
could  only  know  Homer  from  extracts  quoted  in  the  translated 
text  of  Aristotle  ;  but  Fraticelli,  in  a  note  in  Convito  ii,  1 5,  on 
the  passage  "  Quelle  che  Aristotile  si  dicesse  di  ci6,  non  si  pu6 
ben  sapere,  etc.,"  warmly  disputes  the  above  view.  He  asks 
how  it  is  proved  that  in  1297  the  works  of  Aristotle  were  exist- 
ing in  Florence  in  the  original  Greek,  and  he  states  his  opinion 
that  this  passage  in  the  Com/Uo  is  meant  to  apply,  less  to 
Dante,  than  to  the  Italians  of  his  time,  who,  for  lack  of 
the  Greek  text,  were  forced  to  have  recourse  to  translations. 
And  Fraticelli  contends  that  Dante,  in  many  passages  of 
his  works,  shows  that  he  had  read  Homer,  and  that  the 
following  passage  in  Convito  i,  7,  convinces  him  that  he 
had  read  it  in  the  original  Greek,  which  he  may  have  learnt 
since  1297:  '^Sappia  ciascuno,  che  nulla  cosa  per  legame 
musaico  [poetico]  armonizzata,  si  pu6  della  sua  loquela  in  altra 
trasmutare  sanza  rompere  tutta  sua  dolcezza  e  armonia.  £ 
questa  h  la  ragione  per  che  Omero  non  si  mut6  di  greco  in 
latino,  come  1'  altre  scritture  che  avemo  da  loro  [da  greci]." 
Benvenuto  thinks  that  Dante  only  knew  Homer  through  Virgil's 
imitation  of  him. 


Canto  IV.         Readings  an  the  Inferno.  127 

« 

After  that  the  voice  had  ceased  and  become 
silent,  I  beheld  four  mighty  shades  advancing 
towards  us ;  they  had  an  aspect  neither  sad 
nor  joyful. 
It  is  well  observed  in  the  Anonimo  Fiorentino  that 
the  wise  man  never  gets  over-elated  with  prosperity 
nor  too  much  cast  down  in  adversity.    Benvenuto 
says  the  demeanour  of  the  Poets  shows  them  to  be 
grave  and  mature  men  of  authority  ^z^W  autorizabiUs^ 
graves  et  maturi). 

Virgil  now  severally  names  the  diflferent  Poets  of 
the  noble  band,  beginning  with  Homer. 

Lo  buon  Maestro  comincib  a  dire  :  85 

— ''  Mira  colui  con  quella  spada  in  mano, 

Che  vien  dinanzi  a'  tre  si  come  sire. 
Quegli  h  Omero  poeta  sovrano, 

L*  altro  h  Orazio  satiro,  che  viene, 

Ovidio  h  il  terzo,  e  V  ultimo  Lucano.  90 

The  good  Master  began  to  say  :  ''  Mark  him 

with  that  sword  in  hand,  who  precedes  the 

three  as  (their)  lord;    that  one  is  Homer, 

the  sovereign  Poet,  the  next  who  comes  is 

Horace  the  satirist,  Ovid  is  the  third,  and 

the  last  is  Lucan.'' 

Homer  is  represented  with  a  sword,  either  because 

all  his  works  were  about  warlike  deeds,  or  because 

ht  surpassed  all  poets  in  the  splendour  of  his  genius. 

Benvenuto,  while  taking  the  same  view,  thinks  that 

the  sword  in  Homer's  hand  may  also  signify  that  he 

was  the  first  of  the  Poets  to  cut  open  a  way  to  the 

Infernal  Regions.     He  alludes  to  an  idea  which  has 

been  held  by  some,  that  these  four  Poets  are  meant  to 

represent  the  four  cardinal  virtues,  but  he  considers 


tv- 


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tbtt* 


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(Ott*» 

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do  t'ot  J^,,  stand  1^^^  ^,e>»aK  ^  ^^^^  o^ 


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Canto  IV.         Readings  ofi  the  Inferno,  129 

Thus  did  I  see  assemble  the  noble  school  of 
that  lord  of  the  grandest  song  (Homer),  who 
towers  above  the  others  like  an  eagle. 

The  shades  of  the  great  Poets,  after  seeking  from 
Virgil  information  as  to  who  is  his  companion,  welcome 
Dante  into  their  company. 

Da  ch'  ebber  ragionato  insieme  alquanto, 
Volsersi  a  me  con  salutevol  cenno  : 
Perch^  *1  Maestro  sorrise  di  tanto  :* 

£  piu  d*  onore  ancora  assai  mi  fenno,  100 

Ch*  esser  f  mi  fecer  della  loro  schiera, 
S)  ch'  io  fui  sesto  tra  cotanto  senno. 

After  that  they  had  conversed  a  while  to- 
gether, they  turned  to  me  with  signs  of 
salutation,  and  my  master  smiled  thereat. 
And  far  greater  honour  yet  did  they  pay  me, 
in  that  they  made  me  be  (one)  of  their 
company,  so  that  I  was  a  sixth  amid  so  much 
intellect. 

The  six  Poets  now  walk  on  together  to  the  abode 
of  learning  from  whence  the  four  had  issued  to  meet 
the  two. 

very  next  line,  except  by  the  very  awkward  device  of  making 

che  refer  to  altissimo  canto Others  changed  quei  to 

quel  to  secure  a  more  obvious  agreement  with  signor,  .... 
It  is  fair  to  add,  however,  that  I  cannot  cite  any  instance  of 
quei  in  the  singular  used  adjectively  with  a  noun  in  agreement" 
For  the  use  of  quei  in  the  singular  see  Purg,  iii,  1^0  ;  xxiv,  82  ; 
Par.  i,  62  ;  iv,  123 ;  xix,  120  ;  xxvii,  138  ;  and  xxxii,  127. 

*  di  tanto  :  Fraticelli  explains  this  :  "  di  tanta  loro  degna- 
lionc  verso  di  me." 

t  CU  esser  mi  fecer :  some  read  CK  essi  mi  fecer, 

K 


1 30  Readings  an  the  Inferno.         Canto  IV. 

Cost  n'  andammo  infino  alia  lumieray 
Parlando  cose,*  che  il  tacere  h  bello» 
SI  com'  era  il  parlar  colk  dov*  era.  105 

Venimmo  al  pi^  d'  un  nobile  castello»t 
Sette  volte  cerchiato  d*  alte  mura, 
Difeso  intorno  d'  un  bel  fiumicella 

Questo  passammOy  come  terra  dura : 

Per  sette  porte  intrai  con  questi  savi ;  1 10 

Giugnemmo  in  prato  di  fresca  verdura. 

Thus  we  went  on  as  far  as  to  the  light,  dis- 
coursing (oQ  things  whereof  it  becomes  (me 
now)  to  be  silent,  even  as  it  was  (fitting)  to 
speak  (of  them)  there  where  I  was.    AVe^ 
came  to  the  foot  of  a  noble  castle  seven 
times  begirt  with  lofty  walls,  defended  about 
by  a  fair  rivulet.     This  we  passed  as  dr)'. 
ground ;    and   with    those    Sages  I  entered . 
through  seven  gates ;  (and)  we  came  into  a 
meadow  of  fresh  verdure. 


*  Parlamio  cose^  etc.  :  This  means  things  too  honourable  to 
Dante.  Tommas^o  remarks  that  the  consciousness  of  great- 
ness among  great  men  is  not  pride ;  but  among  little-minded 
persons  who  misunderstand,  it  is  vanity. 

t  nobile  castello^  etc. :  This  is  supposed  to  be  the  Noble  Castle 
of  wit  and  learning,  enriched  by  its  seven  walls,  which  are  the 
seven  Virtues,  namely,  Faith,  Hope,  Love,  Justice,  Prudence, 
Temperance  and  Fortitude.  It  is  entered  by  seven  gates,  which 
are  the  Trivium^  consisting  of  Logic,  (Grammar  and  Rhetoric  ; 
and  the  Quadrivium^  Arithmetic,  Music,  Geometry  and 
Astronomy.  The  stream  is  thought  to  represent  Eloquence,  and 
only  bars  the  way  to  the  ignorant,  and  therefore  the  six  great 
Poets  are  able  to  cross  it  without  the  slightest  difficulty.  Great 
and  noble  minds  need  not  the  persuasions  of  Eloquence  to 
enable  them  to  practise  the  seven  virtues  figured,  on  the  seven 
walls. 


Canto  IV.  Readings  on  the  Inferno,  131 

Benvenuto  thinks  that  the  green  meadow  is  in- 
tended to  represent  the  evergreen  fame  of  illustrious 
men,  because  both  Virgil  in  the  iEneid,  and  Homer 
in  the  Odyssey,  depict  them  as  abiding  in  verdant 
pastures. 

Dante  now  observes  that  this  spot  is  tenanted  by 

persons  of  great  dignity. 

Genti  v'  eran  con  occhi  tardi  e  gravi, 
Di  grande  autoritk  ne'  lor  sembianti : 
Parlavan  rado,*  con  voci  soavi. 

On  it  (the  meadow)  were  there  people  with, 
eyes  (that  moved)  slowly  and  majestically, 
of  great  authority  in  their  appearance : 
seldom  they  spoke,  (and)  with  gentle  voices, 

Benvenuto  remarks  that  in  the  world  of  speech 
there  are  four  different  species  of  men  {in  mundo'\ 
loquendi  est  quadruplex  genus  /tominum),  some  know 
little  and  speak  little,  and  these  are  worthy  of  love, 
for  they  seem  to  know  themselves,  and  be  willing  to 
learn.  A  second  kind  there  are  who  know  much  and 
talk  much,  and  these  are  worthy  of  being  listened 
to,  for  out  of  the  abundance  of  the  heart  the  mouth 
speaketh.     A  third  order  are  there  who  know  little 

♦  Parlavan  rado :  Compare  Prov.  xxix,  20  :  "  Seest  thou  a 
man  that  is  hasty  in  his  words  ?  there  is  more  hope  of  a  fool 
than  of  him."  In  Conv.  iv.  2,  Dante  says  that  words  that  are 
the  seeds  of  action  must  be  locked  within  the  breast  and  only  be 
let  loose  with  much  discretion  ;  and  he  quotes  the  words  of 
Solomon  in  Ecclesiastes  :  "  A  time  to  keep  silence,  and  a  time 
to  speak.**  Fraticelli  remarks  on  this  passage  in  the  Convito 
that,  though  all  the  texts  have  Ecclesiasttcus^  the  words  cited  are 
in  EccUsiasteSy  iii,  7. 

t  In  the  Este  MS.  of  Dcnvenuto  the  reading  is  in  modo 
loquendi y  etc. 

K  2 


ii»  «d  tJ^"'*'  '^'^^  But  o«  ^^*  ftd  ^^\ 


»c^  **  '  .  v>n  t>a**^       -.^  natures 

wis  sort-  .  u.  dlvts»o»       ,  ^jetoic  "    .„vs 

lYvat  Vve  s*^     ,easou  »*     ^yios*  o\  ^"    desc^^ 


Its 


120 


^*\    of  tVve  tot^'-      .^eatvu 

So  ««       ,rt^  \oW  **  "Lto  ^*^  /  Wte. 
sP**^       aes"\  CO*         .He  coa^®  \^-ats\>»"^^ 

«^°*         .o  tWat  ^»"'\ecpW00  of  5*        {,oto 


Canto  IV.  Readings  on  tlu  Inferno.  133 

The  first  mentioned  isElectra,  whose  son  Dardanus 
founded  Troy,  Hector  the  defender  of  Troy,  iGneas 
the  supposed  founder  of  Rome,  and  then  Caesar,  to 
whom  the  Roman  Empire  owes  its  origin.  Then 
comes  Camilla,  who  died  fighting  for  Latium  as  did 
Penthesilea  for  Troy,  Latinus,  king  of  Latium  and 
his  daughter  Lavinia,  who  on  her  marriage  with 
iEneas  brought  to  the  Romans  the  sovereignty  over 
Europe.  Then  Lucius  Junius  Brutus,  who  delivered 
Rome  from  the  tyrants.  In  Lucretia,  Julia,  Marcia 
and  Cornelia,  arc  figured  the  virtues  which  rendered 
the  Roman  people  great. 

lo  vidi  Elettra  con  molti  compagni, 
Tra'  quai  conobbi  Ettore  ed  Enea, 
Cesare  armato  con  gli  occhi  grifagni.* 

Vidi  Cammilla  e  la  Pentesiiea 

Dair  altra  parte,  e  vidi  il  re  Latino,  125 

Che  con  Lavinia  sua  figlia  sedea. 

Vidi  quel  Bruto  che  caccib  Tarquino, 
Lucrezia,  Julia,t  Marzia  e  Comiglia, 

*  Cesare  .  .  .  con  gli  occhi  grifagni:  Suetonius  (JuL  Cas, 
c.  45)  mentions  Julius  Caesar  as  remarkable  for  his  dark  and 
piercing  eyes  {nigris  vegetisque  oculis).  Grifagni  is  akin  to 
the  Ctrm^xi  j^eifen^  to  snatch,  seize,  as  of  a  bird  of  prey. 
St.  Gregory  is  quoted  by  Camerini  as  saying  of  avaricious 
persons  th.it  they  have  in  their  eyes  kites  and  hawks.  Compare 
Jnf.  xxii,  139—140  : 

'*  Ma  r  altro  fu  bene  sparvier  grifagno 
Ad  artigliar  ben  lui," 
And  see  note  thereon. 

\  Julia,"  daughter  of  Julius  Caesar  and  wife  of  Pompey. 
Marcia  :  wife  of  Cato  of  Utica,  see  Purg,  i,  79,  and  Conv,  iv,  28. 
Cornelia:  daughter  of  Scipio  Africanus  and  mother  of  the 
Gracchi. 


134  Readings  an  Hu  Inferno.        Canto  IV. 

E  solo  in  parte  vidi  il  Saladina* 
I  saw  Electra  with  many  companions,  among 
whom  I  recognized  both  Hector  and  iEneas» 
Cssar  in  armour  with  his  falcon  eyes.  I  saw 
Camilla  and  Penthesilea  on  the  other  side, 
and  I  saw  King  Latintis  who  was  sitting  with 
I^vinia  his  daughter,  I  saw  that  Brutus  who 
drove  forth  Tarquinius  (Superbus),  Lucretia, 
Julia,  Marcia  and  Cornelia,  and  by  himself 
apart  I  saw  the  (great)  Saladin. 

Division  VL  The  second  group  of  spirits,  con- 
sisting entirely  of  men  of  science,  is  now  introduced 
Tommas&o  remarks  that  Dante's  classification  of 
them  is  not  as  confused  as  it  might  appear.  Up  to 
Zeno  he  enumerates  the  great  philosophers ;  and  then 
beginning  with  Dioscorides  he  names  the  sages  of 
natural  history,  eloquence  and  medicine. 

Poi  che  innalzai  un  poco  piii  le  ciglia,  ijo 

Vidi  il  Maestro  di  color  che  sanno,t 
Seder  tra  iilosofica  famiglia. 

*  il  Saladino :  (Seldh-ed-deen),  the  renowned  Soldan  of 
Babylon,  and  in  feats  of  arms  the  rival  of  Richard  Coeur 
de  Lion,  was  bom  in  1137.  He  was  universally  admired 
for  his  lofty  mind,  and  for  his  clemency  towards  his  Christian 
prisoners  when  he  captured  Jerusalem  after  winning  the  great 
battle  of  Tiberias  in  1187.  He  is  here  represented  as  sitting 
apart,  being  of  a  different  race  and  faith  from  the  surrounding 
spirits.  In  Conv,  iv,  11,  Dante  extols  his  kingly  lil>eralily. 
//before  a  proper  name  implies  distinction. 

t  il  maestro  di  color  che  sanno :  Scartazzini  says  that  in  the 
time  of  Dante,  Aristotle  was  venerated  as  an  infallible  authority, 
and  almost  as  a  divinity.  In  Copkv.  i,  i,  Dante  speaks  of  him 
as  the  Philosopher  (//  Filoso/o).  In  Conv.  iii,  5  :  **  Glorioso 
filosofo,  al  quale  la  natura  piu  aperse  i  suoi  segreti."    Com». 


Canto  IV.  Readings  on  the  Inferno,  135 

Tutti  lo  miran,  tutti  onor  gli  fanno. 
Quivi  vid'  io  Socrate  c  Platonc,* 
Che  innanzi  agli  altri  piu  presso  gli  stanno.       135 


iv,  6  :  "  tiutore  degnissimo  di  obbedienza  e  di  Fede."  And  in 
Conv,  iv,  17  :  "dove  aperse  la  bocca  la  divina  sentenzia  d' 
Aristotile,  da  lasciare  mi  pare  ogni  altnii  sentenzia." 

*  Socrate  e  Ptatonc :  Emil  Ruth  {Geschichte  der  italienischen 
PoesiCy  vol.  ii,  p.  136,  7,  Leipzig,  1844)  remarks  that  the  following 
passage  in  the  Convito  (iii,  11),  will  help  us  to  understand 
Dante's  classification  of  the  sages  at  this  point.  In  the  trans- 
lation of  the  Convito  by  Miss  Hillard  (London,  1889),  the  pas- 
sage is  rendered  :  "  The  sciences  on  which  Philosophy  most 
fervently  fixes  her  gaze  are  called  by  her  name,  such  as  Natural 
Science,  Morals  and  Metaphysics.  Which  latter,  because  more 
necessarily  does  this  lady  fix  her  gaze  thereonj  and  with  more 
fervour,  is  called  the  first  Philosophy,^  In  a  note  on  this  pas- 
sage Miss  Hillard  says  that  this  probably  signifies  that  Philo- 
sophy is  more  nearly  akin  to  Metaphysics  than  to  the  other 
sciences,  and  that  therefore  Metaphysics  is  properly  called  the 
first  Philosophy, 

Ruth  says  that  we  have  here  before  us  two  series  of  philo- 
ophers  of  decreasing  importance.  In  the  first  series  we  find 
the  moral  and  natural  philosophers  who  investigate  morals  and 
the  world  in  the  mass,  both  in  its  general  and  in  its  complex 
sense,  both  in  its  laws  and  principles.  Hence  we  find  sitting 
nearest  of  all  to  Aristotle  the  moralists  Socrates  and  Plato,  and 
after  thetn  the  natural  philosophers  Democritus,  Anaxagoras  the 
founder  of  Deism,  his  disciple  Diogenes  of  Apollonia ;  Thales, 
Empcdocles,  Zeno  of  Elia,  and  Dioscorides,  all  of  them  philo- 
sophers in  the  strict  sense  of  the  word,  who  introduced  a  general 
system  ofthemetaphysicsof  the  world,  investigating  its  origin  and 
its  relation  to  God.  In  the  second  group  are  those  philosophers 
who  more  especially  penetrated  into  the  study  of  morals  and  of 
nature.  And  in  this  group  too  (as  in  the  other),  the  first  to  be 
mentioned  are  the  moralists,  viz. :  Orpheus,  Linus,  Cicero  and 
Seneca,  who  wrote  about  the  duties  of  man,  and  laid  down 
practical  rules  of  life  ;   next  follow  the  naturalists  who  gave 


136  Readings  on  the  Inferm.         Canto  iv. 

When  1  liTied  up  my  brows  a  little  more,  I 
beheld  the  master  or  them  that  know  {i.e. 
Aristotle)  sitting  amidist  a  philosophic  family. 
All  ga^i;  upon  him  (in  admiration),  all  do  him 
honour.  Here  I  beheld  Socrates  anij  Plato, 
who  before  lb"  "'*»*"'='""''  """"stlo  him  (».f. 
may    be    ran  philosophers 

after  Aristotl 

The  lesser  light;  lOw  mentioned  in 

their  order. 

Democrito,  c  pone, 

Diogenei  :, 

Empedoc  ne : 

E  vidi  il  buoiiv  -^^^r, -—  -,-- lie, 

Dioscoride  dico  :  e  vidi  Orfeo,*  140 

their  attention  10  special  sciences,  such  as  the  maihematlcian 
Euclid,  the  astronomer  Ptolemy,  and  die  four  physicians, 
Hippocrates,  Galen,  Avicenna  and  Averrhoes.  Thus,  we  see 
thai  the  last  person  of  Ilie  first  group,  the  botanist  and  physi- 
cian Dioscorides  is,  as  it  were,  side  by  side  with  the  last  persons 
of  the  second  group,  the  four  physicians  ;  so  that  the  two 
groups  are  linked  together,  and  compose  a  circle,  of  which 
Aristotle  is  the  soul  and  the  origin,  uniting  in  himself  all  the 
different  disciplines  represented  here,  as  does  Virgil  the  ten- 
dency of  the  poets  that  go  with  him. 

•  Orfeo :  Although  Orpheus  is  better  known  as  the  hero  of  the 
mythological  episode  connected  with  the  death  of  his  wife 
Eurydice,  it  is  as  a  real  great  poet  and  musician  that  Dante 
mentions  him  here.  Monsignor  I'olctio  (Dhioimrio  D<inlesio, 
Siena,  1887),  remarks  that  from  the  fable  of  Orpheus  related  in 
Ovid's  Metamorphoses  Dante  gathers  the  moral  signification  in 
Conv.  ii,  I  :  "  Quando  dice  Ovidio  che  Orfeo  facea  colla  cetera 
[1.  e.  cilhiira,  lyre]  mansuete  le  Here,  e  gli  arbori  e  1e  pietre  a 
..vuol  dire,  che'  I  savio  uomo  collo  struniento  della 


vere  alia  sua  voloni^  coloro  che  n 


rudeli  . 


efaii 


1  hanr 


Canto  IV,         Readings  on  the  Inferno.    -  137 

Tullio  e  Lino  *  e  Seneca  morale  : 
Euclide  geometra  e  ToIonimeo,t 
Ippocrate,  Avicenna  e  Galieno,  t 
Averrois,  ||  che  il  gran  comento  feo. 


arte ;  e  coloro  che  non  avendo  vita  ragionevole  di  scienza 
alcuna  sono  quasi  come  pietre."  Lubin  says  that  Orpheus  was 
a  disciple  of  Linus,  and  was  born  in  Thrace. 

*  Litto :  Lubin  adds  that  Linus  was  a  Greek  poet,  and  like 
Orpheus  is  certainly  intended  to  represent  theology  in  this 
passage.  "  Theologus  primus  apud  Graecos  Linus  fuit."  (Hugo 
a  Sancto  Victore.  Exc.  i,  24).  Some  read  Livio  instead  of 
Lino, 

t  Tolommeo :  Claudius  Ptolemaeus  was  a  celebrated  Egyp 
tian  geographer,  astronomer,  and  mathematician,  and  taught 
astronomy  at  Alexandria  during  the  reigns  of  Marcus  Antoninus 
and  Hadrian.  He  has  always  been  regarded  as  the  prince  of 
astronomers  among  the  ancients,  and  in  his  great  work  Mf7({Ai| 
S^i^o^ir  he  embodied  all  the  prevailing  ideas  of  his  time, 
by  which  the  earth  was  placed  in  the  centre  of  the  Universe, 
and  this  system  was  called  after  him  "the  Ptolemaic  System," 
to  distinguish  it  from  others.  Ptolemy's  work  was  translated 
into  Arabic,  and  from  the  Arabic  a  Latin  translation  had  been 
made  about  thirty  years  before  the  birth  of  Dante.  The  whole 
of  the  cosmography  in  the  Divina  Commedia  is  based  upon  the 
Ptolemaic  system.     {See  Preliminary  Chapter), 

t  Hippocrates,  Avicenna  and  Galen,  were  three  celebrated 
physicians  :  the  first  Greek,  the  second  Arabian,  and  the  third 
a  native  of  Pergamus,  in  Asia  Minor. 

II  Averrhocs,  who  was  bom  at  Cordova,  about  A.D.  11 26,  was 
a  great  Arabic  writer  on  medicine  and  philosophy,  as  well  as 
being  a  physician,  but  most  celebrated,  and  especially  in  the 
time  of  Dante,  as  the  translator  and  commentator  of  Aristotle. 
Benvenuto  remarks  that  four  of  the  above-mentioned  sages 
were  natives  of  Cordova,  viz. :  Lucan,  Seneca,  Averrhd^s,  and 
Avicenna,  but  as  to  the  last  of  these  he  is  in  error,  as  Avicenna 
was  born  near  Bokhara. 


1 38  Readings  an  tite  Inferno.         Canto  IV. 

Democritus  (I  saw)  who  ascribes  the  world  to 
chance ;  Diogenes,  Anaxagoras,  and  Thales, 
Empedodes,  Heraditus  and  Zeno;  and  I 
saw  the  good  collector  of  the  qualities,  Dios- 
corides  I  mean ;  and  I  saw  Orpheus,  TuUius 
(Cicero),  and  Linus,  and  Seneca  the  moralist : 
Euclid  the  geometrician  and  Ptolemy,  Hippo- 
crates, Avicenna  and  Galen,  (and)  Averrhoes, 
who  made  the  great  commentary. 

The  subject  Dante  has  to  describe  is  so  copious, 
that  it  is  not  possible  for  him  to  go  into  the  fullest 
details. 

lo  Don  posso  ritrar  di  tutti  appieno ;  145 

Perocch^  s)  mi  caccia  il  lungo  tema, 
Che  molte  volte  a!  falto  il  dir  vicn  incno. 

I  am  not  able  to  refer  to  all  in  full,  because 
the  long  theme  so  drives  me  onward,  that 
many  times  the  relation  comes  short  of  the 
fact. 

Dante  finishes  the  Canto  by  telling  how  the  bril- 
liant group  broke  up,  he  and  Virgil  proceeding  on 
their  way,  and  the  other  four,  we  may  infer,  remaining 
where  they  were. 

La  sesta  compagnia  in  due  si  scema  : 
Per  altra  via  mi  mena  il  savio  duca, 
Fuor  delta  queta,  nelP  aura  che  trema  ;  i  so 

E  vengo  in  parte,  ove  non  h  che  luca. 

The  company  of  six  is  reduced  to  two  (ix, 
Virgil  and  Dante) ;  my  wise  guide  leads  me 
by  another  path  forth  from  the  quiet  (air)  into 
the  air  that  trembles ;  and  I  come  into  a  |)art 
where  there  is  nought  that  shines. 


Canto  IV.         Readings  on  the  Inferno. 


139 


The  air  that  trembles  is  the  storm-blast  of  which 
Dante  is  about  to  speak  in  the  ensuing  Canto ;  and 
the  region  into  which  he  enters  is  one  that  Scartazzini 
describes  as  containing  not  a  single  being  resplendent 
for  virtue,  nor  beacon,  nor  star,  nor  anything  else  that 
gives  light. 


End  of  Canto  IV 


I40  R$adings  on  tlu  Inferno.         Canto  V. 


CANTO  V. 


The  Second  Circle. 
Minos. 

The  Lascivious  and  Unchaste. 
Francesca  and  Paolo. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  last  Canto  we  saw  Dante 
and  Virgil  separate  themselves  from  the  band  of 
illustrious  Poets,  and  Dante  says  that  his  learned 
Guide  led  him  away  by  another  path  forth  from  the 
still  air  into  a  place  of  storm  and  darkness.  In  this 
Canto  we  find  that  they  have  descended  into  the  pre- 
cincts of  the  Second  Circle  of  Hell,  wherein  they 
first  see  the  torments  of  the  doomed  sinners. 

Benvenuto  divides  this  Canto  (not  very  happily,  I 
think)  into  five  parts. 

In  the  First  Division^  from  v.  i  to  v.  24,  Dante 
relates  how,  on  his  entrance  into  the  Circle,  he  beheld 
Minos,  the  grim  judge  of  Hell,  allotting  to  every  lost 
soul  its  appointed  punishment. 

/;/  the  Secotid  Dwision^  from  v.  25  to  v.  45,  he 
describes  the  punishment  of  the  Carnal  Sinners. 

///  tlu  Third  Division^  from  v.  46  to  v.  69,  among 
the  spirits  in  torment  are  noticed  a  few  of  the  person- 
ages in  ancient  history  that  were  most  noted  for  their 
impure  lives. 

In  the  Fourth  Division,  from  v.  70  to  v.  114,  is 


Canto  V.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  141 

related  the  beautiful  episode  of  the  unhappy  loves  of 
Francesca  da  Rimini  and  of  Paolo  Malatesta. 

(No  further  division  of  the  Canto  would  seem  to 
have  been  required.) 

In  the  Fifth  Division,  from  v.  1 1 5  to  v.  142,  Dante 
makes  Francesca  recount  to  him  in  detail  the  circum- 
stances that  led  to  her  fall,  and  to  the  tragic  death  of 
herself  and  Paolo. 

Division  I,     The  scene  opens  in  the  very  vestibule 

of  Hell  proper,  at  the  entrance  to  which  Dante,  now 

left  alone  with  Virgil,  finds  himself  in  the  presence  of 

Minos. 

Cos)  discesi  del  cerchio  primaio* 

Giu  nel  secondo,  che  men  loco  cinghia, 
E  tanto  piu  dolor,  che  pugne  a  guaio. 

Thus  I  descended  from  the  first  Circle  down 
into  the  second,  which  encloses  less  space, 
and  (yet)  so  much  greater  misery,  that  it  goads 
to  (the  utterance  of)  lamentations. 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  Hell,  in  the  Divina 
Commedia,  is  supposed  to  be  in  the  form  of  an  inverted 
hollow  cone.  In  the  First  Circle,  Limbo,  there  was  a 
wider  circumference,  but  there  was  only  so  much  grief 
as  found  its  expression  in  sighs  (see  Canto  iv,  26). 
This  second  Circle  is  smaller,  but  the  grief  is  greater, 
and  is  found  increasing  in  every  diminishing  Circle 

*  primaio :  an  obsolete  form  hr  primo.  It  is  found  in  several 
passages  in  the  Divina  Commedia. 

In  Par.  xxvi,  100,  Dante  says  of  Adam  : 

*'  E  similmente  V  anima  primaia 
Mi  facea  trasparcr." 


142  Readings  oh  tlu  Infemo.  Canto  V. 

as  the  Poets  descend,  with  a  corresponding  increase 

in  the  severity  of  the  punishment. 

Stawi  Minos*  orribilmente  e  ringhiat : 

Esamina  le  colpe  nell'  entrata,  5 

Giudica  e  manda,  secondo  che  avvinghia. 

There  Minos  of  horrible  aspect  stands  and 
grins :  he  examines  the  offences  at  the 
entrance,  judges,  and  sends  accordingly  as 
he  girds  himself. 

As  this  last  line  might  be  difficult  to  under- 
stand, Dante  goes  on  to  explain  it  in  the  lines  that 
follow. 

Dico,  che  quando  V  anima  mal  nata| 

*  Minos:  In  Virg.  ^-En.  vi,  431-2,  Minos  is  described  in  the 
Infernal  Regions  as  shaking  lots  in  the  urn  : 

"  Nee  vero  hae  sine  sorte  datse,  sine  judice  sedes. 
Quaesitor  Minos  urnam  movet." 
We  have  noticed  before,  in  Inf,  iii,  109,  that  Dante  represented 
all  the  mythological  personages  in  the  Inferno  as  demons,  and 
he  does  so  here  in  the  case  of  Minos,  whom  he  depicts  with  a 
tail,  and  grinning  like  a  dog.  This  is  even  more  forcibly 
described  in  Inf,  xxvii,  124-127,  where  Guido  da  Montefeltro 
relates  how  a  devil  carried  him  to  Minos,  who  pronounced  his 
doom  with  a  bestial  exhibition  of  fury  : 

"  A  Minos  mi  port6  :  e  quegli  attorse 
Otto  volte  la  coda  al  dosso  duro, 
£,  poi  che  per  gran  rabbia  la  si  morse, 

Disse  ;  *  Questi  h  de'  rci  del  foco  furo.*" 

t  orribihnente  e  ringhia:  Benvenuto,  Landino,  Buti,  and 
others,  read  Sttwvi  Minos  e  orribilmente  ringhia^  but  the 
editions  of  Foligno,  Jesi,  Mantua  and  Naples  all  read  as  in 
this  text. 

X  $nal  nata:  comp.  Matth,  xxvi,  24  :  '*  It  had  been  good  for 
that  man  if  he  had  not  been  born." 


Canto  V.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  i^ij 

Li  vien  dinanzi,  tutta*  si  confessa  ; 
£  quel  conoscitorf  delle  peccata 
Vede  qual  loco  d'  inferno  k  da  essa  :  lo 

Cignesi  colla  coda  tante  volte, 
Quantunquet  gradi  vuol  che  giu  sia  messa. 
Sempre  dinanzi  a  lui  ne  stanno  molte  : 

Vanno  a  vicenda  ciascuna  al  giudizio  ;  || 
Dicono  e  odono,§  e  poi  son  giik  volte.  1 5 

I  mean  that,  when  the  ill-fated  spirit  comes 
before  him,  it  confesses  itself  wholly;  and 
that  discerner  of  transgressions  perceives 
what  place  in  Hell  is  (meet)  for  it:  (and 
thereupon)  girds  himself  with  his  tail  as 
many  times  as  the  number  of  degrees  (i,e. 
circles)   below  that    he  wills    it   (the  soul) 


*  iutia  si  confessa :  Kuti  explains  iutia  as  meaning  confess- 
ing fully,  without  keeping  back  the  confession  of  any  one 
single  sin. 

t  conosciior :  Lubin  says  that,  in  1300,  the  judge  who 
inquired  into  offences  was  called  the  cognitore.  In  Mori,  i,  12, 
Dante  writes  :  "  Cum  alter  de  altero  cognoscere  non  possit,  ex 
quo  alter  alteri  non  subditur  (nam  par  in  parem  non  habet  im- 
perium) ;  oportet  esse  tertium  jurisdictionis  ampUoris,  qui 
ambitu  sui  juris  ambobus  principctur."  Therefore  Polctto  {Diz. 
Dant.)  says  that  conoscitore  here  means  simply  a  judge. 

X  Quaniunque  is  here  equivalent  to  quantu 

II  giudizio :  I  have  translated  this  "  judgment  seat."  I  find 
confirmation  for  this  interpretation  of  the  word,  in  this  particu- 
lar passtige,  in  Hlands  Vocabolario  Dantesco^  and  in  Poletto's 
Diziofiario  Dantesco,  Also  Fan  fan  i  (  Vocabolario  del  la  IJngua 
Italiana)  gives  as  one  of  the  meanings  of  the  word  :  "  Luogo 
dove  si  giudica." 

§  odono  :  Scartazzini  says  that  Minos  symbolizes  the  voice  of 
conscience,  and  that  what  the  sinners  hear  is  from  within  them- 
selves, because  Minos  does  not  speak.  I  venture  to  point  out 
an  exception  to  this  in  xxvii,  126,  127,  where  Minos  orders 
Outdo  da  Montefeltro  to  be  cast  into  "the  thieves'  fire." 


144 


Readings  oh  the  Inferno. 


Canto  V. 


to  be  seni.  Always  before  him  are  ihere 
many  (souls)  standing :  Ihcy  go  up  each  in 
turn  to  thii  judgment-seat;  ihey  speak  (their 
confession),  they  hear  (their  sentence),  and 
then  are  hurled  down  (to  their  allotted  place). 

The    attention    r'    *''■ *-    -w   called   to   the 

approach  or  Dante  lat  the  object  of 

his  journey  through  'ation  of  his  soul, 

Minos  endeavours  lim    from  further 

prt^ress.     As  iiotic  is  represented  as 

a  malignant  demon  aracter  naturally 

strives  to  hinder  the  orsaken  the  ways 

of  s^n  for  those  of  vii 

— "  O  tu,  clie  vieni  al  dotoroso  ospiiio ," — 
Disse  Minos  a  me,  quando  mi  vide, 
Lasciando  I'atio  di  cotanio  ufiiio, 
— "  Guarda  com'  entri,  e  di  cui  lu  li  fide  ;  * 

Non  t'  inganni  1'  ampiezzat  dell'  enlrare  ! " —      lo 

"  O  thou  who  comest  to  the  abode  of  woe," 
said  Minos  to  me,  desisting,  when  he  saw 
nie,  from  the  exercise  of  so  great  a  function 
(as  that  of  judging) :  "  \aoV.  how  thou 
enterest,  and  in  whom  thou  puttest  thy 
trust.  Let  not  the  vastness  of  the  entrance 
deceive  thee ' " 


*JuU: 
t  Famf 


n  ancient  form  of  the  second  person  singular  of  the 

se  for/,//. 

fSBrt  (ieir  enlrare :  compare  X.f\.  vi,  116-9  : 

"faeilis  descensus  Averro; 

Noctes  alque  dies  patel  airi  janua  Dilis  \ 
Sed  revocaregradum,superasquccvadere  ad  auras. 
Hoc  opus,  hie  labor  esl," 
Compare  also  .Si.  Mattli.  vii,  13  :  "Wide  is  the  gnic,  and  broad  is 
the  way,  thai  leadeth  to  destruction." 


Canto  V.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  145 

Virgil   interposes,  and   answers,  as  he  did  when 

Charon  opposed  Dante's  approach  to  Acheron. 

E  il  duca  mio  a  lui  : — **  Pcrchi  pur  gride  ? 
Non  impedir  lo  suo  fetale  andare  : 
Vuoisi  cosl  col^  dove  si  puote 
CI6  chc  si  vuole,  c  piu  non  dimandare.** — 

And  my  guide  to  him:  "Wherefore  dost 
thou  also  cry  out  (as  did  Charon)  ?  Oppose 
not  his  fated  going :  It  is  so  willed  there  (in 
Heaven),  where  is  power  to  do  that  which  is 
willed,  and  enquire  no  further." 

We  may  infer  that  Minos  is  silenced  by  Virgil's 
reproof,  and  that  the  two 'Poets  pursue  their  way 
into  the  region  of  the  hurricane. 

Division  II,  The  punishment  of  the  Carnal  Sinners 
is  now  described.  Dante  is  now  well  within  the  dark 
precincts  of  Hell.  No  longer  does  he  feel  the  soft 
enamelled  turf  beneath  his  feet,  nor  the  light  air  on 
his  brow,  but  a  furious  tempest  sweeps  through  an 
atmosphere  of  gloom,  and  sounds  of  lamentation 
strike  on  his  ear. 

Ora  incomincian  le  dolenti  note*  25 

A  farmisi  sentirc  :  or  son  venuto 

Lk  dove  molto  pianto  mi  percote. 
lo  venni  in  loco  d'  ogni  luce  muto, 

Che  mugghia,  come  fa  mar  per  tempesta, 

Se  da  contrari  venti  h  combattuto.  30 

La  bufera  infernal,  che  mai  non  resta, 

Mena  gli  spirti  con  la  sua  rapina,t 

Voltando  e  percotendo  H  molesta. 


*  fwte :  Biagioli  explains  this  to  mean  inarticulate  cries. 
t  rapina:  Both  Blanc  and  Poletto  explain  rapina  in  this 
passage  as  forza  che  tnucina,    Dante  (Convito  ii,  cap.  vi)  uses 

\s 


146 


Readings  en  the  Inftrno. 


Canto  V. 


Now  do  the  cries  of  despair  begin  to  be- 
come audible  to  me ;  now  am  I  come  lo 
that  part  where  much  wailing  strikes  me. 
I  came  to  a  region  void  (///.  mote)  of  all 
light,  which  bellows  as  does  the  sea  during 
a  tempest,  if  it  be  smitten  by  conflicting 
winds.     Tb  t  never  censes, 

bears  the  sp  d  sweep,  (and) 

whirling   th^  jfTeting  them, 

causes  them 
The  interpreta'  three  lines  is  much 

disputed. 

Quatido  glut  lina,* 

Quivi  le  oeillamento.  3s 

Destemmian  quivi  la  virti^  divina. 

the  word  as  applied  to  the  velocity  with  which  the  Ninth 
Heaven,  the  Primum  MebiU  whirls  round  :  "Ancora  si  muove 
tulto  questo  cielo,  e  nvolgesi  coll'  epicicio,  da  orienie  In  occi- 
dente,  ogni  dl  naiurale  una  tiaia  ;  to  quale  mavimento,  se  esso 
i  da  intellello  alcuno,  o  se  esso  h  dalla  rafiina  del  prima  inMle, 
Iddio  lo  sa,  ch£  a  me  pare  presuntuoso  a  giudicare." 

•  ruina  :  Various  interpretations  of  this  word  are  given,  and 
the  passage  is  argued  at  length  by  its  dilTerent  commentators. 
Scariaiiini  is  very  positive  that  ruina  refers  to  the  "  bufera  che 
nttna,  rapisce,  ri-votge  e  percale  le  anime,  &c."  Some,  among 
whom  is  Philaleltes  {Danle  AHgkierfs  GiiUliche  Conibdie. 
Metrisch  iibertragen  und  mil  kriliscken  und  historiscken  Erldu- 
ierungen  verseken  von  PHILalethes  [King  John  of  Saxony]. 
Leipzig,  1865),  think  that  ruina  means  Ihe  inside  edye  of  the 
circle  below,  and  that  the  shrieks  arise  from  the  terror  of  the 
spirits  of  being  cast  further  down.  Itut  that  would  be  quite  out 
of  accordance  with  the  rule  Dante  has  laid  down  that  the 
spirits  can  never  issue  from  the  circle  allotted  to  them.  Maga- 
lotti  (Comento  sui  primi  eirigue  canli  delP  Inferno  di  Dantf. 
Milano,  1S19)  thinks  that  there  was  only  one  point  by  which 
there  was  a  descent  from  Limbo  into  the  Circle  of  the  Sensual, 


Canto  V.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  147 

When  they  (the  spirits)  arrive  before  the 
precipice  {i.e.  before  the  precipitous  edge  of 
the  circle  at  the  spot  where  they  are  to  be 
hurled  down),  there  (begin)  the  shrieks,  the 
wailings,  and  the  lamentations,  there  blas- 
pheme they  the  Divine  Power. 

I  — 

and  that  there  would  be  the  entry.   Others  think  ruina  to  mean 

a  great  convulsion  or  upturning  of  the  rocks  that  formed  the 

precipice  between  Limbo  and  the  Circle  of  the  Sensual,  and 

that  this  convulsion  was  owing  to  the  earthquake  that  occurred 

at  the  time  of  the  Crucifixion.     In  In/,  xii,  31-45)  Virgil  alludes 

to  this  : 

"  Tu  pcnsi 

Forse  a  questa  rovina,  ch'  h  guardata 
Da  queir  ira  bestial  ch'  io  ora  spensi. 
Or  vuo'  che  sappi,  che  1'  altra  fiata, 

Ch'  io  discesi  quaggiu  nel  basso  inferno, 
Questa  roccia  non  era^ancor  cascata. 
Ma  certo  poco  pria,  s'  io  ben  discemo, 
Che  venisse  Colui,  che  la  gran  preda 
Lev6  a  Dite  del  cerchio  supemo, 
Da  tutte  parti  V  alta  valle  feda 

Trem6  si,  ch'  io  pensai  che  V  universo 
Sentisse  amor,  per  Io  quale  h  chi  creda 
Pill  volte  il  mondo  in  Caos  converso  : 

Ed  in  quel  punto  questa  vecchia  roccia 
Qui  ed  altrovc  tal  fccc  riverso." 
In  Inf.  xxiii,  137,  one  of  the  Frati  Gaudenti  tells  Virgil  the  way 
to  get  out  of  the  Bolgia  : 

*'  Montar  potrete  su  per  la  ruina, 
Che  giace  in  costa,  e  nel  fondo  soperchia'' 
Biagioli  says  that  he  takes  a  different  view  xA  ruina  from  every- 
one else,  and  he  thinks  that  under  the  veil  of  these  few  verses, 
so  full  of  ornate  eloquence,  Dante  wished  to  portray  the  tem- 
pests of  the  mind,  the  passions  of  the  soul,  and  the  toils  of  the 
body,  which  assault,  disturb,  and  lacerate  all  who  make  their 
reason  subservient  to  their  desires. 

L  2 


148 


Readings  on  the  Inferno.  Canto  V. 


We  may  infer  from  the  words  that  follow  that 
Dante  had  asked  Virgil  who  these  spirits  were ;  some 
however,  think  he  has  formed  his  conclusion  from 
the  nature  of  their  torment. 


Inlesi,  clie  a  cosl  fatto  toniicnlo 

Rnnodani                                 1 
Clie  la  rag                                 i 

I  learned  ibnl  t 

condemned   l1ie                                i 

pure),  who  male 

tite  (i.r  make  a 

EcoiTie  Elision 

Nci  freddo  icm[)o,T  »  acniera  v. 

li. 
»lenH).* 

:onnent  are 
U  the  im- 
ni  to  appe- 

5). 

Kga  e  plena. 

Cosi  quel  tiato  gli  spirit! 

Di  qua,  di  1^,  di  giu,  di  su  gli 

Nulla  speranza  gli  confo 

Non  che  di  posa.t  ma  dj 

mali. 

:aletito 

•  pena. 

•  IttUnto :  Compare  In/,  x,  $$-$6  : 

"  D'  intarno  mi  guardb,  come  1 

Avesse  di  veder  s'  aliri  e 

t  Nel frcdiio  Icmpo:  this  would  be  in  mid-autumn,  u'hcn  l>irds 
of  migratory  haliiis  gather  logelhcr  in  large  cnm|ianies,  and 
joumey  into  warm  climates. 

J  Nulla  speranza  .  .  .  di  posu:  This  docs  not  quite  tally  «ilh 
what  Francesca  says  to  Dante  in  v.  95-96  : 
"  Noi  udiremo  e  parleremo  a  vui, 
Mentrecht  il  vcnio,  come  fa,  si  tacc." 
On  V.  l\,"  La  bufera  infernal  chc  iiiai  non  rrsla, 
thinkst  he  meaning  is  that,  although  the  hurrici 
pend  its  force  for  occasional  brief  intervals,  yet 
come  to  an  end.     But  this  does  not  sufficiently  ac 
discrepancy  between  non  che  <ii  posa  and  ilvenio  ci 
Benvenuto's  idea  is  thai  the  momeniary  respite  iha 
to  Francesca  and  Paolo  (v.  9S'96)  was  liy  no  m 


"  Scarta^cii 


ml  for  the 


Canto  V.  Readings  on  tlie  Inferno,  149 

And  as  in  the  cold  season  their  wings  bear 
away  the  starlings  in  a  far-stretching  and 
crowded  flock  :  so  that  blast  (bears  along)  the 
spirits  of  the  wicked.  Hither,  thither,  down- 
ward, upward  it  carries  them  :  no  hope  ever 
comforts  them,  not  only  of  any  rest,  but  (even) 
of  less  sufTering. 

Division  III,  The  simile  we  have  just  read  of  the 
starlings  being  borne  along  in  countless  multitudes, 
referred  to  the  great  mass  of  the  spirits  of  the 
Unchaste  as  a  whole.  That  which  is  next  presented 
to  us,  would  seem  to  speak  rather  of  a  particular 
group,  at  the  head  of  which  Dante  is  shown 
Semiramis. 

£  come  i  gru*  van  cantando  lor  lai, 
Facendo  in  aer  di  s^  lunga  riga  ; 
Cos)  vid'  io  venir,  traendo  guai, 


viation  of  the  tonnent,  but  on  the  contrary  for  aggravation  of 
it,  in  the  sad  reminiscences  that  they  recalled  of  their  love  on 
earth. 

*  E  come i gru:  compare  Purg,  xxiv,  64-67  : 
**  Come  gli  augei  che  veman  lungo  il  Nilo 
Alcuna  volta  in  aer  fanno  schiera 
Pol  volan  piu  in  fretta  e  vanno  in  filo  ; 
Cosl  tutta  la  gente  che  11  era,"  etc. 
and  Purg.  xxvi,  43-46  : 

"  Poi  come  gru,  ch'  alle  montagne  Rife 

Volasser  parte,  c  parte  inver  1*  arene, 
Queste  del  giel,  quelle  del  sole  schife, 
L'  una  gente  sen  va,  1*  altra  sen  viene,"  etc. 
and  Lucretius,  iv,  182-3  : 

"  ille  gruum  quam 
Clamor,  in  netheriis  disparsus  nubibus  austri." 


Readings  oh  the  htferno.  Canto  V. 


Ombie  poriaie  dalla  delta  bri)i» 

Perch'  io  di: 

ssi;- 

■"  Mae:stro, 

,  chi  son  (iuelle 

Genii,  the  1 

,  neraslgastiga?" 

And    as   the  cranes 

go  chanting  their  lays, 

making  .1   long 

line 

of  themselves    in   the 

air,  so    saw  1   come. 

ulterine 

lameniations, 

shades  borne 

emeiitioned 

St  rife(of  winds; 

1 ;  "  Master, 

who  are  those 

:  murky  ait 

so  chastises?" 

'ii^il  replies  to  h 

"—La  prima  di  cn 

Til  vuoi  sa 

:gli  nllotta. 

— "  Fu  iinDeni. 

A  viiio  di  lussuria  fu  si  rotia,  SS 

Che  libilo  fe'  licito  in  sua  leg^je, 
Per  lorre  it  biasmo,  in  che  era  condniia. 
£11'  £  Semiramis,  di  cui  si  legge,* 

Che  succedette  a  Nino,  e  fu  sua  sposa  : 
Tenne  la  terra,  che  il  Sotdan  corregge.  60 

•  Scmiramh,  di  cui  li  hgge  che  sticceiktlt  a  Nino :  There  is 
an  immense  preponderance  of  authority  in  favour  of  iliis 
reading  as  against  mgger  dttU,  which  is  principally  advocated 
by  Scarabelli  (Comedia  di  Dante  degli  Allaghtrii  col  Commcnto 
dijacopo  deilit  Lana,  Bologntse,  ed.  Luciano  ScarabelH,  Ilologna, 
1S66),  and  would  imply  that  Semiramis  was  both  the  mother  and 
ihewifeof  Ninus.  This  reading  is  severely  condemned  by  Wille 
(Danic  Forsthungen,  Heilbronn,  1879,  vol.  ii,  pp.  377-378),  and 
siill  more  so  by  Scartazzini,  who  says  that  IJante  is  in  this 
passage  translating  almost  literally  from  Orosius  {Hist.  lib.  i, 
e.  4):  "Huic[Nino  regi  Assy  riorum]  mortuo  Semiramis  uxor 
successit."  Orosius  indeed  goes  on  to  show  that  Semiramis 
combined  murder  with  extreme  depravity,  and  tegaliied  incest 
to  cover  her  own  guilt.  Scartaizini  points  out  that  Dante  says 
himself  (il/ou.  ii.  9)  that  he  has  read  lliis  passage  in  Orosius, 
and  that  therefore  he  must  ceitainly  have  intended  sidrnLlti-  to 


Canto  V.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  i  S  i 

L'  altra*  h  colei,  che  s'  ancise  amorosa, 
E  ruppe  fede  al  cener  di  Sicheo  ; 
Poi  h  Cleopatras  lussuriosa. 

"  The  first  one  of  those  (shades)  of  whom  thou 
would'st  have  news,"  said  he  to  me,  "was 
empress  of  many  nations  (/iV.  languages).  In 
the  vice  of  Sensuality  she  was  so  unbridled 
{lit  broken),  that  in  her  (code  of)  law  she 
made  lust  lawful,  in  order  to  remove  the 
blame  (for  the  sins)  into  which  she  had  been 
led.  She  is  Semiramis,  of  whom  one  reads, 
that  she  succeeded  Ninus  and  was  his  con- 
sort; she  held  the  land  (the  Babylonian 
Empire)  that  the  Soldan  now  rules.  That 
other  is  she  (Dido)  who  slew  herself  for  love 
(of  iEneas),  and  broke  faith  with  the  ashes  of 

be  the  true  reading.  The  reading  sugger  dette  seems  first  to 
occur  in  Jacopo  della  Lana,  but  Scarabelli,  who  edited  that 
ancient  Commentary,  contends  that  it  is  also  to  be  found  in  the 
Quaresimale  of  Friar  Attavanti,  published  in  Milan  in  1479,  ^s 
well  as  in  the  Caetani  Codex,  and  in  the  MS.  in  the  British 
Museum  of  1370,  which  bears  the  number  105 17. 

•  U  altra^  etc. ;  The  difficulty  presents  itself  here,  that  Dido, 
to  whom  this  passage  refers,  slew  herself,  besides  being  guilty 
of  an  intrigue  with  i^lneas,  and  many  ask  the  question  why 
Dante  has  not  therefore  placed  her  in  the  second  Girone  of  the 
Seventh  Circle,  among  the  Suicides.  And  why  also  are  Cato 
and  Lucretia  not  relegated  there  as  well  ?  The  answer  to  this 
is  that  Dante  has  placed  no  spirits  of  pagans  in  the  circle  of  the 
Suicides,  for  the  reason  that  Suicide  was  not  considered  to  be 
a  crime  by  the  greater  number  of  heathen  philosophers,  but 
rather  an  act  worthy  of  praise  if  committed  for  objects  that 
were  noble  and  worthy,  as  was  the  case  both  with  Cato  and 
Lucretia ;  and  provided  that  the  person  slaying  himself  had 
done  nothing  contrary  to  the  principles  of  the  four  cardinal 
virtues,  the  chief  test  of  morals  among  the  heathen. 


IS2 


Kt-adings  on  the  InftrHa.  Ciuito  V. 

.     After  (her)  is  the  licentious  Cleo- 


Sichxu: 
paira. 
Virgil  having  pointed  out  the  spirits  of  those  whose 
sin  was  indiscriminate  profligacy,  now  names  to  Dante 
a  vast  number  who  sinned  from  love,  and  one  can 
infer  that  a  distinctic"  ■'■  -»—■""  ^--'ween  unbridled 
lust,  and  the  sinful  fa  >ved  too  well. 

Elena  vedi,*  pei 

Tempo  51  >"  B  Achitle,  6s 

Vedi  Paris,+  Tri 

Che  amor  d. 
See  Helen  (then., 


aille 


so  long  a 


*  vedi:  1  have  not  followed  the  reading  vidi  as  given  by 
Scartauini,  Witie,  and  the  old  cornmeniaiors.  The  MS.  of 
Monie  Cassino  reads  vedi,  as  also  does  Buii,  who  comments 
thus:  "  Parlaancora  Virgilio, edice:  'Tu  Dante  vedi  Elena  per 
cui  cagione  si  volae  lanto  reo  tempo,  etc' "  The  whole  context 
would  seem  to  show  that  Virgil  goes  on  pointing  out  other 
spirits  in  turn  to  Dante.  Professor  Campi  {La  Diviiia  Corn- 
media  di  Danle  Alighieri,  per  cura  di  Cav.  Giuseppe  Campi, 
Torino,  1888),  remarks  that,  if  one  followed  the  usual  reading 
vidi,  one  might  well  ask  how  Dante  could  recognise  personages 
that  he  had  never  seen  before.  It  is,  however,  onl/  fair  10 
remember  that  in  canto  iv,  119,  he  says :  "Mi  fur  mostrati  gli 
spiriii  magni,  etc.,"  and  then  goes  on  to  say  :  "  lo  vidi  Eleiira," 
"  Vidi  Cammilla,"  "  Vidi  quel  Brulo,"  and  so  on  to  the  end  of 
the  canto.  Scanaziini  gives  the  reading  vidi,  but  interprets  it 
as  meaning  vedi. 

t  Paris :  It  is  somewhat  uncertain  whether  Danle  hererefers 
to  Paris,  son  of  Priam  and  the  ravisher  of  Helen,  or  to  the 
Paiisoflhe  Mediaeval  Romances  of  Chivalry.  His  being  coupled 
here  with  Tristan,  the  lover  of  Iseuh,  might  suggest  the  latter 
view.    1  am,  however,  greatly  indebted  to  Mr.  Paget  Toynbee  for 


Canto  V.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  153 

time  of  guilt  {Le.  the  ten  years*  siege  of  Troy) 
rolled  on,  and  see  the  great  Achilles,  who  in 

drawing  my  attention  to  his  valuable  letters  to  "  The  Academy^ 
in  1888,  in  which  he  quotes  various  passages  wherein  Paris  of 
Troy  and  Tristan  are  mentioned  in  close  connexion. 

The  first  is  from  Chaucer's  Assembly  of  Foules : 

"  Semyramus,  Candace,  and  Hercules, 
Biblis,  Dido,  Tisbe  and  Piramus, 
Tristram,  Isoude,  Paris,  and  Achilles, 
Helaine,  Cleopatre  and  Troiliis, 
Sylla,  and  eke  the  mother  of  Romulus  : — 
All  these  were  paynted  on  that  other  side. 
And  all  hir  love,  and  in  what  plite  they  dide." 

The  next  is  from  the  Roman  de  Renart : 

'*  Seigneurs,  o!  avez  maint  conte 
Que  maint  conterre  vous  raconte. 
Comment  Paris  ravi  Elaine, 
Le  mal  qu'il  en  ot  et  la  paine, 
De  Tristan  qui  la  chievre  fist. 
Qui  assez  bellement  en  dist 
£t  fabliaus  et  chancon  de  geste." 

The  third  (says  Mr.  Paget  Toynbee)  is  from  a  thirteenth- 
century  MS.  belonging  to  the  Ashbumham  Collection  : 

"  Li  corteis  Tristam  fu  enginn^ 
De  Famor  et  de  Tamist^ 
Ke  il  ont  envers  Ysolt  la  bloie. 
Si  fu  li  beau  Paris  de  Trpie 
De  Eleine  e  de  Penelop^.^ 

Mr.  Paget  Toynbee  therefore  thinks  that  it  is  evident,  from 
these  and  other  passages  he  has  adduced,  that  the  mention  of 
Pans  and  Helen,  and  of  Tristan  and  Iseult,  as  typical  instances 
of  lovers  whose  woes  were  wrought  by  love,  was  regarded  in 
the  Middle  Ages  as  a  poetical  commonplace.  It  may,  therefore, 
be  assumed  that  Dante's  allusion  is  to  the  Paris  "  qui  de  Gresse 
ravi  Helaine,*'  and  not  to  the  hero  of  the  mediaeval  romance. 


Readings  on  the  Inferno.  Can 

his  last  hour  (///.  at  the  end)  fought  with  love 
(for  Tolyxena).  See  Paris,  Tristan  ; "  and 
with  his  finger  he  showed  me  more  than  a 
thousand  shades  and  named  them,  whom 
love  had  parted  from  our  life. 


?tvi»a  Coinmedia 
ith  the  memories 
c.  Virgil  lias  just 
housand  of  such, 
sed  to  hear  that 
'ast  numbers,  and 


Division  IV.  A 
we  see  how  tenderl; 
of  those  who  have  e 
pointed  out  to  hitr 
and  we  cannot  the 
Dante  is  filled  with 
with  compassion  for 

Poscia  ch'  io  ebbi  il  mio  doitore  udito  70 

Nomar  le  donne  antichc  e  i  cavalicri,* 
Piei^  mi  giunse,  e  fui  quasi  smarrito. 
After  that  I  had  heard  my  teacher  name  the 
ladies  and   the  knights  of  bygone  days,  pity 
fell  upon  me,  and  I  was  almost  bewildered. 

*  le  donne  aniicke  c  i  cavulieri :  lienvenuto  thinks  that 
Uanic's  sympathy  was  excited  beyond  measure  at  the  fnle  of 
these  unturiunate  spirits  of  knights  and  dames,  because,  tike 
them,  he  had  himself  gone  through  ihe  same  passion  of  love. 
Longfellow  quotes,  in  illustration  of  this  passage,  from  Shake- 
speare, Sonnet  cvi  : 

"  When  in  the  chronicle  of  wasted  time 
[  see  descriptions  of  the  fairest  wigliis. 
And  beauty  making  beautiful  old  rhyme. 
In  praise  of  ladies  dead  and  lovely  knights." 
See  also   Homer,   Odyssey,  book  xi,   357-9,   Lord  Carnarvon's 
translation  : 

"  with  many  more,  whom  I 

Know  not  to  number  or  rehearse  by  name, 
Daughters  and  wives  of  Heroes." 


Canto  V.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  155 

Here  begins,  and  continues  to  the  end  of  the  Canto, 
the  episode  of  Dante's  conversation  with  Francesca 
da  Rimini,  one  of  the  most  beautiful  and  touching 
passages  in  the  Divina  Comtnedia ;  and  I  cannot  but 
regret  that  Benvenuto  should  have  thought  it  necessary 
to  break  it  up  into  two  Divisions. 

lo  cominciai  : — "  Pocla,  volcnticri 

Parlerei  a  que'  due*  che  insieme  vanno, 

£  paion  si  al  vento  esser  leggieri." —  75 

I  began :  "  Poet,  I  would  gladly  address  those 


*  que'  due :  Paolo  and  Francesca.  Buti  relates  that  Fran- 
cesca was  the  daughter  of  Messer  Gutdo  di  Polenta  da  Ravenna, 
Lord  of  Ravenna,  and  that  she  was  married  to  Lanciotto  (some 
call  him  Gianciotto)  son  of  Messer  Malatesta  da  Rimini.  This 
lady  was  very  beautiful  in  her  person  :  her  husband  very  de- 
formed and  crippled  ;  and  this  Lanciotto  had  a  brother  of  his 
named  Paolo;  a  youth  of  gfeat  beauty,  hence  it  happened  that 
Francesca  and  Paolo  became  enamoured  of  one  another.  Now 
it  is  said  that,  being  one  day  alone  in  a  chamber  in  all  security 
as  brother  and  sister-in-law,  and  reading  how  Lancelot  fell  in 
love  with  Queen  Guenevere,  and  how  through  the  connivance  of 
Messer  Galeotto  they  came  together,  Paolo  inflamed  with  pas- 
sion kissed  Francesca ;  and  after  that,  their  love  and  intimacy  be- 
came so  evident,  that  it  came  to  the  ears  of  Lanciotto  ;  who 
thereupon  lying  in  wait,  and  one  day  finding  ithem  together, 
stabbed  both  of  them  with  his  rapier,  so  that  they  died  at  the 
same  time.  The  A  ftontmo  Fioretttino  adds  to  this  account  that 
Paolo  would  certainly  have  escaped  through  a  trap-door,  had 
not  a  link  of  his  shirt  of  mail  caught  on  a  nail  of  the  panelling. 
Gianciotto  rushed  upon  him  with  a  halbert,  but,  as  he  was  in 
the  act  of  striking,  his  lady  ran  in  between,  so  that  he,  thinking 
to  strike  his  brother,  struck  his  wife  and  killed  her  ;  he  then 
killed  Paolo  in  like  manner  at  the  place  where  he  was  entangled. 
Fraticelli  says  that  this  tragedy  took  place  in  1284  or  1285,  not 
at  Rimini  but  at  Pesaro. 


Ijfi  Readings  <m  the  Inferne.  Canio  V. 

two  wlio  go  together,  and  seem  to  be  so  ligbl 
upon  [he  wind." 
Benvenuto  interprets  this  as  meaning  that  the  two 
spirits  were  so  light  upon  the  wind  of  criminal   love; 
that  is,  they  seem  to  be  so  enamoured  of  each  other. 
Scartazzini  says  th;  had  never  striven 

to  resist  the  force  ,  so  now  they  arc 

not  in  a  5t  conditio  resistance  to  the 

force  of  the  storm-b  s  Dante  to  watch 

for  his  opportunity  th  them. 

Ed  egli  a  me  :•  saranno 

Piii  presso  prcga 

Per  (|ucll'  c  quei  verranno." — 

And  he  to  me:  "Thou  wilt  observe  when 
they  shall  be  nearest  to  us ;  and  do  thou 
then   pray  them   by  that    love  which    bears 
them  along;  and  they  will  come." 
SI  losto  come  il  vento  a  noi  li  pie};a, 

Mossi  la  voce  ; — "  O  anime  afTannaie,  So 

Veniie  a  noi  parlar,  s'  altrit  no!  niega."— 

As  soon  as  the  wind  brought  them  round  (///. 
bends  them)  to  us,  I  raised  my  voice :  "  O 


•  /.■    for  /i.      It  corresponds  lo    the    Laiin  cos.      Compare 
Inf.  vii,  53-54  : 

"  La  sconoscente  vita,  che  i  fe'  sozzi, 
Ad  ogni  conoscenza  or  li  fa  brimi;" 
t  iiltri :   Cameritii  says  thai   this  is  an  old  furm  lu  indicate 
an  indeterminate  superioi  power.     In  Inf.  xxvi,  141,  it  is  used, 
as  in  the  present  passage,  as  referring  10  God  : 

"  la  prora  ire  in  giCi,  com'  ahrui  pincque." 
In  I'lirg.  i,  133,  it  refers  to  Cato,  the  guardian  of  Ante-Purga- 

"  Quivi  mi  einse  si  come  alirui  piac<|ue," 


Canto  V.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  157 

afflicted  souls,  come  and   speak  with  us  if 
Another  (/.  ^.,  God)  interdicts  it  not  I " 

Benvenuto  remarks  that  while  speaking  these  words, 
Dante  was  probably  in  considerable  doubt  as  to 
whether  the  shades  would  be  allowed  to  pause  in  their 
rapid  flight. 

The  two  spirits  comply  with  Dante's  request,  and 
their  approach  is  described  in  a  beautiful  simile. 

Quali  colombe*  dal  disio  cbiamate, 

Con  V  all  alzate  e  ferme,  al  dolce  nido 
Volan  per  1*  aer  dal  voler  portate  : 


*  Quali  colombe^  etc. :  compare  Isaiah^  Ix,  8 :  **  Who  are 
these  that  fly  as  a  cloud,  and  as  the  doves  to  their  windows  ?  " 
Scartazzini  reads  vengon^  and  places  the  colon  after  it,  instead 
of  after  portate^  observing  that  the  rest  of  the  passage  does  not 
refer  to  the  doves,  but  to  the  shades  of  Francesca  and  Paolo. 
He  thinks  that,  if  the  words  dal  voler  portate  were  interpreted  as 
referring  to  the  doves,  the  sentence  would  be  unnecessary  and 
superfluous,  for  the  doves  have  already  been  described  as  dal 
disio  chiamate.  Animals  follow  an  instinctive  disiOy  spirits  a 
libero  volere.  This  is  also  the  opinion  of  Bargigi,  the  XVth 
century  commentator.  IJoth  Henvenuto  and  Buti  read  vengon. 
The  late  Dean  Church,  in  a  letter  written  to  me  just  one  month 
before  his  death,  strongly  dissented  from  this  reading  and  in- 
terpretation, saying  :  "  I  cannot  think  Scartazzini  is  right  in 
Inf.  v,  82-5.  Dante  gives  to  his  animals  human  attributes. 
See  Par.  xix,  34-36  : 

'  Qua!'  il  falcon  ch'  uscendo  del  cappello 

Move  la  testa,  e  coll'  ali  si  plaude, 

Voglia  mostrando,  e  facendosi  bello.* 
And  Par.  xx,  73-75  : 

'  Quale  allodetta  che  in  aere  si  spazia 

Prima  cantando,  e  poi  tace,  contenta 

Deir  ultima  dolcezza  che  la  sazia.' 
This  is  not  instinct,  but  reflexion,  and  the  whole  run  of  the  pas- 


158 


Reotiitigs  on  the  Inferno.  Canto  V. 


Colali  uscir  della  schiera  ov"  4  Dido  * 
A  noi  venenda  per  1'  aer  maligna, 
SI  Tortc  fu  I'  affettUOEQ^rido. 
Like  unto  doves  who   summoned  by  desire 
(uilher  for  theit  young  or  for  their  males), 


85 


'  per  r  aere,'  nnd  the 
;3le '  before  '  cotali, 
i  on  mere  punctua- 
voler  portate,'  ihe 
firgi]-.  'Radii  iter 
expresses  the  same 

by    different    com- 

the  doves  and  the 

imdersmnd    haw 


sage  is  made  harsh  by 
insertion  of  the  condi 
&c.'  Dame  is  not  ni 
tion  to  mnke  his  me. 
eagerness  of  Ihe  High 
liquidum,  eeleres  ncc 
idea  in  a  different  way. 
The  most  opposite 
meniiiiors  as  to  the  ci 
two  shades.  llenvenuio  a,iy: 
beautiful  and  appropriate  is  the  aforesaid  simile  of  ihe 
doves,  one  must  note  thai  doves  are  dedicated  lo  Venus, 
who  is  the  Mother  of  Love,  and  the  goddess  of  Sensu- 
ality {luxuria),  and  therefore  these  birds  are  mosi  sensual. 
The  dove  is  also  extremely  prolific,  and  so  easily  forgets,  that 
when  its  young  are  taken  away  from  it,  it  immediately  rebuilds 
its  nest  in  the  same  place  unmindful  of  its  wrongs.  ...  On  the 
other  hand  the  dove  is  the  messenger  of  peace,  sociable,  cares- 
sing, humble,  tractable,  all  of  which  are  qualities  suitable  to 
love."  Scartaziini  agrees  that  the  dove  is  extremely  sensual, 
but  is  also  the  symbol  of  innocence.  He  quotes  St.  Malik,  x,  i6, 
as  showing  that  it  is  also  a  symbol  of  sincerity,  a  virtue  which 
poor  Francesca  exercises  in  the  highest  degree  in  her  touching 


•  Ai  schiera  (w"  i  Dido :  It  is  thought  by  some  that  Danic 
wished  lo  make  a  distinction  between  the  noble  souls  who 
yielded  to  the  passion  of  love,  but  not  lo  brutish  sensuality, 
and  it  may  well  be  tlial,  after  describing  such  voluptuaries  as 
Semiramis  and  Cleopatra,  Virgil  passed,  by  a  graceful  transi- 
tion, over  the  thousand  shades  lo  the  knights  and  dames  of 
chivalry,  whose  sin  was  unlawful  love  and  not  unbridled  tusi, 
and  of  these  are  the  unfortunate  pair  in  question. 


Canto  V.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  1 59 

with  upraised  and  steady  pinions  come  to 
their  beloved  nest  carried  through  the  air  by 
their  (own)  volition:  so  did  those  (two 
spirits)  issue  from  the  band  wherein  is  Dido, 
coming  towards  us  through  the  malignant  air, 
so  powerful  was  my  affectionate  appeal. 

Francesca  is  the  first  to  speak,  and  she  addresses 
herself  to  Dante  alone,  as  the  one  of  the  pair  whom 
she  sees  is  alive.  Womanlike,  she  cannot  refrain  from 
expressing  her  gratitude  for  the  sympathy  he  is  show- 
ing for  them.  Virgil  (v.  76)  had  told  Dante  to  take 
the  opportunity  of  calling  to  the  spirits,  whenever  it 
should  present  itself.  Francesca  is  anxious  that  he 
should  not  lose  it  by  any  waste  of  time,  and  enters  at 
once  into  the  facts  of  her  sad  history,  apparently 
anticipating  the  possibility  of  their  being  swept  away 
by  the  blast  in  the  middle  of  her  narrative,  and  one 
infers  that,  with  the  courtesy  of  a  true  lady,  she  almost 
ofTers  an  apology  beforehand,  should  this  happen. 

— "  O  (inimal  grazioso  e  benigno, 

Che  visitando  vai  per  F  aer  perso* 

♦  perso  .   .  .  sanguigno :   Chaucer  (/Canterbury  TaleSy  Pro- 
logue, 441-2)  describes  the  Doctour  of  Phisike  thus  : 
"In  sanguin  and  in  perse  he  clad  was  alle 
Lined  with  taffeta,  and  with  sendalle." 

Dante  uses  the  word  in  several  places,  and  in  Comnto  iv,  20, 
explains  it  to  be  a  colour  of  purple  and  black  in  which  the  black 
prevails  (i7  perso  dal  nero  discende,  ,  ,  ,  II  perso  i  un  colore 
misto  dipurpureo  e  di  nero  ma  vince  it  nerOy  e  da  lui  si  denomina). 
Sec  also  Inf.  vii,  103  : 

"  L'  acqua  era  buia  assai  vie  piu  che  persa : " 
and  Pttrg,  ix,  97  :  speaking  of  the  steps,  he  says  : 

**  Era  il  secondo,  tinto  piu  che  perso,"  etc.  . 


Rcadtitgs  on  the  Inferno.  Canto  % 

Noi  che  lignemmn  11  inondo  di  sant'>iiK"0  ■        9 

Se  fosse  amico  j]  te  deil'  universo, 

Noi  pregheremino  lui  per  la  lua  pace, 
Poich^  hai  pietli  deJ  noslro  mal  penerso. 

Di  quel  che  udire  e  che  parlar  ti  piace 

Noi  udiremo  e  psrieremo  a  vui,  9 

Menlrecb*  "  ..— tn  ™im«  f.   ^i  tace. 


"  0  living  being 
through  this  1 
who  stained  ' 
King  of  the 
would  pray  unl 
hast  com  pass  io 
it  plenses  thee  i 
(that)  we  will  hear  ana  speak  lo  you  (liolh), 
while  the  wind  is  lulled,  as  it  is  (just  now). 


d,  who  goest 
'  visiting  us 
wd :  If  the 
r  Tnend,  we 
i,  since  thou 
!.  Of  what 
id  to  speak. 


Siede  la  li 


a  fui,* 


Per  aver  pace  co'  seguaci  sui. 

*  la  terra,  dm'enala/ui:  Knvennais  iiowsiiiiatedatadisUviice 
uflwo  or  three  miles  from  the  sen,  niid  about  leii  oi'  twelve  from 
the  principal  mouih  of  the  I'o,  that  is,  of  the  right  bianch  of  ii. 
Itenvenulo  says:  "  Iniellige  qiiantuiii  ad  biachium  rectum: 
intrat  enim  Padus  in  mare  in  loco  qui  vocaiur  Hrimarium." 
Anyone  now  visiting  it  sees  outside  ihe  city  a  dreary  pestilen- 
tial marsh  in  the  midst  of  which  the  magnificent  early 
Christian  Church  of  St.  Apollinare  in  Classe  alone  breaks  the 
monotony  and  desolation  of  the  surrounding  plain.  Hut  in  the 
time  of  Dante,  Classe,  or,  as  it  was  at  that  time  probably  called, 
Chiassi,  was  really  on  the  sea-shore  {suUa  iiuirimt)  and  uas 
ihe  harbour  of  Ravenna  (Partus  Ctassi's)  as  it  had  Ijeen  in  the 
^'reat  days  of  the  Roman  Empire.  It  was,  when  Danie  fre- 
cjuented  it,  a  district  of  great  beauty,  and  in  the  latter  years 
of  his  life,  when  an  exile  from  Florence,  he  was  hospitably  enter- 
tained by  (luido,  the  great  Lord  of  Polenta,  Fiancesca's  fiiiher. 


Canto  V.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  i6i 

The  city  wherein  I  was  born  (Ravenna)  is 
seated  on  the  shore  of  the  (Adriatic)  sea 
where  the  Po  with  his  followers  (/.  e.^  tribu- 
tary streams)  descends  to  find  rest. 

Benvenuto  interprets  this  passage  as  meaning  that 
if  the  Po  did  not  enter  into  the  sea*  it  would  be  in  con- 
tinual war  with  all  the  rivers  which  flow  into  it. 

Amor/  che  al  cor  gentil  ratto  s'  apprende,  loo 

we  gather  from  Purg,  xxviii,  10-21,  that  he  was  wont  to  seek 

for  tranquillity  and  seclusion  in  the  beautiful  pine  forest,  the 

Pineta^  which  skirts  the  plain,  and  extends  in  the  direction  of 

Rimini. 

^le  fronde,  tremolando  pronte, 

Tutte  e  quante  piegavano  alia  parte 

U'  la  prim'  ombra  gitta  il  santo  monte  : 

Non  per6  dal  lor  esser  dritto  sparte 
T^nto,  che  gli  augelletti  per  le  cime 
Lasciasser  d'  operare  ogni  lor  arte  ; 

Ma  con  piena  letizia  V  ore  prime, 

Cantando,  ricevi^no  intra  le  foglie, 
Che  tenevan  bordone  alle  sue  rime, 

Tal,  qual  di  ramo  in  ramo  si  raccoglie 
Per  la  pineta,  in  sul  lito  di  Chiassi, 
Quand'  Eolo  Scirocco  fuor  discioglie." 
In   Inf.  xxvii,  40-42,  Dante   mentions   the  connexion  of  the 
family  of  Francesca  with  Ravenna. 

"  Ravenna  sta,  come  stata  h  molti  anni : 
L'  aquila  da  Polenta  la  si  cova, 
SI  che  Cervia  ricopre  co*  suoi  vanni.** 

*  Amor:  Longfellow  calls  attention  to  the  threefold  occur- 
rence in  these  three  triplets  of  the  word  love,  as  was  the  case 
with  the  word  honour  in  canto  iv,  72-8a  He  says  the  verse 
murmurs  with  it,  and  he   quotes  from  Tennyson's  Princess^ 

canto  vii  : 

"  Sweet  is  ever/  sound. 

Sweeter  thy  voice,  but  every  sound  is  sweet, 

M 


Readings  on  the  Inferno. 


Canto  V. 


Prese  cosluj  della  betia  persona 

Che  mi  fti  tolla,  e  11  modo  ancor  m'  offende.* 
Amor,  che  a  nullo  amato  amar  perdona. 

Mi  prese  dal  costui  placert  si  forte, 

Che,  come  vedi,  ancor  non  mi  abbandona.        lOJ 
Amor  condusse  noi  ad  una  roorte  : 


rie. 


Myriads  of  m 
The  moan  ofi 
And  murmuril 
•  //  modo  ancor  nf 
being  slain  in  ihe  act 
that  the  brutai  violence 
to  one  of  her  higli  birlh  = 
mofuio,  which  in  the  MSS.  i 


.<:aie 


ither  mean  because 

le  for  repentance,  or 

especially  repugnant 

nutlure.      Some  prefer 

modo,  and  would  imply, 


says  Dr.  Moore,  thai  Francesca  and  Paolo  were  wrongly  accused 
of  the  crime  for  which  they  were  killed.  Dr,  Moore,  however, 
shows  an  immense  preponderance  of  authority  in  favour  of  modo. 
Some  contend  that  il  modo  .  .  ,  m'  offende  rather  refers 
to  the  deceit  said  by  Boccaccio  to  have  been  practised  upon 
Francesca,  of  making  her  believe  thai  Paolo,  when  he  came  to 
Ravenna  to  wed  her  by  proxy  for  his  brother,  was  in  reality 
espousing  her  himself  Ilut  if  this  were  so,  she  would  have 
been  innocent  in  thought,  and  would  hardly  have  been  repre- 
sented by  Dante  as  being  punished  among  the  Sensual. 

+  dal  costui  piacer:  Benvenuio  reads  here"  »ii'^ru£(/i-/^id»r 
costui  si /orte,  that  is,  so  constrained  me  into  pleasing  him  with 
my  lovely  form,  etc."  Boccaccio  is  in  doubt  as  to  whether  it 
means  Jet  piacer  di  costui  or  del  piacert  a  costui.  Magalotti 
thought  il  might  be  taken  in  two  ways.  Either,  mi  prise  del 
piacert,  delta  gioja  di  amare  costui;  or,  mi  prese  del  piacere,  c/f 

X  Cairm:  The  first  of  the  four  Rings  in  the  Ninth  Circle  of 
Hell,  in  which  Ring  treacherous  murderers  of  their  kindred  are 
specially  punished.     Dr.  Moore  (Textual  Criticism,  p.  38,  note) 


Canto  V.  Readings  an  the  Inferno.  163 

Da  che  10  intesi  quelle  anime  ofTense, 

Chinai  1  viso,  e  tanto  il  tenni  basso,  no 

Finch^  il  poeta  mi  disse  :— "  Che  pcnsc?" — 

Love,  which  quickly  lays  hold  on  a  tender  heart, 
captivated  this  one  with  the  lovely  form  of  which 
I  was  deprived,  and  the  mode  (whereof)  offends 
me  still.  Love,  which  to  no  loved  one  pardons 
loving  (/.  ^.,  exempts  from  loving  in  return), 
seized  me  with  so  intense  a  delight  in  him,  that, 
as  thou  seest,  he  does  not  even  now  desert  me. 
Love  brought  us  to  one  death.  Caina  awaits 
him  who  quenched  our  life.''  These  words 
were  borne  to  us  from  them.  After  that  I  had 
heard  these  afflicted  souls,  I  bowed  my  face, 
and  so  long  did  I  hold  it  down,  till  the  Poet 
said  to  me  :  "  Of  what  art  thou  thinking  ?  " 

Dante  is  too  much  overcome  to  be  able  at  once  to 

reply,  and  when  he  does,  he  addresses  not  his  answer 

to  Virgil,  but  speaks  to  himself  as  one  in  a  soliloquy. 

Quando  risposi,  cominciai : — ''  O  lasso, 
Quanti  dolci  pensier,*  quanto  disio 
Men6  costoro  al  doloroso  passo  1 " — 

When  I  answered,  I  began :  "  Ah  me  1  how 
many  tender  thoughts,  what  (fond)  desire, 
led  them  to  this  woeful  passl" 

thinks  it  probable  that  Dante  wrote  Cain  or  Caitw^  thus  des- 
cribing the  first  murderer  himself  as  awaiting  the  arrival  of  the 
modem  fratricide  with  malicious  eagerness. 

*  dolci  pensier:  In  Conviio^  ii,  2,  Dante  speaks  of  tl)e 
thoughts  generated  by  love  :  "  Ma  perocch^  non  subitamente 
nasce  amore  e  fassi  grande  e  viene  perfetto,  ma  vuole  alcuno 
tempo  e  nutrimento  di  pensieri,  massimamente  Ik  dove  sono 
pensieri  contrarii  che  lo'mpediscono,convenne,  prima  che  questo 
nuovo  amore  fosse  perfetto,  molta  battaglia  intra  1  pensiero 
del  suo  nutrimento  e  quello  che  gli  era  contrario,  etc" 

M2 


I$4  Readings  oh  the  Inferno.  Canto  V. 

Scartazzini  observes  that  dolorose  fiasso  is  in  anti- 
thesis to  dolci  pensieri. 

Division  V.  Dante  has  remarked  that  in  the 
narrative  of  Francesca,  up  to  this  point,  there  is  a  con- 
siderable gap.  She  has  told  him  of  the  passionate 
love  of  herself  .     '  ~     "     '  another,  and  then 

passed  on  at  on*  that  love  led  them 

to  one  death  tc  ixious  to  have  this 

void  filled,  and  t  details. 

Pai  mi  rii  ,  115 

£  \oi  I,  i  luoi  maitiri 

Al  la)  e  pio- 

Madimm.  Eospiri,* 

A  chfti -^um-  amore, 

Che  conoscestet  ■  dubbiosi  desirijl  ?" —  i3o 

Then  I  turned  again  to  them,  and  I  spoke, 
and  began  ;  "  Francesca,  thy  sufferings  make  , 
me  weep  with  grief  and  pity  {HI.  make  me  sad 
and  compassionate  unto  tears).    But  tell  me : 
ai  the  time  of  your  sweet  sighs,  by  what  sign, 
and  under  what  circumstances,  did  Love  grant 
that  you  should  know  the  dubious  desires  ?" 
Francesca  complies  with  the  request. 
*  tempo  d^  dolci  sospiri :  This  means  the  lime  when  the  un- 
happy pair  first  became  enamoured  one  of  anolher. 

t  A  ckt :  Cesari  {,BeUexit  Delta  Divina  Cotnnudia  di  Danit 
Alighieri,  Verona,  1824,  vol.  i,  p.  97)  has  "A  che,  col  verba 
tmostere,  0  con  simile  ;  vale  quanio.'W  gual  HgitOy  o  indicia  Cf. 
Boccaccio  (Decatn.  Giorn.  v.  .Nov.  x) :  'E  se  lu  non  le  ne 
awedessi  ad  altro,  si  te  ne  del  avvedere  a  questo.' " 

I  conosceste :   I  do  not  here  follow  Witte,  who  reads  conoscesti. 
II  dubbiosi  desiri :  Their  desires  were  dubious  because  up  to 
that  time  they  had  not  revealed  to  each  other  their  muiuat 
feelings.    Some  understand  dubbiosi  as  pericolosi. 


Canto  V.  Readings  on  tlu  Inferno,  165 

Ed  el  la  a  me : — "  Nessun  maggior  dolore,  ♦ 
Che  ricordarsi  del  tempo  felice 
Nella  miseria  ;  e  ci6  sa  il  tuo  dottore.  t 

Ma  se  a  conoscer  la  prima  radice 

Del  nostra  amor  tu  hai  cotanto  aflfetto,  125 

Farh  come  colui  che  piange  e  dice.]: 


*  Nessun  maggior  dolore^  etc. :  This  passage,  which  has  been 
imitated  by  many  poets,  is  supposed  to  have  been  itself  an  imita- 
tion of  the  words  of  Boethius,  Di  ConsoL  Phil.  Book  ii,  Pros.  4  : 
"In  omni    adversitate    fortunae,  infelicissimum    est    genus 
infortunii  fuisse  felicem." 
Compare  also  Chaucer,  Troilus  and  Creseide,  Book  iii,  1624  : 
"  For  of  fortune's  sharp  adversite 

The  worst  kind  of  infortune  is  this, 
A  man  to  have  been  in  prosperite, 
And  it  remember,  when  it  passed  is." 
And  Fortiguerra,  Ricciardetto  xi,  st  100 : 

" rimembrare  il  ben  perduto 

Fa  pill  meschino  lo  presente  stato." 
And  Tennyson,  Lockslcy  Hall : 

"  This  is  truth  the  poet  sings, 
That  a  sorrow's  crown  of  sorrow 

Is  remembering  happier  things.'' 

f  il  tuo  dottore :  Some  commentators,  among  whom  are 
Daniello,  Venturi,  Magalotti,  Biagioli  and  Bianchi  have  tried 
to  prove  that  by  dottore  Dante  meant  Boethius,  who  wrote  the 
words  quoted  in  the  previous  note.  But  Francesca  was  re- 
minding Dante  of  Virgil's  own  words,  when  in  jEn,  ii,  3,  he 
makes  yEneas,  on  being  asked  by  Dido  to  relate  to  her  the 
destruction  of  Troy,  reply  : 

'*  Infandum,  regina,  jubes  renovare  dolorem." 
Dante  calls  Virgil  il  mio  dottore  in  several  places,  and  notably 
so  in  V.  70  of  the  present  Canto  : 

"  Poscia  ch'  io  ebbi  il  mio  dottor  udito." 
He  never  distinguishes  Boethius  by  that  appellation. 

X  colui  che  piange  e  dice:  {i,e,  one  who  tells  a  sad  story  with 
tears).    Compare  the  words  of  Count  Ugolino,  In/,  xxxiii,  7-9 : 


1 66  Readings  on  the  lufertw. .         Canto  V. 

And  she  to  me:  **No  greater  sorrow  (is 
there)  than  to  remember  the  time  of  happi- 
ness (when)  in  misery ;  and  this  thy  teacher 
(Virgil)  knows.  But  if  thou  hast  such  desire 
to  know  the  first  root  of  our  love,  I  will  do 
like  one  who  weeps  and  tells. 

Not  leggevamo*  un  giomo  per  diletto 
Di  Lancelotto,  come  amor  lo  strinse  ; 
Soli  eravamo  e  senza  alcun  sospetto. 

*'  Ma  se  le  mie  parole  esser  den  seme, 

Che  fnitti  in&mia  al  traditor  ch'  io  rodo, 
Parlare  e  lagrimar  vedrai  insieme." 
Francesca  recalls  her  past  happiness  and  weeps  over  her  lost 
condition.  Ugolino  has  no  happy  past  to  look  back  to,  and 
though  weeping  at  the  memory  of  the  awful  pangs  he  endured, 
is  only  induced  to  relate  them  with  the  revengeful  view  of 
injuring  the  reputation  of  his  betrayer,  Archbishop  Ruggieri. 

*  Not  ieggevaiftOy  etc.  :  Lamennais  {La  Divine  ComMie  de 
Dcmte  Alighieri^^2cn&y  i8SS«  vol.  i,  p.  Ixxiii),  comments  on  this  in- 
cident so  happily  that  I  venture  to  quote  His  remarks  at  length : 
"  Les  deux  amants  qu'emporte  et  roule  dans  son  cercle  ^temel 
rinfemal  ouragon,  s'arr^tent  k  la  pri^re  de  Dante,  et  Francesca 
lui  fait  le  r^it  de  leurs  infortunes.  Combien  Teifet  en  est  dif- 
ferent de  ce  qu'il  serait  si  le  pocte  Tavait  mis  dans  la  bouche  de 
celui  qui  jamais  (telle  ne  sera  s^pari.  Un  poete  vulgaire  n'y 
efit  pas  manqu^ ;  il  aurait  cru  r^pandre  ainsi  sur  Pamante 
silencieuse  un  certain  charme  de  modestie  pudique  :  et  au  con- 
traire,  outre  Texquis  sentiment  de  ddlicatesse  passionn^e  par 
lequel  elle  semble  se  rendre  propre  une  commune  faiblesse, 
c'est  en  Tavouant  elle-m£me  qu'elle  I'excuse,  dest  par  la  vive 
expression  de  Tamour  qui  la  fascine  encore,  qu'elle  imprime  k 
cet  amour  qui  survit  au  corps,  qui  -reside  dans  I'&me  seule,  je  ne 
sais  quel  caract^re  chaste  d'ou  nait  la  piti^  douloureuse  et 
tendre  qu'inspirent  ceux  dont  il  fera,  au  fond  d'une  joie  secrete, 
rimmortel  tourment."  At  the  end  of  this  Canto  will  be  found  a 
separate  Digression :  (a)  The  story  of  Francesca,  as  related 


Canto  V.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  167 

« 

Per  piu  fiate  gli  occhi  ci  sospinse  130 

Quella  lettura,  e  scolorocci  il  viso  : 
Ma  solo  un  punto  fu  quel  che  ci  vinse. 

Quando  leggemmo,  il  disiato  riso 
Esser  baciato  da  cotanto  atnante, 
Questi,  che  tnai  da  me  non  fia  diviso,  13$ 

La  bocca  mi  baci6  tutto  tremante  : 

Galeotto  *  fu  il  libro  e  chi  lo  scrisse  : 
•  Quel  giorno  pidi  non  vi  leggemmo  avante." — 

We  were  one  day  reading  for  pastime  of 
Lancelot,  how  love  enchained  him:  Alone 
were  we,  and  without  any  fear  of  being  sur- 
prised. Many  a  time  that  reading  caused 
our  eyes  to  meet,  and  our  faces  to  change 
colour :  but  one  passage  alone .  was  it  that 
overcame  us.  When  we  read  how  the  smiling 
and  longed  for  lips  (of  Queen  Guenevere) 
were  kissed  by  so  noble  a  lover,  this  one 
who  never  more  shall  be  parted  from 
me,  all  trembling  kissed  me  on  tlie  mouth. 
Both  the  book  and  he  who  wrote  it  were  a 
Gallehaut  (/>.  a  go-between)  to  us.  That 
day  we  read  on  no  further." 

by  the  Anonimo  Fiorentino,  {}>)  The  passage,  "Noi  leggc- 
vamo/'  etc.,  set  to  music  by  Rossini  for  insertion  into  Lord 
Vernon's  edition  of  the  Inferno  as  a  contribution  from  himself 
to  the  work. 

*  Galeotto  fu  il  libro^  etc.  :  the  meaning  of  this  sentence 
is  that  the  book  of  the  Romance  of  Lancelot  du  Lac  was  to 
Francesco  and  Paolo  the  go-between  that  facilitated  their 
realising  their  love  for  each  other,  just  as  in  the  Romance 
itself,  Gallehaut  was  the  intermediary  between  Lancelot  tod 
Queen  Guenevere.  Benvenuto  words  it :  "sicut  Galleottus  fiiit 
conciliator  et  mediator  amoris  inter  Lanzilottum  et  Ginevriam, 
ita  Liber  iste  in  quo  legebant  fuit  ipediator  et  conciliator  qui 
conjuravit  ipsos  duos  simul." 


1 68  Riodimgs  am  iki  Infima.  Canto  V. 

Dante  ends  the  Canto  by  describing  the  effect 
upon  himself  of  the  passionate  grief  of  Paolo»  a  grief 
no  doubt  greatly  intensified  by  the  thought  that  he 
had  been  the  chief  author  of  the  death  and  eternal 
doom  of  one  whom  he  had  loved  so  well. 

Mentre  che  1'  iino  spirto  questo  disse, 

L'  «ltzo  piangeva  si,  die  di  pietade  140 

lo  venni  meno  si  com*  10  morisse ; 

E  caddi,  come  corpo  morto  cade. 

\Vhile  the  one  spirit  was  saying  this,  the 
other  wept  so  (bitterly) ;  that  from  sympathy^ 
I  swooned  as  though  I  were  dying :  and  fell 
as  a  dead  body  fidls. 

Benvenuto  comments  on  the  above  passage :  **  And 
here  take  note,  that  what  the  author  pictures  as  hav- 
ing happened  to  himself  on  this  occasion,  had  in  very 
truth  happened  to  him  in  life  when  he  was  enamoured 
of  Beatrice.  For  when,  on  a  certain  occasion,  he  had 
purposely  gone  to  a  banquet  where  Beatrice  was,  and 
was  passing  up  the  stairs,  she  by  accident  came  sud- 
denly upon  him,  whereat  the  young  man  fell  down 
half  dead,  and  being  laid  upon  a  bed,  remained  there 
for  a  considerable  time  senseless ;  and  consider  how 
often  in  this  Canto  the  author  shows  himself  to  be 
torn  by  strong  passions,  having  been  for  a  long  time 
beyond  measure  ensnared  by  this  same  disease  {i^. 
Love)/'  * 

End  of  Canto  V. 


*  It  is  probable  that  Benvenuto  founded  this  story  upon  a 
passage  in  the  Vita  Nuava^\  xiv,  but  he  would  appear  to  be 
much  more  circumstantial  in  his  account  of  the  episode  than 


Canto  V.  Reculings  on  the  Inferno.  169 


Digression. 

(d)  The  following  is  a  translation  of  the  story  of 
Francesca  da  Rimini  as  given  by  the  Anonimo  Fio- 
rentino.  Scartazzini  says  that  while  it  agrees  in  its 
essential  points  with  that  of  Boccaccio  it  is  less 
bombastic.  "You  must  know  that  for  a  long  time 
there  was  war  between  Messer  Guido  da  Polenta  and 
Messer  Malatesta,  the  elder,  of  Rimini.  Now  when 
both  sides  had  become  sick  of  fighting  they  made 
peace  by  mutual  agreement,  and  in  order  that  it 
might  the  better  be  observed,  they  made  a  family 
alliance;  for  Messer  Guido  married  his  daughter  to 
the  son  of  Messer  Malatesta,  and  Messer  Malatesta 
gave  him  one  of  his  female  relations  in  marriage. 
Madonna  Francesca,  daughter  of  Messer  Guidp^  was 
wedded  to  Gianciotto  the  son  of  Messer  Malatesta  ; 

the  paragraph  justifies.  It  relates  that  Dante  was  conducted 
by  a  friend  to  a  banquet  given  to  a  bride  in  the  house  of  the 
bridegroom,  and  that,  wishing  to  do  a  pleasure  to  his  friend,  he 
agreed  to  assist  him  in  doing  service  to  the  gentle  ladies 
present.  But  on  a  sudden  he  began  to  tremble  all  over  and 
leant  against  the  painted  wall  of  the  house  to  conceal  his 
emotion,  when  he  perceived  Beatrice  among  the  ladies,  on 
which  he  says  :  *'  Allora  furono  si  distratti  li  miei  spiriti  per  la 
forza  che  Amore  prese  veggendomi  in  tanta  propinquitade  alia 
gentilissima  donna,  che  non  mi  rimase  in  vita  piu  che  gli  spiriti 
del  viso  .  .  .  onde  .  .  .  T  amico  mio,  di  buona  fede  mi  prese 
per  la  mano,  e  traendomi  fuori  ...  mi  domand6  che  io  avessi. 
Allora  riposato  alquanto  .  .  .  e  partitomi  da  lui,  mi  ritomai 
nella  camera  delle  lagrime.''  There  is  nothing  here  about  his 
having  been  laid  on  a  bed,  except  by  inference. 


I70  Readings  oh  the  Inferno.  Canto  V. 


now  although  he  was  wise  and  prudent  yet  was  he  a 
coarse  man  \rustico  uomo ;  this  does  not  mean  that 
he  was  coarse  in  his  manners,  but  in  his  person,  being 
deformed,  and  hence  came  his  name,  Gianciotto^ 
which  is  Giovanni  ciotio^  ciotto  being  equivalent  to 
zo^^  lame].  Now  Madonna  Francesca  was  sur- 
passingly fair,  so  much  so  that  it  was  said  to  Messer 
Guido :  '  You  have  badly  matched  this  your 
daughter  ;  she  is  beautiful,  and  of  a  lofty  spirit ;  she 
will  never  remain  contented  with  Gianciotta'  Messer 
Guido,  who  esteemed  wisdom  far  more  highly  than 
beauty,  resolved  all  the  same  that  the  wedding  should 
take  place ;  and  in  order  that  it  might  be  so  managed, 
that  the  noble  lady  should  not  refuse  to  accept  the 
husband  selected  for  her,  he  made  Paolo  come  to 
espouse  her  [as  proxy]  for  his  brother  Gianciotto ; 
and  thus  she,  thinking  to  have  married  Paolo,  mar- 
ried Gianciotto.  And  true  is  it  that  before  she  was 
espoused,  and  Paolo  being  one  day  at  the  Court,  a 
handmaiden  of  Madonna  Francesca  pointed  him  out 
to  her  and  said  :  'That  is  your  intended  husband.' 
She  (Francesca)  seeing  how  handsome  he  was,  fell  in 
love  with  him  and  was  happy  in  it.  But  when  the 
marriage  had  taken  place,  and  she  found  herself  that 
night  *  by  the  side  of  Gianciotto  and  not  of  Paolo,  as 

*  Boccaccio  declares  that  Francesca  only  discovered  the  fraud 
that  had  been  practised  upon  her  on  the  morning  after  the 
nuptials.  Scartazzini  thinks  this  to  be  a  pure  fiction,  and 
that  it  is  much  more  probable  that  Paolo  was  already  married ; 
and  besides,  Dante  would  have  been  certain,  if  this  story  had 
been  true,  not  to  have  omitted  to  mention  a  circumstance  that 
would  so  greatly  have  palliated  Francesca's  fault. 


Canto  V.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  171 

she  had  expected,  she  was  ill-pleased.  She  perceived 
that  she  had  been  taken  in ;  and  she  would  not  lay 
aside  the  love  she  had  given  to  Paolo ;  whereupon 
Paolo,  seeing  himself  loved  by  her,  although  at  first  it 
was  repugnant  to  him  to  do  so,  let  himself  go  easily  to 
return  her  love.  It  so  happened  that  about  this  time, 
they  were  so  in  love  with  one  another  that  Gian* 
ciotto  went  away  on  public  business,  which  departure 
of  his  greatly  raised  their  hopes  ;  and  thus  their  love 
increased  so  much  that,  being  in  complete  privacy  in 
a  room,  and  reading  froni  a  book  of  Lancelot  .... 
they  ended  by  yielding  to  their  desires.  And  con- 
tinuing so  to  do  on  various  occasions,  a  retainer  of 
Gianciotto  remarked  it ;  and  wrote  and  told  Gian- 
ciotto  about  it,  on  account  of  which  Gianciotto  having 
returned  home,  and  having  one  day  lain  in  wait  for 
them,  he  surprised  them  in  a  room  which  had  another 
communicating  with  it  underneath  ;  and  Paolo  would 
certainly  have  escaped,  had  not  a  link  in  the  hauberk 
he  was  wearing  caught  on  the  point  of  a  nail  in  the 
trap-door,  and  he  in  this  way  remained  hanging. 
Gianciotto  rushed  at  him  with  a  halberd,  the  lady  ran 
in  between  them,  so  that  Gianciotto,  as  he  brought 
down  His  weapon,  thinking  to  strike  him,  struck  his 
wife  and  killed  her  ;  and  then  in  like  manner  he 
killed  Paolo  at  the  spot  where  he  was  hanging." 

Scartazzini  here  remarks,  that  Boccaccio  asserts 
that  he  had  several  intimate  conversations  on  this 
subject  with  a  worthy  person  named  Ser  Piero  di 
Messer  Giardino  da  Ravenna,  who  was  one  of  the 
most  intimate  friends  and  servants  whom  Dante  had 
at  Ravenna,  and  he  adds  that,  when  Gianciotto  had 


1/2  Riadi$igs  OH  the  Inftmo.         Canto  v. 

killed  his  wife  and  his  brother,  he  returned  to  his 
business,  and  that  the  two  unhappy  lovers  were  the 
next  day  interred  in  one  tomb. 

{b)  At  the  time  when  my  father  was  preparing  his 
great  folio  edition  {Inferno  di  Dante  Aligkiert.  da 
G.  G.  Warren  Lord  Vernon,  Londra,  1858 — 1865), 
the  celebrated  composer  Giovacchino  Rossini,  who 
was  a  personal  friend  of  his,  sent  him  as  a  contribu- 
tion to  his  work,  the  following  composition,  in  which 
he  has  set  to  music  the  words  of  Francesca  da 
Rimini  in  //.  127 — 138  of  Canto  v.  The  beautiful 
and  plaintive  melody  is  worthy  indeed  of  the  subject. 
In  completing  Lord  Vernon's  work  for  the  press 
after  his  death,  Sir  James  Lacaita  wrote  opposite  this 
music  in  the  Album  Volume  (vol.  iii,  p.  83) :  "  II 
celebre  Maestro  si  d^nd  di  aggiunger  pr^io  all' 
Album,  con  questo  bellissimo  componimento,  che 
esprime  con  malinconiche  note  il  luogo  delta  Divina 
Commedia,  che  spira  maggiore  affetto.  Di  questa 
degnazione  Lord  Vernon  sent!  tutto  11  pregio,  e  ne  fu 
riconoscentissimo  all'  insigne  Creatore  de'  capolavori, 
che  continueranno  a  commuovere  gli  uomini,  (inch6 
scintilla  di  civiltii  rimanga  nel  mondo." 


Canto  V.  Readings  on  the  Inferno. 


173 


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Readings  oh  the  Inferno.  Canto  V. 


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A  MiLOKD  VSBNON  U  luo  Onifrtido  Eatimatoro. 

GiOACHiNO  Rossini. 


Canto  VI.         Readings  en  tlie  Inferno.  177 


CANTO  VI. 


The  Third  Circle. 
The  Gluttonous. 
Cerberus. 

ClACCO. 

We  left  Dante  at  the  end  of  the  Fifth  Canto  falling 
into  a  swoon  brought  on  by  the  intensity  of  his  sym- 
pathy for  the  sorrows  of  Francesca  and  Paolo.  He 
wakes  to  find  himself  in  the  Third  Circle,  where  the 
sin  of  Gluttony  is  punished. 

Benvenuto  divides  the  Canto  into  four  parts. 

In  t/ie  First  Division,  from  v.  i  to  v.  33,  Dante 
relates  the  punishment  of  the  Gluttonous,  and 
describes  Cerberus,  their  guardian  and  tormentor. 

In  the  Second  Division^  from  v.  34  to  v.  57,  the 
spirit  of  Ciacco  is  introduced. 

In  ttte  Third  Division,  from  v.  58  to  v.  93,  Dante 
asks  Ciacco  the  reasons  for  the  feuds  and  factions  by 
which  the  City  of  Florence  is  rent,  and  he  also 
enquires  what  has  been  the  fate  of  certain  dis- 
tinguished Florentine  citizens  after  their  death,  and 
Ciacco  replies  to  him. 

/;/  the  Fourth  Division,  from  v.  94  to  v.  115,  Dante 
asks  Virgil  whether,  after  the  Day  of  Judgment,  there 
will  be  any  aggravation  of  the  penalty  of  the  doomed. 
Benvenuto  observes  that  the  sin  of  gluttony  would 
naturally  have  been  treated  by  Dante  before  that  of 
Lasciviousness,  for  the  former  sin  fosters  the  latter, 

N 


178  Readings  an  iki  Infrnto.        Canto  VL 

but  that  Dante  considers  Gluttony  the  more  culpable 
and  sinful  of  the  two^  and  therefore  as  tending  more 
to  drag  down  to  the  centre  of  Hell.  Dante  would 
seem  to  have  taken  this  idea  from  Aristotle  {Ethics^ 
iii^  ch.  id)  where  the  following  passage  occurs : 

''Therefore  temperance  and  intemperance  belong 
to  those  pleasures  in  which  other  animals  participate; 
whence  they  appear  slavish  and  brutal ;  and  these  are 
touch  and  taste.  Now  they  seem  to  have  little  or 
nothing  to  do  with  taste ;  for  to  taste  belongs  the 
judging  of  flavours ;  as  those  who  try  wines  do,  and 
those  who  prepare  sauces ;  but  the  intemperate  do 
not  take  much  or  indeed  any  pleasure  in  these 
flavours,  but  only  in  the  enjoyment,  which  is  caused 
entirely  by  means  of  touch,  and  which  is  felt  in  meat, 
in  drink,  and  in  venereal  pleasures.  Wherefore 
Philoxemus,  the  son  of  Eryxis,  a  glutton,  wished 
that  he  had  a  throat  longer  than  a  crane's  because  he 
was  pleased  with  touch,  the  most  common  of  senses, 
and  the  one  to  which  intemperance  belongs :  and  it 
would  appear  justly  to  be  deserving  of  reproach,  since 
it  exists  in  us,  not  so  far  forth  as  we  are  men,  but  so 
far  forth  as  we  are  animals." — Brown^s  Tratislation, 

Division  I.  In  the  same  way  as  after  his  swoon  at 
the  Acheron,  Dante's  eyes  on  opening  behold  an  en- 
tirely diflcrent  scene  from  that  which  he  had  looked 
upon  in  the  last  canto. 

Al  tornar  della  mente,  che  si  chiuse 
Dinanzi*  alia  pietk  de*  due  cognati, 

*  DinoHMi:  Some  have  tried  to  interpret  dinanMt  as  an 
adverb,  and  implying  that  it  was  a  short  time  ago  that  Dante 


••) 


Canto  VI.         Readings  on  the  Inferno,  179 

Che  di  tristizia  tutto  mi  confuse, 
Nuovi  torment!  e  nuovi  tormentati 

Mi  veggio  intorno,  come  ch'  10  mi  mova,  5 

.   E  ch'  io  mi  volga,  e  come  ch'  io  mi  guati. 

On  the  return  of  my  sense,  which  had  closed 
itself  before  the  anguish  of  the  two  kinsfolk 
that  completely  overwhelmed  me  with  sad- 
ness, I  discern  around  me  fresh  torments  and 
fresh  tormented  (souls),  whichever  way  I 
move,  and  (whichever  way)  I  turn,  and 
whichever  way  I  look. 

He  finds  that  invisible  hands  have  transported  him 
into  the  next  division  of  Hell. 

Io  sono  al  terzo  cerchio  della  piova 
Eterna,  maledetta,  fredda  e  greve  : 
Regola  e  qualitk  mai  non  V  h  nuova.* 

Grandine  grossa,  e  acqua  tinta,  e  neve  10 

Per  V  aer  tenebroso  si  riversa : 
Pute  la  terra  che  questo  riceve. 

I  am  in  the  third  circle  of  the  eternal  rain, 
accursed,  cold,  and  heavy :  its  law  and  quality 
are  never  new.  Thick  hail,  and  dark  water, 
and  snow,  come  pouring  down  through  the 
murky  air:  the  ground  which  receives  this 
(/>.,  upon  which  this  tempest  falls)  emits  a 
putrid  stench. 

The  guardian  of  this  circle  is  the  monster  Cerberus, 
three-headed,  as  he  is  depicted  in  the  heathen  mytho- 

fainted  ;  but  the  more  generally  accepted  interpretation  is  the 
one  I  have  given. 

*  mat  non  P  i  nuova :   This  means  that  for  ever  and  ever 
this  rain  is  unceasing,  accursed,  cold,  and  heavy. 

N  2 


i8o  Readings  an  tlu  htfenw.        Canto  VL 


logy.     With  his  ever  yawning  ravenous  mouths  he 
stands  as  a  symbol  of  excessive  gluttony. 

Cerbero,*  fieia  cnidele  ediversa. 

Con  tre  gole  ominamente  latra 

Sopra  la  gmte  che  quivi  h  sommersa.  i  S 

Gli  occhi  ha  veraiigli,  la  tiarba  imta  ed  atra, 

E  il  ventre  laiigo,  e  unghiate  le  mani ;  f 

Grafiia  gli  spiriti,  scuoia,]:  ed  isquatra. 

Cerberus^  monster  fierce  and  uncouth,  with 
triple  throaty  barks  dog-like  over  the  people 
that  are  overwhelmed  here.  His  eyes  are 
red,  his  beard  befouled  and  darksome,  his 
belly  large,  and  his  fore-paws  armed  with 
talons ;  he  claws  the  spirits,  flays,  and  rends 
them  limb  from  limb. 

His  red  eyes  denote  hunger,  his  large  belly  his 
immense  capacity  for  gorging  himself,  and  his  taloned 
paws  show  the  rapacity  with  which  he  seizes  upon 
his  prey.  The  filthiness  of  his  beard  demonstrates 
the  want  of  all  self  respect  in  gluttons. 


•  Cerbero  .  .  .  con  tre  gole:  compare  Virg.  A£n,  vi,  417-418  : 
"  Cerberus  luec  ingens  latratu  regna  trifauci 
Personal,  adverso  recubans  iinmanis  in  antro." 
For  diversa^  see  note  on  1.  86. 

t  ungkiaie  le  mani :  Pliny  {fib,  viii,  cap.  36)  calls  the  fore- 
paws  of  the  bear  manus. 

X  scuoia:  Many  MSS.  and  editions  read  ingoiuy  i,  e, 
**  swallows."  Scartazzini  remarks  that,  if  Dante  had  intended 
to  relate  that  Cerberus  swallowed  the  spirits,  he  would  certainly 
not  have  omitted  to  add  what  he  did  with  them  after  swallowing 
them.  Did  he  vomit  them  up  again  as  the  great  fish  did  with 
Jonah  ?  Besides,  in  that  case,  he  would  have  quartered  them 
before  swallowing  them,  and  not  aftenvards. 


Canto  VI.         Readings  on  the  Infevfio.  i8i 

The  intolerable  sufTering  of  the  spirits  is  next 
described. 

Urlar  gli  fa  la  pioggia  come  cani : 

Deir  un  de'  lati  fanno  alP  altro  schermo  ;  20 

Volgonsi  spesso*  i  miseri  profani.f 

The  rain  makes  them  howl  like  dogs :  with 
one  of  their  sides  they  make  a  defence  for 
the  other :  the  polluted  {lit  profane)  wretches 
often  turn  themselves. 

In  every  circle  in  Hell,  except  in  the  case  of 
Geryon,  who  was  too  fraudulent  to  make  an  open 
attack,  we  find  the  demon  guardians  of  the  circle 
approach  Dante  in  wrath,  and  Cerberus  is  no  excep- 
tion to  the  rule. 

Quando  ci  scorse  Cerbero,  il  gran  vermo,t 
Le  bocche  aperse,  e  mostrocci  le  sanne  : 
Non  avea  membro  che  tenesse  fermo. 


♦  Volgonsi  s fie sso^  6f*c,:  compare  Purg.  vi,  148-151  : 
**  £  se  ben  ti  ricordi,  e  vedi  lume, 

Vedrai  te  simigliante  a  quella  inferma, 
Che  non  pu6  trovar  posa  in  sulle  piume, 
Ma  con  dar  volta  suo  dolore  scherma." 
+  prof  ant :  compare  Hebrews  xii,  16,  "Lest  there  be  any  forni- 
cator, or  profane  person,  as  Esau,  who  for  one  morsel  of  meat 
sold  his  birthright."  Profano  properly  means  in  front,  i,e,  outside 
of,  the  temple,  unholy,  polluted,  characterised  by  impurity. 

X  vermo :  Scartazzini  points  out  that  vermo  was  commonly 
used  by  ancient  writers  to  express  any  kind  of  loathsome 
beast.  He  thinks,  moreover,  that  Dante  uses  the  word  with 
intention,  because  these  gluttons  having  been  slaves  to  their 
bellies,  which  are  food  for  worms,  are  now  tormented  by  the 
great  worm  in  Hell.  Compare  Isaiah  Ixvi,  24:  "And  they 
shall  go  forth,  and  look  upon  the  carcases  of  the  men  that  have 
transgressed  against  me  :  for  their  worm  shall  not  die,  neither 


f  83  Readings  on  the  Infimo.        Canto  VI. 

E  il  doca  mio  distese  le  sue  spanne ;  25 

Prese  la  terra,  e  con  (neiie  le  ptigna 
La  gitt5  dentro  alle  bramose  caime. 

Qual  h  quel  cane  che  abbaiando  agugna, 
£  si  racqueta  poi  che  il  pasto  morde, 
Che  solo  a  divorarlo  intende  e  pugna  ;  *  50 

Cotai  si  lecer  quelle  fiicce  loide 

Dello  demonio  Cerbero  che  intronaf 
L'  anime  si,  ch'.esser  vorrebber  soide. 

When  Cerberus,  the  great  worm,  perceived 
us,  he  opened  his  mouths,  and  showed  us  his 
iangs :  not  a  limb  had  he  that  kept  still  (/./., 
he  quivered  with  rage).  And  my  Leader 
stretched  forth  his  hands :  took  (some  mud 
from)  the  earth,  and  with  full  grasp  flung 
it  into  the  rapacious  gullets.  E'en  as  a 
dog  who  barks  in  hungry  eagerness  (///. 
barking  craves),  and  is  quieted  as  soon  as  he 

shall  their  fire  be  quenched ;  and  they  shall  be  an  abhorring 
unto  all  flesh  ; "  and  St.  Mark  ix,  44  ;  and  repeated  in  46  and  48  : 
"  Where  their  worm  dieth  not,  and  the  fire  is  not  quenched." 
Compare  also  in  Surtees'  History  o/tke  County  of  Durham^  the 
legend  of  the  Lambton  Worm  ;  "  Worm  "  being  used  to  signify 
Dragon  or  Monster. 

*  Tommaste  says  that  intende  and  pugna  in  combination 
have  the  same  signification  as  that  of  the  Latin  intendere. 

t  introna:  In  Par.  xxi,  12,  on  the  words 

^  Sarebbe  fronda  che  tuono  scoscende." 
Scartazzini  has  a  valuable  note.  He  says  that  many  here  read 
trono  for  tuono^  but  that  it  is  simply  another  way  of  spelling  the 
word,  for  both  tuono  and  trono  mean  the  same  thing,  thunder. 
Blanc  (  Vocabolario  Dantesco^  recaio  in  ItaJiano  da  Giunio  Car- 
bone,  Firenze,  1859)  says  that  trono  is  probably  the  older  fonn, 
being  like  the  Latin  tonitrus.  Trono  is  still  used  in  some 
Italian  dialects. 


Canto  VI.         Readings  on  t/u  Inferno.  183 

gnaws  his  food,  (and)  only  thinks  and  strives 
that  he  may  devour  it,  so  became  (quiet) 
those  loathsome  mUzzles  of  the  demon 
Cerberus,  who  so  stuns  the  spirits  (with  his 
barking),  that  they  would  fain  be  deaf. 

Benvenuto  admires  the  comparison  of  the  gluttons 
to  dogs,  and  describes  the  points  of  resemblance 
between  them  in  somewhat  too  minute  detail  I 

Division  II.  At  this  point  Dante  is  addressed  by 
the  spirit  of  one  known  at  Florence  by  the  name  of 
Ciacco.* 

*  Ciacco:  Boccaccio,  in  his  Commentary,  says  that  the 
word  means  pig,  and  is  derived  from  the  noise  made  by  the 
cracking  of  the  acorn  when  crunched  by  the  sow.  He  says 
this  was  a  nickname  given  to  a  citizen  of  Florence,  who  was  in 
constant  intercourse  with  those  rich  persons  who  ate  most 
sumptuously  and  delicately,  and  to  their  tables  he  made  it  a 
practice  to  go,  whether  invited  or  uninvited,  being  entirely 
given  up  to  gluttony^.  Apart  from  this  he  was  a  well-bred  man 
according  to  his  condition,  eloquent,  affable,  and  of  good 
feeling ;  on  account  of  which  he  was  welcomed  by  every 
gentleman. 

In  the  Decameron^  Giom.  ix,  Nov,  viii,  Boccaccio  relates  an 
amusitlg  anecdote  of  Ciacco,  which,  according  to  Longfellow, 
presents  a  lively  picture  of  Florence  in  Dante's  time,  and  is 
moreover  interesting  for  the  glimpse  it  gives,  not  only  of  Ciacco, 
but  of  Filippo  Argenti,  who  is  mentioned  in  Canto  viii,  61,  as 
expiating  his  evil  temper  in  the  slime  of  the  Styx.  In  this 
story  Boccaccio  distinctly  shows  that  Ciacco  was  a  nickname, 
for,  instead  of  saying  of  him  ''  ebbe  nome  Cuuco^^  he  says  that 
there  was  at  Florence  one  "called  Ciacco  by  everybody" 
{(ia  iutti  chtatnato  Ciacco),  I  give  an  abbreviated  summary  of 
a  very  long  tale.  One  day  Ciacco,  chancing  to  pass  through  the 
fish  market  during  the  season  of  Lent,  saw  a  certain  Biondello 


1 84  Readings  oh  tlu  Inferno.        Canto  VI* 

buying  two  goodly  lampreys  for  Messer  Vieri  de^  Cerchi.    This 
Biondello  was,  like  Ciacco^  a  glutton  and  a  parasite,  who  fre- 
quented the  tables  of  the  rich.    He  was  a  man  of  very  small 
stature,  but  extremely  scrupulous  in  his  attire.    In  reply  to 
Ciacco's  eager  inquiries  Biondello  informed  him  that  Messer 
Corso  Donati  had  received  as  a  gift  three  other  large  lampreys 
and  a  stuxgeon,  but  these  not  being  sufficient  for  the  number  of 
guests  he  wished  to  entertain,  he  had  sent  out  Biondello  to  buy 
these  two  others.    Ciacco,  oh  hearing  this,  determined  to  pre- 
sent himself  uninvited  at  the  feast,  and  being  asked  by  Messer 
Corso,  on  entering,  what  was  his  pleasure,  replied  that  he  had 
come  to  dine  with  him.    Corso  bid   him  welcome,  but  had 
nought  else  placed  upon  the  board  than  a  poor  dish  of  peas,  a 
little  piece  of  Tunny,  and  a  few  small  fishes  fried.    The  next 
day  on  being  mocked  by  Biondello  about  his  abundant  dinner, 
Ciacco  turned  away  vowing  vengeance  against  him.    He  then 
engaged  a  street  hawker,  to  whom  he  gave  an  empty  glass 
bottle,  and  told  him  to  go  to  the  house  of  Messer  Filippo 
Argenti,  and  say  that  Biondello  had  sent  the  bottle  praying  he 
would  erubinate  it  with  his  best  red  wine,  as  Biondello  wished 
to  make  merry  with  some  friends.    This  Filippo  Argenti  was  a 
man  of  huge  stature,  and  of  a  most  violent  temper,  and,  con- 
ceiving himself  to  be  insulted,  in  a  fury  tried  to  lay  hands  upon 
the  hawker,  but  on  the  latter  eluding  his  grasp,  he  sought  out 
Biondello,  and  meeting  him  by  the  way,  stepped  close  up  to 
him,  and  gave  him  a  cruel  blow  on  the  nose,  and  then  so  beat 
and  mauled  his  face  that  the  bystanders  dragged  him  off  in 
horror,  but  not  before  he  had  said  to  Biondello,  "  Villanous 
traitor  as  thou  art.  Til  teach  thee  what  it  is  to  erubinate  with 
red  wine  either  thyself  or  thy  cupping  companions."    Biondello 
perceived  that  he  had  met  with  the  worser  bargain,  and  Ciacco 
had  got  clear  without  any  blows,  and  when  at  last  he  was 
healed  of  his  grievous  hurts,  and  he  and  Ciacco  met,  they  both 
desired  a  peaceful  atonement,  each  of  them  always  abstaining 
from  flouting  the  other.     Benvenuto  relates  this  story  nearly 
word  for  word  in  his  Commentary  on  the  Eighth  Canto,  when 
speaking  of  Filippo  Argenti. 

Lord  Vernon,  in  his  Commentary  on  the  Inferno^  observes 


Canto  VI.         Readings  on  the  Inferno,  185 

Noi  passavam  su  per  P  ombre  che  adona* 

La  %r^s^  pioggia,  e  ponevam  le  piaiite  35 

Sopra  lor  vanit^  cbe  par  persona.t 

We  were  passing  on  over  the  shades  whom 
the  heavy  rain  beats  down,  and  were  planting 
our  feet  on  their  emptiness  which  seems  a  body 
{Le,  on  their  prostrate  forms  which  were 
empty  shadows). 

Dante  now  perceives  the  shade  of  Ciacco,  who  had 
raised  himself  as  far  as  he  was  allowed,  not  apparently 
being  at  liberty  to  stand  upon  his  feet    He  addresses 

Dante. 

Elle  giacean  per  terra  tutte  e  quante, 

Fuor  ch'  una  che  a  seder  si  lev6,  ratto 
Ch*  ella  ci  vide  passarsi  davante. 

that,  although  the  primary  meaning  of  Ciacco  is  Pig^  yet  be 
cannot  believe  that  Dante  meant  it  to  have  that  signification 
here,  for,  when  conversing  with  Ciacco,  be  expresses  such  deep 
sympathy  for  his  sufferings  that  be  feels  moved  to  tears.  At 
such  a  moment,  Lord  Vernon  thinks,  he  could  not  have  made 
use  of  so  degrading  a  nickname,  but  that  Ciacco  must  have 
been  a  proper  name,  and  that,  in  fact,  there  is  at  Florence  to 
this  day  a  family  of  CicLCchL 

*  adona :  Blanc  (  Vac,  Dant.)  says  this  is  a  word  of  uncertain 
origin,  and  signifies  to  beat  down  to  the  earthy  subdue.     It  is  only 
used  once  again  in  the  Divina  Commedia,    Sec  Purg,  xi,  19, 20  : 
"  Nostra  virtu,  che  di  leggier  s*  adona, 
Non  spermentar    .     .     ." 

t  lor  vanitd,  che  par  persona :  Benvenuto  thinks  this  may 
either  mean  that  an  empty  shade  is  as  visible  and  tangible  as 
the  body,  as  is  explained  in  the  XX  Vth  Canto  of  the  Purgatorio^ 
or,  that  these  forms  seemed  bodies,  and  yet  were  not  so,  for 
though  bearing  human  bodies,  yet  were  they  as  pigs — wallowing 
in  the  mire. 

Com  p.  Pnrg,  ii,  79  : 

"  O  ombre  vane,  fuor  che  neir  aspetto  I " 


1 86  Readings  on  thi  Inferno.         Canto  VI. 

— ^  O  to,  che  se*  per  questo  inferno  tratto," —  40 

Mi  disse, — **  riconosdmi,*  se  sai : 
Tu  fosti,  prima  ch'  10  disfetto,t  fiitta" — 

They  all  were  \jmg  on  the  earth,  save  one 
who  raised  himself  into  a  sitting  posUire  (Hi. 
to  sit),  as  soon  as  he  saw  us  pass  before  him. 
^  O  thou  who  art  being  conducted  through  this> 
Hdly"  said  he  to  me,  **  recognise  me  if  thou 
canst :  thou  wast  made  before  I  was  unmade 
(L  e.  wast  bom  before  I  died)." 

It  is  evident  that  the  brutish  appearance  of  Ciacco's 
features  have  changed  them  beyond  all  possibility  of 
rec(^ition  on  the  part  of  Dante,  notwithstanding 
which,  the  latter  courteously  apologises  to  the  abject 
being  lying  in  the  mire,  and  in  order  to  avoid  saying 
that  his  features  have  become  so  bloated  by  his 
excesses,  and  so  befouled  by  the  mire,  as  to  make 

*  riconascimiy  se  sai:  compare  the  way   Manfred  accosts 

Dante,  Purg.  iii,  103-105  : 

— "  Chiunque 
Tusc' 

Pon  mente,  se  di  W  mi  vedesti  unquc." 
In  Purg,  xxiii,  43,  Dante  is  unable  to  recognise  his  wife's  kins- 
man, Forese  Donati,  among  the  Gluttonous  in  Purgatory  from 
his  face,  but  does  so  when  he  hears  his  voice  : 
''  Mai  non  T  avrei  riconosciuto  al  viso ; 
Ma  nella  voce  sua  mi  fii  palese 
Ci6  che  T  aspetto  in  s^  avea  conquiso." 

t  disfatto:  Dante  was  bom  in  1265,  and  Ciacco  died  in  12S6. 

Compare  Purg,  v,  134  : 

"  Siena  mi  fe',  disfecemi  Maremma." 

and  In/,  iii,  55-57  : 

*'  si  lunga  tratta 

Di  gente,  ch'  i'  non  avrei  mai  creduto, 

Che  morte  tanta  n'  avesse  disfatta." 


Canto  VI.         Readings  an  tlu  Inferno.  187 

him  unrecognizable,  he  assigns  the  cause  to  the  marks 
of  suflfering  upon  his  face. 

Ed  10  a  lei :-— "  L'  angoscia  che  tu  hai 
Forse  ti  tira  fiior  della  mia  mente, 
Si  che  non  par,  ch'  io  ti  vedessi  mai.  45 

Ma  dimmi  chi  tu  se',  che  in  ti  dolente* 
Loco  se*  messa,  ed  a  si  fatta  pena, 
Che  s'  altra  h  maggio,t  nulla  h  si  spiacente." — 

And  I  to  him :  "  The  anguish  that  thou  hast, 
perchance  withdraws  thee  from  my  memory, 
so  that  it  seems  not  that  I  had  ever  seen 
thee.  But  tell  me  who  thou  art,  that  to  a 
place  of  so  much  woe  art  relegated,  and  to  a 
penalty  so  ordained,  that,  if  other  may  be 
greater,  none  is  so  displeasing." 

Benvenuto  here  remarks  that  Dante  says  well,  for 
nothing  is  more  displeasing  than  to  be  tied  down  to 
a  recumbent  posture,  and  he  goes  on  to  describe  the 
discomforts  of  a  bedridden  person  somewhat  more 
graphically  than  elegantly. 

Ciacco,  in  deference  to  Dante's  wish,  tells  him  who 
he  was,  but  only  as  regards  the  nickname  his  gluttony 
had  acquired  for  him.  His  words  seem  to  be  spoken 
wearily,  and  without  any  intention  of  prolonging  the 
conversation,  had  not  Dante  done  so. 

Ed  egli  a  me  :  "La  tua  cittk,  ch'  h  piena 

D'  invidia  s),  che  gik  trabocca  il  sacco,  50 

Seco  mi  tenne  in  la  vita  serena.:t 

*  dolente :  comp.  Inf,  iii,  i  : 

"  Per  me  si  va  nella  cittk  dolente." 

t  maggio :  for  maggiore.  In  Florence  there  is  a  street  called 
Via  Maggio^  which  used  to  be  Via  Maggiore. 

X  vita  Serena :  This  probably  expresses  the  longing  regret 


1 88  Readings  tm  tlu  Inftmo.        Canto  VL 

Voiy  dttadini,  mi  chiamastc  Ciacco : 
Per  la  dannosa  colpa  della  goUi 
Come  tu  vedi,  alia  pioggia  mi  fiacco ; 

Ed  io  anima  trista  non  son  soUi  55 

Ch^  tutte  quesle  a  simil  pena  stamio 
Per  simil  colpa : " — E  piu  non  fe*  parola. 

And  he  to  me  :  '*  Thy  city  (Florence)  which 
is  so  full  of  envy  that  the  sack  (/>.,  the  mea- 
sure) is  already  running  over,  held  me  within 
it  during  the  tranquil  life.  You,  citizens, 
called  me  Ciacco :  For  the  pernicious  sin  of 
gluttony,  as  thou  seest,  I  languish  in  this  rain. 
And  I,  wretched  soul,  am  not  alone,  for  all 
these  (spirits  around  me)  are  undergoing  the 
like  punishment  for  the  like  fault  ^  And  he 
spake  not  a  word  more. 

Division  III,  Dante  is  evidently  disappointed  at 
the  brevity  of  Ciacco's  reply  to  his  question,  and,  to 
draw  him  out  still  further,  asks  him  for  some  informa- 
tion as  to  the  probable  issue  of  the  great  feud  going 
on  between  the  rival  factions  of  the  Bianchi  (his  own 
party)  and  the  Neri,  He  expresses  much  compassion 
for  the  fallen  condition  of  Ciacco,  who,  apart  from  his 

of  Ciacco  for  the  happy  world  he  had  been  forced  to  quit. 
Compare  his  words  at  line  88  : 

*'  Ma  quando  tu  sarai  nel  dolce  monda" 
Compare  also  vii,  121-2  : 

" Tristi  fiimmo 

Nell'  aer  dolce  che  dal  sol  s'  allegra.'' 
and  XV,  49-50 : 

"  *  Lk  su  di  sopra  in  la  vita  serena,' 

Rispos'  io  lui, '  mi  smarri '  in  una  valle, 
Avanti  che  V  etk  mia  fosse  piena.' " 


Canto  VI.         Readings  on  tke  Inferno.  189 

gluttony,  had  been  a  man  of  culture  and  of  a  Idndl}' 
disposition,  but  his  pity  for  him  is  of  a  lesser  degree 
than  that  which  caused  him  to  faint  on  hearing  the 
relation  of  the  sufferings  of  the  unhappy  Francesca, 
and  it  will  be  noticed  that  the  further  down  in  Hell  the 
Poets  descend,  the  more  does  Dante's  pity  diminish  * 
He  also  asks  information  from  Ciacco  on  three 
points,  and  a  reference  to  the  note  on  line  74  will 
show  .that  there  is  an  inconsistency  here  in  Ciacco 

*  Nowhere  is  this  more  clearly  shown  than  in  the  interview 

with  Friar  Alberigo,  the  last  sinner  in  Hell  with  whom  Dante 

converses.    See  //f^xxxiii,  109-150.    Alberigo  had  given  Dante 

the  informattoi\  he  sought  on  the  distinct  understanding  that 

Dante  would  wipe  the  frozen  tears  from  his  eyes.    At  line  1 1 5 

Dante  says : 

■  "  Se  vuoi  ch'  10  ti  sowcgna, 

Dimmi  chi  sei,  e  s'  io  non  ti  disbrigo, 

Al  fondo  della  ghiaccia  ir  mi  convegna." 
At  line  127  Alberigo  accentuates  the  bargain  : 
'*  E  perch^  tu  piu  volentier  mi  rade 

Le  invetriate  lagrime  dal  volto, 

Sappi  etc.'' 
At  line  148  he  claims  the  fulfilment  of  the  promise,  but  Dante 
turns  from  him  in  pitiless  contempt,  asserting  that   he  was 
justified  in  breaking  faith  with  so  black  a  traitor  : 
"  *  Ma  distendi  oramai  in  qua  la  mano, 

Aprimi  gli  dcchi ' :  ed  io  non  gliele  apersi, 

£  cortesia  fu,  in  lui  esser  villano." 
One  may  add  that,  all  through  the  Ninth  Circle,  Dante  witnesses 
the  sufferings  of  the  traitors  in  the  ice  without  the  faintest 
exhibition  of  pity,  except  towards  the  sons  and  grandsons  of 
Count  Ugolino,  these  youths  having  suffered  on  earth  for  his 
crimes,  and  whether  or  no  their  souls  are  in  Hell,  we  are  not 
told.  In  the  case  of  Bocca  degit  Abati,  who  betrayed  the 
Guelphs  at  the  battle  of  Montaperti,  Dante  seizes  the  traitor  by 
the  hair,  and  tears  it  out  by  handfuls. 


190  Readings  an  the  Inferno.         Canto  VI. 

being  made  to  speak  with  knowledge  of  the  present^ 
whereas  the  spirits  of  the  doomed  are  limited  to 
knowledge  only  of  the  past  and  the  future. 

lo  gli  risposi : — ^  Clacco,  tl  tao  affiinno 
Mi  pesa  s),  che  a  lagrimar  m'  inviu  : 
Ma  dimmiy  se  tu  sai,  a  che  vcrranno  60 

•Li  cittadin  ddla  citU  partiu  ? 

S'  alcun  v*  h  gtusto :  e  dimmi  la  cagione, 
Perch^  I'  ha  tanU  discordla  assalita." — 

I  answered  him:  *'Ciacco^  thy  grievous  plight 
weighs  on  me  so  much  that  it  moves  me  to 
weep.  But  tell  me,  if  thou  knowest,  to  what 
(pass)  will  come  the  citizens  of  the  divided 
city  (Florence)  ?  if  there  be  in  it  any  one 
just  person:  and  tell  me  the  cause  why  so 
great  discord  hath  assailed  it." 

Scartazzini  observes  that  the  first  of  these  three 
questions  is  a  very  natural  one  for  Dante  to  ask  ;  but, 
as  regards  the  two  others,  it  seems  strange  that  they 
should  be  put  to  a  contemptible  creature  like  Ciacco 
by  such  a  man  as  Dante. 

Ciacco^  in  replying  to  the  first  of  Dante's  questions, 
answers  that  the  parties  will  come  to  deadly  strife, 
which  will  be  followed  by  the  banishment  of  the  Neri. 

Ed  egli  a  me  : — "  Dopo  lunga  tenzone 

Verranno  al  sangue,  e  la  parte  selvaggia*  65 

Caccerk  1'  altra  con  molta  oflfensione. 

*  la  parte  selvaggia :  Benvenuto  remarks  that,  when  one 
has  read  the  history  of  the  factions  of  the  Biancki  and  AVri, 
this  passage,  which  otherwise  would  be  obscure,  can  be  easily 
understood.  He  says  that  in  the  year  1300  Florence  was  at  the 
acme  of  its  prosperity  and  power,  the  very  year  in  which  Dante 
was  supposed  to  begin  to  write  the  Divina  Cotnmedia,     But,  as 


Canto  VI.         Readings  on  the  Inferno,  191 

And  he  to  me :  *'  After  long  contention  they 
will  come  to  blood,  and  the  rustic  party  (the 

is  often  the  case,  prosperity  begat  discord,  and  the  whole  city, 
beginning  with  the   nobles,  and   afterwards   followed  by  the 
popular  families,  was  divided   into  two  factions,  the  Biancht 
and  the  Neri,    This  feud  had  its  origin  at  Pistoja  in  the  great 
and  powerful   house  of  the  Cancellieri ;  but  quickly,  like  a 
contagious  disease,  it  raged  throughout  all  Florence,  and  in- 
fected the  whole  body  of  the  State,  that  was  already  full  of 
bad  humours  :  and,  as  Valerius  says,  '*  No  vice  ends  in  the 
place  where  it  takes  its  origin."    The  leader  of  the  White  fac- 
tion was  Vieri  de'  Cerchi,  the  head  of  a  family  that  were  very 
arrogant,  both  because  they  were  rich  and  powerful,  and  be- 
cause they  had  only  recently  come  to  Florence  from  the  country, 
and  hence  were  called  la  parte  selvaggia.    The  leader  of  the 
Blacks  was  Corso  de'  Donati,  who  as  a  knight  had  not  his 
equal  in  Italy  at  this  time.    The  Donati  were  of  the  old  nobility, 
not  wealthy,  but  of  great  wisdom.     The   Cerchi   had  their 
followers  mostly  among  the  people,  because  they  were  thought 
to  be  more  favourable  to  republican  institutions,  and  therefore 
nearly  the  whole  of  the  government  was  in  their  power.    Boni- 
face  VIII,  wishing  to  prevent  further  scandal,  sent  for  Vieri  de' 
Cerchi  to  Rome,  and  commanded  him   to  make  peace  with 
Corso  Donati,  but  the  former  refused  to  obey.    One  evening  in 
spring,  the  young  men  of  the  two  factions  encountered  each 
other  in  returning  from  a  ball,  and  during  a  fight,  in  which 
many  were  wounded  on  both  sides,  one  of  the  retainers  of  the 
Donati  cut  off  the  nose  of  Ricoverino  de*  Cerchi.    Dino  Com- 
pagni  says  that  this  blow  was  the  destruction  of  our  city,  on 
account  of  the  hatred  that  it  engendered  among  our  citizens, 
and    Bcnvenuto  says  of  it,  hoc  fuit  principium  magni  matt, 
Corso,  having  appealed  to  the  Pope  for  aid,  was  banished  from 
Florence  with  many  of  his  followers,  and  at  this  juncture  Boni- 
face summoned  Charles  Sansterre,  brother  of  Philippe  le  Bel  of 
France,  to  come  and   act  as  peacemaker.     Charles,  without 
committing  himself  to  either  side,  cajoled  both  parties  with 
promises,  and  then,  entering  into  the  city  without  armed  forces, 


192  Readings  an  the  Inferno.        Canto  VI. 

BidncAi)  will  drive  out  the  other  (the  Neri) 
with  great  damage. 

Scartazzini  remarks  that,  at  the  time  Dante  wrote 
these  words,  he  had  already  for  a  long  while  made  a 
party  for  himself,  as  he  makes  Cacciaguida  predict  in 
Paradiso  xvii,  69.  It  is  not,  therefore,  his  own  side 
that  he  styles  sdvaggia. 

But  the  Bianchi  were  not  to  enjoy  their  triumph  for 

long. 

Poi  appresso  convien,  che  questa  caggia 
Infra  tre  soli,  e  che  1'  altra  sormonti 
Con  la  fona  di  tal*  che  test^  piaggia. 


he  was  received  with  great  honour ;  but  by  d^rees  he  intro- 
duced his  soldiers  within  the  walls,  and  then  the  Neri  were 
allowed  to  re-enter  the  city,  and  sack  and  bum  the  houses  of 
the  Bianchi,  In  April,  i  J02,  most  of  the  Bianchi^  and  among 
them  Dante,  at  the  time  absent  from  Florence,  were  banished, 
and  the  permanent  ascendency  of  the  Neri  was  established ; 
and  this  was  within  three  years  from  the  date  of  the  prediction 
put  into  the  mouth  of  Ciacco. 

Scartazzini  thinks  that  the  Bianchi  are  called  by  Dante  la  parte 
seh^aggia^  because  the  Cerchi  bad  recently  come  from  the  parish 
of  Acone  (pivierd*  Acone)  in  the  Val  di  Sieve,  and  also  perhaps 
because,  as  G.  Villani  says  of  them,  that  they  were  uomini  sal- 
vatichi  ed  ingraii.  In  this  passage  Dante  calls  the  party  sel- 
vaggiOf  and  in  Par,  xvii,  61-65,  he  calls  them  ingrata  : 
"  £  quel  che  piu  ti  graverk  le  spalle 

Sark  la  compagnia  malvagia  e  scempia, 
Con  la  qual  tu  cadrai  in  questa  valle, 
Che  tutta  ingrata,  tutta  matta  ed  empia 
Si  £Etrk  contro  a  te." 

*  iai  che  testi  piaggia :  Buti  thinks  Dante  means  by  the 
power  of  Boni&ce  VIII,  who  was  Pope  at  the  time  of  the 
expulsion  of  the  Bianchi^  and  was  the  prime  mover  of  it,  and 
that  testh  piaggia  is  spoken  of  one  who  at  the  present  time 


Canto  VI.,        Readings  on  tlu  Inferno,  193 

Thereafter  it  behoves  that  this  (faction)  shall 
fall  within  three  suns  (f>.  years),  and  that 

is  standing  half-way  between  two  parties,  because  piaggiare  is 
to  sail  between  the  shore  and  the  deep  sea.  Boccaccio  (// 
Comento  di  Giovanni  Boccacci  sopra  la  Commedia  di  Dante 
Allighieriy  per  cura  di  Gaetano  Milanesi,  Firenie,  1863X  on 
this  passage,  says  that  the  word  piaggiare  is  used  when  speak- 
ing of  one  who  pretends  to  desire  greatly  that  which  be  does 
not  really  desire,  or  who  seems  to  hope  that  something  will 
succeed,  which  in  reality  he  desires  may  fail,  which  is  just  what 
some  declare  that  Pope  Boniface  did  in  the  feud  between  the 
Bianchi  and  the  Neri  at  Florence,  when  be  made  a  show  of 
equal  tenderness  to  each  of  the  parties,  and,  to  bring  about 
peace  between  them,  he  sent  there  the  Cardinal  of  Acquasparta, 
and  after  him  Charles  de  Valois  ;  but  this  impartiality  was 
false,  seeing  that  he  inclined  with  his  whole  mind  to  the  side  of 
the  Neri,  Blanc  {Saggio  di  una  Interpreiazione  Filologica;  Ver- 
sione  di  Occioni,  Trieste,  1865),  remarks  (p.  74)  that  2ls  piaggiare 
is  derived  from  the  old  obsolete  vtor^spiaga  9SiApiagia^  the  sea- 
shore, the  word  can  only  mean  to  keep  oneself  along  the 
shore,  and  would  more  especially  be  applied  to  one,  who  with 
evil  intent  watches  for  the  time  and  place  for  coming  ashore, 
and,  therefore,  one  naturally  asks  to  whom  a  similar  demeanour 
towards  Florence  must  be  attributed.  All  the  modem  inter- 
preters, as  well  as,  among  the  ancients,  Benvenuto  and  the 
Ottimo  {LOttimo  Commento  delta  Divina  Commedia^  Testo 
inedito  d  un  coniemporaneo  di  Dante^  Pisa,  1828),  understand 
tal  to  refer  to  Charles  de  Valois.  But  it  is  nearly  impossible 
that  at  the  beginning  of  1300,  the  supposed  date  of  the  vision, 
Charles  de  Valois  could  have  the  smallest  inkling  of  being 
summoned  by  the  Pope,  occupied  as  he  was  in  the  war  in 
Flanders,  and  besides,  there  is  no  reason  to  say  that,  when 
he  did  move  to  Florence,  he  went  backwards  and  forwards  to 
watch  for  a  favourable  opportunity.  This  crafty  conduct  agrees 
far  better  with  the  policy  of  the  Pope,  and  it  was  at  him  that 
Dante  levelled  these  words,  just  as  Boccaccio  and  Buti  under- 
stood them,  and  which  are  further  confirmed  in  Par,  xvii,  49  : 

O 


194  Rtadif^gs  on  tfu  Infimo.       Canto  VL 

the  other  (party,  the  Ntn)  shall  come  upper- 
most by  the  power  of  one  (Boni&ce  VIII), 
who  just  now  is  tacking  about  (from  one  side 
to  the  other). 

Alte  terrk  lungo  tempo  le  fronti,  70 

Tenendo  1'  altn  sotto  gravi  pesi,* 
Come  che  di  ci6  pianga,  e  che  ne  adonti.t 

(This  party,  ^tNeri)  will  hold  its  head  on  high 
for  a  long  while,  keeping  the  other  under  heavy 
burdens,  however  much  it  may  weep  thereat, 
and  whatever  shame  and  wrath  it  may  feeL 

Ciacco  now  answers  Dante's  second  question. 
Giusti  son  due,!  ma  non  vi  sono  intesi  :| 

*^  Questo  si  vuole,  questo  gi^t  si  cerca, 
£  tosto  verrk  &tto,  a  chi  ci6  pensa 
Lk  dove  Cristo  tutto  dl  si  merca." 
Longfellow  (in   some  supplementary  notes   published  by  the 
American  Dante  Society,  1885)  suggests  that  piaggia  may  be 
a  metaphor  from  falconry  (a  favourite  subject  of  course  with 
Dante),  in  which  "  coasting  "  is  equivalent  to  *'  hovering  over." 
He  quotes  :  "  will  coast  (vtfr.  led,  *  cost')  my  crown."    Henry  VI ^ 
part  iii,  act  i,  sc.  1. 

*  Sotto  gravi  fiesi :  see  Dino  Compagni,  Cron.  III\  xxiii  : 
*^  Vacante  lo  Imperio  per  la  morte  di  Federico  II,  coloro,  che  a 
parte  di  Imperio  attendeano,  tenuti  sotto  gravi  pesi,  e  quasi 
venuti  meno  in  Toscana  e  Cicilia,  etc." 

t  adonli:  This  translation  is  from  Blanc's  Vocabolano Dantesco. 
Compare  Purg.  xvii,  121 :  *'  £d  ^  chi  per  ingiuria  par  ch'  adonti." 

X  Giusti  son  Jue^  etc.  :  Benvenuto  says  that  although  Dante 
is  silent  as  to  the  names  of  these  two  persons,  he  probably  was 
indicating  himself  and  his  friend  Guido  Cavalcanti,  who,  adds 
Benvenuto,  derei  veritate  tempore  illo  erant  duo  oculi  Floreniia, 
Scartazzini  does  not  consider  Guido  Cavalcanti  deserving  of 
such  an  epithet,  he  is  more  inclined  to  think  Dino  Compagni 
to  be  the  second  person  referred  to. 

II  intesi:  see  Dino  Compagni,  Cron.  II ^  iv,  1.  14  :    "  Aveano 


Canto  VI.         Readings  on  the  Inferno,  195 

Superbta,  invidia  ed  avarizia*  sonot 
Le  trc  faville  che  hanno  i  cori  acccsi."—  75 

Qui  pose  fine  al  lagrixnabil  suono. 

Two  just  (persons)  there  are,  but  they  are  not 
heeded  there  (i>.,  in  Florence)  :  Arrogance, 

i  Guelfi  biancbi  imbasciadori  in  Corte  di  Roma . . .  ma  non  erano 
intesi.**  Prof.  Isidoro  Del  Lungo,  the  editor,  in  a  note,  explains 
intesi:  "Non  erano  ascoltati.** 

*  Superbta,  imndia  ed  avarixia^  etc.  :  compare  Giov,  Vil- 
iani y\\\,6Z  :  "  Questa  avversit^ e  pericolo della  nostra  cittk  non 
fu  senza  giudtcio  di  Dio,  per  molti  peccati  commessi  per  la 
superbia  c  invidia  e  avarizia  de'  nostri  allora  viventi  cittadini.'' 
And  in  chapter  96  of  the  same  book  he  repeats  :  "  Per  le  pec- 
cate  della  superbia,  e  invidia,  e  avarizia  e  altri  vizi  che  regna- 
vano  tra  loro,  erano  partiti  in  setta." 

t  sono:  This  seems  to  be  inconsistent  with  the  principle 
laid  down  in  Canto  X  by  Farinata  degli  Uberti  as  to  the  amount 
of  knowledge  of  things  passing  on  earth  that  is  vouchsafed  to 
the  spirits  in  Hell.  Dante  observing  that  Farinata  asks  him 
questions  about  the  present  state  of  Florence,  and  yet  seems 
as  well  acquainted  with  the  future  as  with  the  past,  puts  this 
question  to  him  :  Inf,  x,  95-99  : 

— "  Solvetemi  quel  nodo, 

Che  qui  ha  inviluppata  mia  sentenza. 
E'  par  che  voi  veggiate,  se  ben  odo, 

Dinanzi  quel  che  il  tempo  seco  adduce, 

E  nel  presente  tenete  altro  modo." 
Farinata  replies  : 

"  *  Noi  veggiam,  come  quei  ch'  ha  mala  luce, 

Le  cose',  disse, '  che  ne  son  lontano  ; 

Cotanto  ancor  ne  splende  il  sommo  Duce  : 
Quando  s'  appressano,  0  son,  tutto  h  vano 

Nostro  intelletto  ;  e  s'  altri  nol  ci  apporta. 

Nulla  sapem  di  vostro  stato  umano* " 
Ciacco's   knowledge,  therefore,  of  events   that   were  actually 
taking  place  in  Florence  at  that  time  rather  clashes  with  the 
above. 

O  2 


196  Readings  on  the  Inferno,         Canto  VL 

Envy  and  Avarice  are  the.  three  sparks  that 
have  kindled  the  hearts  (of  the  citizens)." 
Here  he  made  an  enduig  of  the  lamentable 
sound  (of  his  story). 

Dante  has  obtained  from  Ciacco  a  general  state- 
ment about  events  in  Florence,  but  he  is  anxious  to 
know  in  what  part  of  the  unseen  world  he  will  find 
the  shades  of  certain  great  Florentine  citizens,  and  be 
assured  as  to  whether  they  are  lost  or  saved. 

Ed  10  a  lui : — "  Ancor  vo'  che  m'  insegni, 
E  che  di  piii  parlar  mi  focci  dono.* 
Farinatat  e  il  T^rghiaioj:  che  fur  s)  degni, 

Jacopo  Rusticucci,  Arrigo||  e  il  M osca,§  80 

*  dipih  parlar  fnifacci  dono  :  At  TXortnct  fare  un  regalo  is 
used  in  the  sense,  to  do  a  favour.  The  remark  "If  I  come  into 
your  neighbourhood,  I  will  pay  you  a  visit,"  would  produce  the 
reply,  "  Mi  fark  un  regalo  dawero "  (/>.,  You  will  give  me  a 
real  pleasure,  ///.  make  me  a  gift). 

t  Farinata  degli  Uberti,  the  great  Ghibelline,  whose  condi- 
tion among  the  Heresiarchs  is  described  in  Canto  X. 

X  Tegghiaio :  the  word  must  be  pronounced  as  a  dissyllable, 
Tegghiai^  The  terminations  aio^  oio^  oia^  were  commonly 
used  as  monosyllables  by  the  Tuscan  poets.  Sec  primaio^ 
Furg.  xiv,  66  :  Uccellatoio^  Par,  xv,  1 10 ;  and  Pistoia  in  a  verse 
of  Petrarch.  These  were  pronounced,  primaP ;  Ucellatoi'^  and 
Pistoi.* 

Tegghiaio  Aldobrandi  and  Jacopo  Rusticucci  are  both  found 
among  the  Violent  against  Nature  in  Canto  X\'I. 

II  Arrigo  :  This  person  is  generally  supposed  to  be  Oderigo 
Fifanti,  a  member  of  a  very  renowned  Ghibelline  family,  and, 
together  with  Afosca^  the  next  person  mentioned,  one  of  the 
slayers  of  Buondelmonte,  whence  originated  the  beginning  of 
the  long  strife  between  the  Ghibelline  and  Guelph  factions. 
Dante  does  not  allude  to  him  again. 

§  Afosca  de'  Lamberti :  see  Gioif.  Viliani^  v.  38.     His  punish- 


Canto  VI,         Recuiings  on  the  Inferno.  197 

E  gli  nltri  che  a  ben  far  poser  gP  ingegni, 
Dimmi  ove  sono,  e  fa  ch'  10  li  conosca  ; 
Ch^  gran  desio  mi  stringe  di  sapere, 
Se  il  ciel  gli  addolcia  o  lo  inferno  gli  attosca." — 

And  I  to  him  :  '*  I  wish  thee  yet  to  instruct 
me,  and  that  thou  do  me  the  favour  of 
speaking  further.  Farinata  and  Tegghiaio, 
who  were  so  worthy,  Jacopo  Rusticucci, 
Arrigo  and  Mosca,  and  the  others  who  gave 
their  minds  to  doing  good,  tell  me  where  they 
are,  and  contrive  that  I  may  know  them  ;  for 
great  desire  constrains  me  to  find  out  whether 
Heaven  doth  soothe,  or  Hell  empoison 
them." 

Benvenuto  remarks  that  this  is  as  though  Dante 
would  say,  "  I  am  ignorant  of  whether  they  are  saved 
or  lost,  for  I  know  they  had  great  vices,  and  at  the 
same  time  great  virtues,  and  therefore  I  think  they 
could  well  be  among  the  saved,  provided  only  that 
they  repented  before  dying,  which  is  just  what  I  do 
not  know." 

Ciacco  speedily  undeceives  him  as  to  any  hope  of 

their  salvation. 

E  quegli  :  — "  Ei  son  tra  le  anime  piii  nere  ;  85 

Diversa*  colpa  giu  li  grava  al  fondo  : 
Se  tanto  scendi.  It  potrat  vedere. 

ment  as  a  disseminator  of  discord  is  spoken  of  in  Canto  XXVIII. 
Benvenuto  says  that  Arrigo  must  be  silently  coupled  with  Mosca, 
as  he  was  with  him  in  the  same  crime. 

♦  Diversa :  Blanc  ( Voc,  Dant.)  specially  instances  the  use  of 
the  word  in  this  passage  as  meaning,  "  that  which  differs  from 
all  that  one  knows,  hence,  horrible,  hideous,  frightful,  ghastly. 
Germ,  grasslich,  entsetzlich."  I  am  un.ible  to  follow  this  inter- 
pretation, as  the  persons  alluded  to  are  undergoing  the  punish- 


198  Readings  on  the  Inferno.         Canto  VI. 

And  he:  "They  are  among  the  blackest 
spirits ;  crime  of  different  kinds  weighs  them 
down  to  the  nethermost  Hell  {lU.  to  the 
bottom) :  if  thou  descend  so  far,  thou  mayest 
see  them. 

Buti  says  that  Dante  pictures  the  souls  in  Hell 
desiring  fame  on  earth,  so  that  he  may  be  in  agree- 
ment with  Virgil,  who  describes  the  delight  of  Pali- 
nurus,  when  he  heard  that  the  promontory  was  to  be 
called  after  him;  and  he  adds  that,  allegorically 
speaking,  men  in  the  world,  the  more  they  are  vicious 
and  bad,  the  more  they  seek  to  become  famous. 

Ma  quando  tu  sarai  nel  dolce  mondo, 

I'regoti  die  alia  mente  altrui  mi  rechi : 

V\\x  non  ti  dice  e  piu  non  ti  rispondo." —  90 

Gli  diritti  occhi  torse  allora  in  biechi : 

Guardommi  un  poco,  e  poi  chin6  la  testa  : 
Cadde  con  essa  a  par  degli  altri  ciechi. 

But  when  thou  art  (back)  in  the  sweet  world, 
I  pray  thee  that  thou  bring  me  to  the  recol- 
lection of  others :  More  I  tell  thee  not,  and 
more  I  answer  thee  not."  He  then  turned 
aslant  his  eyes  (which  had  been  directed) 
straight  (at  me):  looked  at  me  for  awhile, 
and  then  bowed  his  head  :    and)  fell  with  it 


meat  of  crimes  differing  the  one  from  the  other.  Witte  translates, 
"  verschUdtnartge  SchuidJ*  The  Posiiiiatore  Cassimsg  (II  Codice 
Cassinese  delta  Div.  Com,  per  la  prima  volta  letterabfunte  messo 
a  stcunpaper  cura  dei  monaci  di  Monte  Cassino,  Monte  Cassino, 
1865)  reads  diverse  coipe^  and  comments:  *'*' nere.  denigratas 
propter  majora  peccata  nam  farinata  peccavit  in  fide  credens 
animam  mori  cum  corpore.  Theghiaius  et  jacobus  fuerunt 
sodomite  musca  et  arigus  contra  proximum . . .  et  ideo  patiuntur 
diversa  supplicia.**    Witte's  comment  is  very  similar. 


Canto  VI.        Readings  on  the  Inferno.  199 

(into  the  mud)  on  the  level  with  the  other 
blind  (spirits). 

The  tormented  were,  like  Ciacco,  all  lying  with 
their  faces  in  the  mud,  and  were  consequently  all 
blind.  Figuratively,  as  they  had  never  in  life  raised 
their  eyes  from  the  earth,  so  must  they  now  see 
nothing  else. 

Division  IV,  Benvenuto  remarks  that  the  digres- 
sion which  follows  does  not  seem  quite  pertinent  to 
the  subject  that  has  been  treated  before  this  point, 
and  he  thinks  Dante  has  wandered  somewhat  away 
from  it.  The  conversation  is  commenced  by  Virgil 
telling  Dante  that  Ciacco  will  not  stir  again  from  his 
recumbent  posture  until  the  Last  Day. 

E  il  duca  disse  a  me  : — "  Piu  non  si  desta 

Di  qua  dal  suon  dell'  angelica  tromba  ;*  95 

Quando  verrk  la  nimica  podesta,t 

*  angelica  tromba:  compare  St,  Matth,  xxiv,  31  :  "And  he 
shall  send  his  angels  with  a  great  sound  of  a  trumpet"  &c. 
And  in  /  Cor.  xv,  51-52  :  We  shall  not  all  sleep,  but  we  shall 
all  be  changed.  In  a  moment,  in  the  twinkling  of  an  eye,  at  the 
last  trump  :  for  the  trumpet  shall  sound,  and  the  dead  shall 
be  raised  incorruptible,  and  we  shall  be  changed."  And  in 
/  Thess.  iv,  16 :  "  For  the  Lord  himself  shall  descend  from 
heaven  with  a  shout,  with  the  voice  of  the  archangel,  and 
with  the  trump  of  God." 

t  podesia  for  poiesth^  power.  I  do  not  see  why  this  word 
should  not  have  been  translated  Judge,  were  it  not  that  the 
adjective  nimica  is  in  the  feminine.  Podestd  was  the  title 
given  to  the  chief  Magistrate  in  Mediaeval  Florence,  and  the 
other  Italian  cities,  and  were  it  taken  in  that  sense,  the  line 
might  be  rendered  "When  the  Judge  (who  is)  adverse  (to 
sinners)  shall  appear."  I  have  not,  however,  found  any  com- 
mentator who  takes  this  view. 


200  Readings  on  the  Inferno.        Canto  vi. 

Ciascun  ri trover^  \&  Irisia  tomba, 

Ripiglier^  sua  came  e  sua  figura,* 
Udir^  (juel  che  in  eterno  rimbomba." — 
And  the  Leader  said  to  me :  "  He  awakes  no 
more  on   this  side  of  {i.e.  before)  the  sound 
of  the  angelic  trumD  (on  the  Day  of  Judg- 
ment) ;  when  t  le,  (that  to 
sinners  is)  host  cli  (shade) 
find  again  his  resume  his 
flesh  and  his  (                               I  heir  that 
(sentence)  whii  eternity." 
While  Virgil  is  I                              rards   the  Poets 
have  walked  away  fii                           re  they  have  left 
Ciacco,  and  Dante  aan.,  .     5..  ^....i.ier  the  condition 
of  those  in  Hell  will  undergo  any  change  after  the 
Resurrection  of  the  dead. 

S)  irapassammo  per  sozza  mistura  100 

Dell'  ombre  e  della  pioggia,  a  passi  lenti, 
Toccandot  un  poco  la  vita  futura  : 
Perch'  io  dissi : — "Maestro, esii  lormenti 
Cresceranno  ei  dopo  la  gran  sentenia, 
O  Ren  minori,  o  saran  si  cocenti }"  10; 

*  Ciatcun  .  .  .  ripiglitril  lua  carne,  &c.  :  The  suicides  in 
the  seventh  circle  would  seem  to  be  an  exception  10  this  rule, 
for  in  Canto  xiii,  103-;,  Pier  delle  Vigne,  speaking  of  the  Resur- 
rection of  the  Dead,  says  : 

"  Come  r  allre,  verrem  per  nosire  spoglie, 
Ma  nou  per6  ch'  alcuna  sen  rivesta  ; 
Chfc  non  6  giusio  aver  ci6  ch'  uom  si  toglie." 
t  Toccando :  compare  Inf.  vii,  68-9  : 

"  Quesia  Fonuna,  di  che  tu  mi  locche, 
Che  hV 
and  Purg.  xxii,  79*80  : 

"  E  la  parola  tiia  sopta  toccata 

jovi  predicanti,"  etc. 


Canto  VI.        Readings  on  ilu  Inferno.  201 

So  passed  we  on  through  the  filthy  compound 
of  the  shades  and  the  sleet,  with  lingering 
steps,  touching  somewhat  on  the  life  to  come. 
Whereupon  I  said:  "Will  these  torments, 
after  the  great  Sentence,  increase,  or  diminish, 
or  will  they  be  as  burning  (as  they  are  now, 
i>.  unchanged)?" 

Virgil  explains  that  the  torments  of  the  damned 
will  certainly  become  worse  from  causes  perfectly 
natural,  and  he  refers  Dante  to  Aristotle  in  corrobora- 
tion of  his  assertion. 

Ed  egli  a  me  : — '*  Ritoma  a  tua  scienza,* 
Che  vuol,  quanto  la  cosa  h  piii  perfetta,t 
Pill  senta  il  bene,  e  cos)  la  doglienza. 

Tuttoch^  questa  gente  maledetta 

In  vera  perfezion  giammai  non  vada,  no 

Di  \\  piu  che  di  qua,  essere  aspetta.**  X 

*  iua  sciensa :  Most  commentators  understand  this  to  mean 
the  science  of  Aristotle,  but  Scartazzini  quotes  a  passage  from 
Fanfani  {Siudj  ed  Osservazioni  di  Pietro  Fanfani  sofira  il  testo 
delle  opere  di  Dante.  Firenze,  1873)  who  thinks  that  by  tua 
Virgil  implies  the  theological  Science  that  belonged  to  Dante  as 
a  Christian,  but  not  to  himself  as  a  heathen. 

t  Che  vuol  quanta  la  cosa  ^  pii^  perfetta^  etc. :  Benvenuto 
remarks  that  a  good  instance  is  that  Man,  the  more  perfect 
being,  can  appreciate  the  delight  of  the  sound  of  the  lyre  far 
more  than  caYi  the  ass  ;  e  cosl  la  doglienza^  meaning,  that  on 
the  other  hand,  Man  is  far  more  sensitive  than  the  ass  to 
grief  and  pain,  and  would  suffer  far  more  fron\  hard  toil  or 
from  stripes,  on  account  of  the  nobility  of  his  composition 
{propter  nobilitatem  compiexionis), 

X  Di  l(iy  pit\  che  di  qua^  essere  aspetta :  We  read  in  the  Tenth 
Canto  that  Virgil  tells  Dante  that,  although  the  burning  sepul- 
chres of  the  Heretics  in  the  City  of  Dis  were  lying  open  then, 
they  were  to  be  closed  when  the  spirits  returned  to  them  with 


202  Readings  oii  the  Inferno.         Canto  VI. 

And  he  lo  me :  "  Return  to  thy  Science  {i.e. 
the  Aristotelian  philosophy),  which  requires 
that  the  more  perfect  a  thing  is,  i\\s  more  is 
its  sense  of  pleasure,  and  so  of  pain. 
Although  this  accursed  folk  can  never 
arrive  at  true  perfection,  (yet)  they  expect  to 
be  more  (per  i  now  (/iV.  on 

the  oiher  sit  Igment  more 

than  on  this 

Before  the  Jud  souls  in  Hell  lack 

their  bodies,  but,  ■  ;sumed  them,  they 

will  then  have  att  perTection,  though, 

as  Benvenuto  says  1  a  hurtful  perfec- 

tion {Mah  et  dam  itly   they  will  feel 

their  torments  in  a  far  greater  degree  than  they  do 
now. 

Dante  concludes  the  Canto  by  describing  the  de- 
parture from  the  Circle  of  the  Gluttonous,  and  the 
entrance  into  that  of  the  next  sin  punished. 
Noi  aggirammo  a  londo  quella  strada, 
Parlando  piii  assai  cli'  io  non  ridico  : 
Venimmo  al  punio  dove  si  digr.ida  : 
Quivi  trovammo  I'luio  il  gran  nemico.*  1 1$ 

We  kept  on  circling  along  that  way,  speaking 

Iheir  bodies  from  the  Valley  of  Jehosaphai.  In/.*,  lo-ii,  St. 
Augusiine  writes  that,  at  the  resurrection  of  the  flesh,  both  the 
happiness  of  the  good,  and  ihe  torments  of  the  wicked  will  t>e 
increased. 

•  Pluto  iigran  rumko :  Plutus  the  god  of  wealth  is  described 
as  the  Great  Enemy.  This  recalls  ihe  words  of  St.  Paul,  i  Tim. 
vi,  lo,  "  For  the  love  of  money  is  Ihe  root  of  all  evil ;  which 
while  some  coveted  after,  they  have  erred  from  the  faith,  and 
pierced  themselves  through  with  many  sorrows," 


Canto  VI.         Readings  on  the  Inferno, 


203 


much  more  than  I  (now)  repeat :  (and  so)  we 
came  to  the  point  where  is  the  descent : 
here  found  we  Plutus  the  arch-enemy. 

Scartazzini  says  that  Plutus  manifests  himself  as 
an  enemy  of  peace  in  the  enigmatical  words  that  he 
utters  at  the  opening  of  the  next  Canto. 


End  of  Canto  VI. 


CANTO    VII 


Thk  Fouk 
Pl.UTUt 

The  M 

The  F 
The  W 


Prodigals. 
rnE  Sullen 


In  this  Canto  piinishnit-nt  of  the 

Misers  and  the  Prodigals  in  the  Fourth  Circle,  and 
the  descent  of  the  Poets  into  the  Fifth  Circle. 
Benvenuto  divides  the  Canto  into  five  parts. 

In  Division  I,  from  v.  i  to  v.  i8,  Dante  de- 
scribes the  Demon  presiding  over  this  Circle. 

/«  Division  II,  from  v.  19  to  v.  35,  an  account 
is  given  of  the  torments  of  the  Misers  and  the 
Prodigals. 

In  Division  III,  from  v.  16  to  v.  66,  Virgil  ex- 
plains to  Dante  that  the  misuse  of  wealth,  both  by 
Misers  and  by  Prodigals,  is  particularly  to  be  found 
among  the  great  Dignitaries  of  the  Church. 

In  Divisiott  I V,  from  v.  67  to  v.  99,  Dante  obtains 
from  Virgil  some  information  about  Fortune. 

In  Division  V,  from  v.  100  to  v.  130,  the  Poets 
descend  into  the  Fifth  Circle,  where  are  punished  the 
Wrathful,  and  the  Sullen  or  Slothful. 


Division  I.     At  the  end   of  the  last  Canto  Dante 


Canto  VII.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  205 

and  Virgil  had  just  commenced  the  descent  into  the 
Fourth  Circle,  where  they  found  Plutus,  the  mytho- 
logical god  of  Riches,  and  the  appropriate  Guardian 
of  the  place  where  the  misuse  of  wealth  is  punished. 
This  Canto  opens  with  the  attempt,  on  the  part  of 
Plutus,  to  arrest  their  further  progress,  but  the  words 
that  issue  from  his  lips  are  in  a  jargon,  the  interpre- 
tation of  which  has  puzzled  all  commentators  from 
the  time  of  Dante  up  to  this  day.  It  would  seem  at 
least  to  be  a  warning  cry  to  the  Arch-fiend  that  a 
presumptuous  mortal,  who  did  not  die  in  the  sin  of 
avarice,  had  invaded  his  dominions. 

—  "  Pape  Satan,  papc  Satan,  aleppe," — 

Comincio  Pluto  colla  voce  chioccia.* 
£  quel  Savio  gentil,t  che  tutto  seppe, 
Disse  per  confortarmi : — "  Non  ti  noccia 

La  tua  paura,  ch^,  poter  ch'  egli  abbia,  5 

Non  ti  torrk  lo  scender  questa  roccia." — 

"  Pape  Satan,  pape  Satan,  aleppe  /  "  —  began 
Plutus  (to  cry)  in  his  hoarse  (///.  clucking) 
voice.  And  that  kind  Sage,  who  knew  all 
things,  to  encourage  me  said  ;  "  Let  not  thy 
fear  trouble  thee,  for,  be  his  power  what  it 
may,  yet  he  shall  not  hinder  thee  from  de- 
scending this  cliff." 


*  chioccia  .-In  the  same  part  of  the  life  of  Benvenuto  Cellini, 
in  which  he  relates  the  anecdote  noticed  below,  he  mentions 
that  he  had  an  assistant,  a  man  from  Ferrara  whose  name  was 
Chioccia. 

\geniil:  the  more  usual  translation  of  this  word  is  noble, 
gentle,  both  as  to  birth  and  character,  but  some  have  tried, 
kr/iinor  to  Blanc,  to  give  the  signification  of  pagan,  Gentile, 
*  such  interpretation  as  quite  out  of  place. 


2o6 


Readings  on  the  In/tmo.        Canto  Vll. 


Benvenuto  da  Imola  interprets  the  words,  "  Ah  1 
Ah  I  Satan  I  Satan  I  what  marvel  is  this,  that  a 
living  man  is  seen  in  this  place  ? "  He  thinks  alefpt 
stands  for  AUpk,  an  adverb  of  grief  Others  trans- 
late aleppe,  thou  Alpha,  or  Prince  (Alpha  being  the 
first   letter  of     '      "  '   '    '  it).     In   his  "  Life," 

Betrtenuto   Ce  )eing  in   a  court  of 

justice  at  Paris  y  remarked  a  certain 

judge,  and  a  i  ards,  the  ushers  of 

the  Court   bei'  back  some  unruly 

spectators,  the  :o  these  tatter  with 

much    impatier  Ix  I    Satan  I   allei  t 

Paixl"   though  li  writes  W  phe  phe, 

Satan, phe phe  Satan  aM pht:  tie  then  adds  :  "  Now 
I  had  learned  the  French  tongue  well ;  and,  on  hearing 
this  sentence,  the  meaning  of  that  phrase  used  by 
Dante  came  into  my  memory,  when  he  and  his 
master,  Virgil,  entered  the  doors  of  Hell.  Dante 
and  the  painter  Giotto  were  together  in  France,  and 
particularly  in  the  city  of  Paris,  where,  owing  to  the 
circumstances  1  have  just  described,  the  hall  of  justice 
may  be  truly  called  a  hell.  Dante,  then,  who  also 
understood  French  well,  made  use  of  the  phrase  in 
question,  and  it  has  struck  me  as  singular,  that  this 
interpretation  has  never  yet  been  put  upon  the  pas- 
sage; indeed,  it  confirms  my  opinion  that  the  com- 
mentators make  him  say  things  that  never  came  into 
his  head."  » 


"  On  this  Mr.  J.  A.  Syiwonds  ( Th^  Li/e  of  Beiivemilo  Cellini, 
vol.  ii,  p.  i?9,  note)  remarks  ;  "  Ills  suggesiion  is  both  curious 
and  ingenious  ;  bul  we  have  no  reason  to  lliink  thai  French 
judges  used   ihe  same  imprecations,  when  inlerrupled,  in   the 


Canto  VII.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  207 

Benvenuto  da  Imola  points  out  how  much  the  rich 
are  inflated  with  pride,  and  that,  according  to  Aris- 
totle, they  would  seem  (o  imagine  that  having  wealth 
they  possess  every  other  good  ;  he  adds,  that  it  was 
remarked  that  the  wise  man  is  much  more  often  to  be 
seen  at  the  houses  of  the  wealthy,  than  the  wealthy  at 
the  houses  of  the  wise,  and  thus  we  see  that  Virgil 
has  these  ideas  in  his  mind  when  he  peremptorily 
and  contemptuously  silences  Plutus. 

Poi  si  rivolse  a  quelP  enfiata  labbia,* 
E  disse  :— "  Taci,  maledetto  lupo  :  t 
Consuma  dentro  te  con  la  tua  rabbia. 

Non  h  senza  cagion  V  andare  al  cupo  :  10 

thirteenth  as  they  did  in  the  sixteenth  century,  or  that  what 
Cellini  heard  on  this  occasion  was  more  than  an  accidental 
similarity  of  sounds,  striking  his  quick  ear  and  awakening  his 
lively  memory." 

*  labbia  is  placed  here  for  voltd^  as  in  Latin  05  stands  for 
vulius.    Scnec«i,  Thyestes^  act  iii,  609,  writes  : 

"  Ponite  inflatos  tumidosque  vultus." 

t  lupo :  Benvenuto  points  out  the  appropriateness  of  the 
epithet  IVo//  to  Plutus,  the  symbolical  representative  of  wealth 
misused,  and  it. must  be  remembered  that  in  Canto  i,  49-51, 
Avarice  is  personified  by  a  wolf : 

"  Ed  una  lupa,  che  di  tutte  brame 

Sembiava  carca  nella  sua  magrezza, 
E  molte  genti  fe*  gik  viver  grame." 
and  V.  97-99  : 

"  Ed  ha  natura  s)  malvagia  e  ria, 

Che  mai  non  empie  la  bramosa  voglia, 
E  dopo  il  pasto  ha  piii  fame  che  pria." 
and  in  Purg.  xx,  10-12  : 

**  Maledetta  sie  tu,  antica  lupa, 

Che  pill  di  tutte  V  altre  bestie  hai  preda, 
Per  la  tua  fame  senza  fine  cupa  I  ** 


308 


Readings  on  the  [nfer^ 


Canto  vn. 


Vuoisi  ncli'  nito  li  dove  Michclc 
Fe'  1»  vendclU  dell  superbo  strupo."*— 
.Then  he  turned  back  to  that  Tace  inflated 
{with  rage,  i.  e.  to  Plulus),  and  said  :  "  Be 
silent,  accursed  wolf:  consume  within  thyself 
with  ihy  fury.  Not  without  cause  is  this 
descent  intc  '     ' "  '"1  is  it  on  high 

there  where  the  (divine) 

vengeance  i  iride  (of  the 

Angels  who  1  d)," 

Vii^il's  reproof  n  Plutus. 

Quali  dal  vi 

Caggioi-  ilber  Racca  \ 

Tal  ca^  idele.  ij 

Even  as   the  sails  inflated  by  the  wind  fall 
entangled  together  when  the  mast  snaps  ;  so 
the  cruel  monster  fell  to  the  earth. 
Benvenuto   thinks   the   epithet  cruel   is  meant  to 
express  the  torment  that  a  miser  inflicts  upon  him- 

»  del  superbo  Urupo :  strupo  is  a  nielalliesis  for  stupro,  a 
rape.  The  Anonimo  Fiorenlino  says  that  Lucifer  attempted  to 
violate  the  Deliyof  Heaven,  which  is  imconupt  and  immacu- 
late. Benvenuto,  in  very  simitar  words,  says  that  Satan  did  so, 
in  that  he  sought  lo  make  himself  equal  to  the  Most  High. 
Some  have  altempled  to  prove  thai  by  strupo  Dante  meant 
troop,  as  in  the  Piedmontese  dialed  sirup  is  [he  word  used  for 
a  flock  of  sheep,  like  troupeuii  in  IVcncli ;  so  iliat  superbo 
strupo  would  signify  the  troop  of  rebel  angels  who  sinned 
through  pride ;  but  Ulanc  is  very  positive  that  strupo  stands 
for  stupro,  and  says  that  it  is  quite  in  harmony  with  Dante's 
genius  that  he  should,  in  Biblical  language,  characterise  re- 
liellion  against  Cod  as  adultery,  or  fornication,  St.  Augustine 
is  reported  lo  have  said  :  "  Idolatria  et  quxlibet  noxia  super- 
stitio  fornicalio  est." 


Canto  VII.        Readings  on  tlu  Infertto,  io9^ 

self ;    for  in  other  sins,  such  as  in   lasciviousness, 

gluttony,  and  such  like,  there   is  always  a  certain 

amount  of  gratification,  but  the  miser  is  ever  sufiering 

toil  and  care. 

Plutus  being  overcome,  the  poets  enter  ipto  the 

Fourth  Circle. 

Cosl  scendemmo  nella  quarta  lacca,* 
Prendendo  piu  della  dolente  ripa, 
Che  il  mal  dell'  universe  tutto  insacca.t 

Then  descended  we  into  the  fourth  depth 
(/>.  circle),  gaining  more  of  (i>.  advancing 
further  down  upon)  that  woeful  bank,  which 
shuts  in  all  the  evil  of  the  universe. 

Division  IL     Dante    next   describes    the  penalty 
of    the  Misers   and   the   Prodigals,  and   Benvenuto 
says  that,  as  this  penalty  is  very  difficult  to  explain, 
Dante  begins  with  an  exclamation  of  wonder. 
Ahi  giustizia  di  Dio,  tante  chi  stipat 

*  lacca  :  compare  Inf,  xii,  1 1-12  : 

"  £  in  sii  la  punta  della  rotta  lacca 
L'  infamia  di  Creti  era  distesa,  etc.^ 
Blanc  (  Voc,  Dant.)  derives  iacca  either  from  the  Latin  lacus^  or 
possibly  as  akin  to  the  German  lache,  a  slough,  a  lake,  but 
admits  that  the  word  is  so  obsolete  as  to  have  puzzled  all 
commentators. 

f  insacca  :  This  means  that  the  bank  encloses,  and  keeps  in, 
all  the  sins  of  the  world,  as  though  they  were  enclosed  in  a  bag. 

t  stipa :  see  the  Commentary  of  Giov.  Bat.  Gelli,  written  in 
1554  {Leitu're  Ediie  e  Inedile  di  Giovan,  Batista  Gelli  sopra  la 
Comtnedia  di  Dante^  Firenze^  1887),  which  Scartazzini  praises 
as  so  full  of  research  that  it  ought  to  be  in  the  library  of 
every  student  of  Dante.  Gelli  explains  that,  when  Dante 
considered  the  number  and  the  variety  of  the  torments  that 

P 


2IO  Readings  an  the  Inferno.       Canto  vn. 

Nuove  txavaglie*  e  pene,  quante  io  viddi  ?        ao 
E  perch^  nostra  colpa s)  ne  sdpa? t 

Ah  I  Justice  of  God,  Who  (U.  what  hand  but 
Thine)  crowds  together  so  many  new  (Lt. 
unheard  of)  tribulations  and  penalties  as  I 
saw?  and  why  does  our  transgression  thus 
destroy  us? 

The  sinners  in  this  circle  are  divided  into  two 
companies,  and  are  compelled  to  roll  weights  along 
the  ground.    Their  punishment  is  the  same,  for  both 

he  saw  in  Hell,  there  came  upon  him  such  wonder  and  awe,  that 
he  raised  his  eyes  and  appealed  to  Divine  Justice  to  tell  him 
who  it  is  that  packs  and  presses  together  so  many  toils  and 
suflferings  as  met  his  eyes.  Gelli  says  that  is  the  exact  meaning 
of  stifiare^  which  by  sailors  is  commonly  pronounced  stivare^ 
with  the  signification  of  stowing  away  merchandize  in  a  ship, 
pressing  it  closely  together,  in  order  that  it  may  occupy  less 
space.  From  the  Italian  stivare  and  the  Spanish  estivador  we 
get  the  English  stevedore^  namely,  one  who  stows  cargo  in  the 
hold  of  a  ship. 

*  travaglie  :  for  travaglL  Trebalha  or  trabalha  was  frequently 
used  by  the  Troubadours  for  trebalhs, 

"  Si  sen  d*  amor  las  trabalhas  ni  'Is  niaus." 

—  A  maud  de  Marueil. 

^  Quant  a  sas  grans  dolors 

E  trebalhas  e  plors." — J.  Esteve, 

Quoted  by  Raynouard,  Lexique  Roman^  Paris,  1843,  v,  p.  392. 

t  nostra  colpa  s\  ne  scipa  f  Gelli  says  that  Dante,  on  lower- 
ing his  eyes  again,  comes  to  the  conclusion  that  our  evil- 
doing  (il  fallire  nostro)  is  what  s\  fu  scipa^  i.e,  so  consumes 
and  destroys  us  in  divers  pains  and  torments.  He  adds  that 
5cip<ire  in  Italian  means  nothing  else  than  what  the  Latins  call 
dissipare  ^  cio^  mandar  a  male  disperdere."  Benvenuto  informs 
his  readers  that  at  Florence  a  woman  who  has  had  a  miscar- 
riage is  said  to  be  scipcUa,  In  modem  Florentine  she  would  be 
said  to  be  sciupaia^  spoilt. 


Canto  VII.       Readings  on  the  Inferfto.  211 

the  Misers  and  the  Prodigals  misused  their  posses- 
sions. To  each  company  is  assigned  the  half  of  the 
circle,  and,  as  one  band  roll  their  burdens  to  the  right, 
and  the  other  band  to  the  left,  it  follows  that  they 
meet  at  the  opposite  point,  where  a  collision  ensues ; 
and,  as  the  two  companies  turn  back,  each  assails  the 
other  with  recrimination.  Dante  compares  their 
never-ending  round  to  the  dance  called  rtdda,  and 
the  collision  between  them  to  the  concussion  between 
the  opposing  currents  of  the  two  seas  that  meet  at 
Charybdis  in  the  Straits  of  Messina. 

Come  fa  V  onda  Ik  sovra  Cariddi,* 

Che  si  frange  con  quella  in  cui  s'  intoppa, 
Cos)  convien  che  qui  la  gente  riddi.t 

*  Cariddi :    Gelli  says  that  Charybdis  was  a  very  avaricious 

old  woman,  who  used  to  steal  the  cows  of  Hercules  that  were 

grazing  hard  by.     Hercules  appealing  to  Jupiter  his  father, 

the  latter  struck  Charybdis  with  a  thunderbolt,  and  submerged 

her  in  the  Straits  of   Messina,  where  she  retains  the  same 

rapacious  propensities,  and  swallows  up  every  ship  that  comes 

too  near  her.     Compare  Spenser,  Faerie  Queene,  book  iv,  c.  i, 

St.  42  : 

'*  As  when  two  billowes  in  the  Irish  sowndes, 

Forcibly  driven  with  contrkrie  tydes. 
Do  meet  together,  each  abacke  rebowndes 
With  roaring  rage  ;  and  dashing  on  all  sides, 
That  filleth  all  the  Sea  with  fome,  divydes 
The  doubtfull  current  into  divers  wayes." 
t  rid{ii :  The  principal  feature  in  the  dance  called  ridda  or 
riddone  was  that  singing    accompanied  the    dancing.    Gelli 
speaks  of  these  two  words  as  not  quite  obsolete  in  his  time. 
"  Imperocch6  ridda  ovvero  riddone  si  chiamava  a  quel  tempi, 
e  si  chiama  ancora  oggi  in  alcuni  luoghi  del  nostro  contado 
quella  sorte  di  ballo  tondo,  nel  quale  le  persone,  presesi  per  la 
mano  V  un  1'  altra  vanno  aggirandosi  e  cantando.    Ed  h  detto 

P  2 


212  Readings  oh  thelnfemo.       Canto  VIT. 

As  does  there  above  Chaiybdis  the  wave 
which  breaks  itself  against  that  (other  wave) 
which  it  encounters^  so  here  must  the  people 
wheel  round  in  the  dance. 

Qui  vid'  io  gente  piik  che  altrove  troppa,*  35 

£  d'  una  parte  e  d'  altra,  con  grand'  urli, 
Voltando  pesi  per  forza  di  pc^pa  : 

Percotevansi  incontro,  e  poscia  pur  li 
Si  rivolgea  dascun,  voltando  a  retro, 
Gridando: — "Pcrchiticni?"e"pcrchiburli?''— fy) 

Here  saw  I  people  more  numerous  than  else- 
where, both  on  the  one  side  (of  the  circle) 
and  on  the.  other,  with  loud  cries,  rolling 
weights    by  strength  of  chest    They  met 

da  quel  ridursi  insieme  tali  persone,  il  che  si  chiama  ancor 
oggi  volgamente  ridotto^^  The  combination  in  this  ridda  of 
dancing  and  singing  made  the  comparison  most  appropriate 
between  it  and  the  sinners  in  this  circle,  who  wheel  round, 
meet  at  a  given  point,  and  then,  after  uttering  their  repulsive 
antiphon,  turn  round  to  meet  again  at  the  opposite  point  of  their 
half  circles. 

♦  gente  pih  che  altrove  troppa :  Henvenuto  thinks  that  the 
number  of  misers  is  infinitely  greater  than  that  of  other  sinners, 
and  he  points  out  how  singularly  appropriate  the  penalty  is  to 
the  offence,  for  these  burdens  are  symbolical  of  the  toils  and 
cares  which  are  ever  pressing  on,  and  weighing  down  the  bodies 
and  the  souls  both  of  misers  and  spendthrifts.  Their  bodies 
are  never  at  rest  as  they  hurry  about  over  sea,  land,  hills  and 
valleys,  exposing  themselves  to  all  sorts  of  dangers,  from  the 
waters,  from  the  sky,  from  pirates,  from  robbers,  enduring  every 
kind  of  hardship,  hunger,  thirst,  cold  and  heat  ;  and  even  if 
their  bodies  are  at  rest,  then  it  is  their  minds  that  are  in  a  state 
of  agitation.  He  concludes  by  asking  if  misers  do  not  acquire 
with  hard  toil,  possess  in  fear,  and  lose  in  grief. 

iburli:  Benvenuto  says  this  is  a  popular  Lombard  word 
signifying,  to  throw  away. 


Canto  VII,        Readings  on  tJu  Inferno,  213 

together  with  a  shock,  and  then  on  that  very 
spot  did  each  wheel  round,  turning  back 
again,  (the  Prodigals)  yelling:  "Why  dost 
thou  hoard?"  and  (the  Misers  retorting) 
"  Why  dost  thou  squander  ?  " 

Cos)  tomavan  per  lo  cerchio  tetro. 
Da  ogni  mano  all'  opposite  punto, 
Gridandosi*  anche  loro  ontoso  metro  : 

Poi  si  volgea  ciascun,  quando  era  giunto 

Per  lo  suo  mezzo  cerchio  all'  altra  giostra.t        35 

Thus  they  returned  along  the  gloomy  circle, 
on  either  hand  to  the  opposite  point,  again 
howling  at  each  other  their  reproachful  strain : 
Then  did  every  one  of  them  turn,  when  by  his 
semi-circle  he  had  come  to  the  other  joust 

Benvenuto  says  that  to  understand  the  mode  of  this 
punishment  you  must  imagine  a  round  circle,  and  in 
the  middle  of  it  a  line  dividing  the  circle  into  two 
equal  parts.  On  the  one  side  are  the  Prodigals 
hastening  as  far  as  the  middle  line,  and  on  the  other 
side  the  Misers  are  with  equal  zeal  pressing  forward 
towards  the  same  goal.  Benvenuto  considers  this 
middle  line  to  be  a  symbol  of  the  virtue  of  modera- 
tion or  liberality,  but  he  says  that  neither  party  ever 

*  Gridandosi :  the  j/ denotes  the  interchange  of  vituperation. 
Huti  explains  J/,  "  Tuno  alP  altro." 

t  giostra  :  Dante  metaphorically  terms  their  collision  a  joust, 
for,  like  knights  they  charge  at  each  other,  each  seeking  to 
overthrow  the  other  and  have  victory  over  him,  and  each  side 
takes  pride  in  doing  so.  In  Purg,  xxii,  42,  Statius  tells  Virgil 
that,  if  he  had  not  considered  his  ways  after  reading  Virgil's 
own  lines  on  Auri  sacra  fames^  he  would  be  rolling  weights  in 
the  grim  jousts : 

"  Voltando  sentirei  le  giostre  grame." 


214  Readings  on  the  Infimo.       Canto  VII. 

reaches  this  point,  or,  even  if  they  do,  they  do  not  per- 
severe in  it ;  on  the  contrary,  they  at  once  turn  about 
and  go  back  again.  And  mark  that  the  virtue  of  liber- 
ality stands  half  way  between  the  two  sins  of  Avarice 
and  Prodigality.  For  the  liberal  man  is  he  who  gives 
where,  when,  and  how  he  ought  to  do  so.  The  Miser 
holds  back  indifferently  both  what  he  ought  to  hold, 
and  what  he  ought  not  to  hold.  But  the  Prodigal 
on  the  contrary,  gives  away  both  what  he  ought  to 
give,  and  what  he  ought  not,  without  any  discretion, 
and  both  of  them  injure  themselves  and  others,  in 
that  they  benefit  nobody.  Dante  has  placed  the 
Misers  on  the  left  hand,  and,  as  we  shall  read  in  the 
Third  Division^sliovis  his  greater  detestation  of  them. 

Division  III,     Dante  now  puts  two  questions  to 

Virgil.     First,  who,  speaking  generally,  were  all  these 

spirits  ?    and  secondly,  were  the  misers  on  the  left 

of  the  circle  all  ecclesiastics  ? 

Ed  io  che  avca  lo  cor  quasi  compunto, 
Oissi  : — "  Maestro  mio,  or  mi  dimostra 

Che  gente  h  questa,  e  se  tutti  fur  cherci 
Questi  chercuti*  alia  sinistra  nostra."— 

*  chercuti :  Gelli  remarks  on  this  word  that  it  is  a  syncope 
for  chiericuU\  and  is  derived  from  cherica^  which,  according  to 
some,  means  a  crown.  He  describes  the  tonsure,  and  says 
that  he  believes  that  the  intention  of  it  was  to  demonstrate  the 
authority  and  dignity  of  the  priesthood.  He  dissents  from  some 
who  maintain  that  it  originated  in  St.  Peter,  who,  when  preaching 
at  Antioch,  had  his  head  forcibly  shaved  by  his  enemies  as  a 
mark  of  derision  and  to  show  that  he  was  mad.  He  thinks 
rather  that  this  exceedingly  ancient  usage  arose  from  the 
practice  in  the  Early  Church  of  electing  their  priests  either  by 
popular  election,  or,  as  in  the  case  of  St  Matthias,  by  casting 


Canto  VII.        Readings  on  the  Inferno.  21$ 

And  I  who  felt  (///.  had)  my  heart  as  it  were 
stricken,  said :  **  My  Master,  now  show  me 
what  race  is  this,  and  if  these  tonsured  ones 
on  our  left  were  all  priests." 

Dante  is  astounded  at  the  sight  of  so  many  eccle- 
siastics damned  for  Avarice ;  he  can  hardly  believe 
his  eyes. 

Virgil  begins  by  answering  his  first  question,  and 
tells  him  that  the  whole  multitude,  on  both  sides  before 
him,  were  in  their  life-time  devoid  of  sense  in  their 
misuse  of  wealth,  and  that  their  mutual  recriminations 
make  it  so  evident  what  they  are,  that  Dante  can 
discern  it  for  himself. 

Ed  cgli  a  me  : — "  Tutti  e  quanti  fur  guerci  40 

SI  della  mente,  in  la  vita  primaia, 
Che  con  misura  nullo  spend io  ferci.* 

Assai  la  voce  lor  chiaro  1'  abbaia,f 

Quando  vengono  a'  due  punti  del  cerchio, 

Ove  colpa  contraria  li  dispaia.^  45 

lots,  of  which  the  issue  was  committed  to  Divine  Providence, 
and  thus  cherico  would  be  derived  from  irx^pof,  a  lot.  In  Liddell 
and  Scott's  Lexicon  K\'nptK6s  has  the  meanings,  (a)  of  or  for 
an  inheritance;  and  {b)  belonging  to  the  clergy,  a  cleric,  clerk. 

*  fcrci :  iorfecero  guiy  in  questa  vita, 

f  abbaia :  these  sinners  are  said  to  bark  instead  of  speaking, 
and  the  term  is  fitting  for  beings  who  acted  as  brute  beasts 
witliout  reason.  The  same  contemptuous  term  is  applied  to  the 
Gluttonous  in  vi,  19  : 

**  Urlar  gli  fa  la  pioggia  come  cani." 
And  in  xxxii,  105,  the  traitor  Bocca  degli  Abati  howls  like  a  dog 
when  Dante  tears  out  his  hair : 

**  Latrando  lui  con  gli  occhi  in  giu  raccolti." 

X  li  dispaia  :  Benvenuto  remarks  that  two  perfectly  opposite 
things  cannot  possibly  be  joined  together. 


2X6  Readings  on  thi  Inferno.       Canto  vil. 

And  he  to  me :  "  In  their  first  life  they  were 
every  one  of  them  so  distorted  (HL  squint- 
eyed)  in  mind,  that  in  it  they  made  no  ex- 
penditure with  moderation.  Clearly  enough 
does  this  their  voice  bark  it  forth  (L  e.  mani- 
fests the  sin  of  either  band),  when  they  arrive 
at  the  two  points  of  the  circle,  where  sin  con- 
trary (the  one  to  the  other)  sejiarates  them. 
Virgil,  having  replied  to  Dante's  first  question,  now 
answers  his  second  one. 

Quest!  fur  cherci,  che  non  ban  copercbio 
Piloso  al  capo^  e  Papi  e  Cardinal!, 
In  cui  usa  avarixia  il  suo  sopercbio."— * 

*  ckerci^  ,  .  .  in  cui  usa  ovariMia  il  suo  scperckio  :  compare 
Inf,  xix,  106,  et  seq  : 

*'  Di  voi  pastor  s'  accorse  il  Vangelista, 
Quando  colei,  che  siede  sopra  1'  acque, 
Puttaneggiar  co'  regi  a  lui  fu  vista  : 

Fatto  v*  avete  Dio  d'  oro  e  d'  argento  : 
E  che  altro  h  da  voi  alP  idolatre, 
Se  non  ch'  egli  uno,  e  voi  n'  orate  cento  ? '' 

And  Ariosto,  Orl,  Fur.  xxvi,  st.  31  and  32,  speaking  of  avarice 

as  a  hideous  monster, 

"  Quivi  una  bestia  uscir  delta  foresta 

Parea,  di  crude!  vista,  odiosa  e  brutta, 
Ch'  avea  V  orecchie  d'  asino,  e  la  testa 
Di  lupo  e  i  denti,  e  per  gran  fame  asciutta  : 
Branche  avea  di  leon  :  altro  che  resta, 
Tutto  era  volpe  ;  e  parea  scorrer  tutta 
£  Francia  e  Italia  e  Spagna  ed  Inghilterra, 
L'  Europa  e  1'  Asia,  e  alfin  tutta  la  terra. 
Per  tutto  avea  genti  ferite  e  morte, 

La  bassa  plebe  e  i  piu  superbi  capi : 
Anzi  nuocer  parea  molto  piu  forte 
A  re,  a  signori,  a  principi,  a  satrapi. 


Canto  VII.        Readings  on  tJu  Inferno.  217 

These,  who  have  no  hairy  covering  on  the 
head,  were  clerics,  and  Popes  and  Cardinals, 
among  whom  avarice  finds  use  for  its  (worst) 
excess. 

Benvenuto  says  that  Dante  has  here  expressed  his 
indignation  very  strongly  against  Avarice  in  the 
principal  dignitaries  of  the  Church,  for,  obtaining 
as  they  do,  fat  benefices,  and  great  possessions,  they 
have  no  excuse  for  seeking  after  wealth,  especially 
as  they  have  neither  wives  nor  children  for  whom 
to  accumulate  riches,  and,  if  they  have,  they  dare  not 
say  that  they  are  theirs.  **  And  certainly,"  adds  Ben- 
venuto, "  I  own  I  cannot  find  a  cause  for  avarice  in 
prelates,  unless  it  be  that  perchance  prohibition 
engenders  concupiscence." 

Zeno,  Bishop  of  Verona,  in  his  book  on  Avarice, 
says  that  it  is  not  considered  a  sin  by  the  world  in 
general,  because  there  is  no  one  with  hands  clean 
enough  to  reprove  it. 

As  usual,  Dante  seeks  for  some  familiar  faces  in 
the  two  bands. 

Ed  io  : — "  Maestro,  tra  questi  cotali 

Dovre'  10  ben  riconoscere  alcuni,  50 

Che  furo  immondi  di  cotesti  mali."— 

And  I :  "  Master,  among  such  as  these  I 
ought  well  to  recognize  some  who  were 
contaminated  with  these  sins." 

He  learns,  however,  from  Virgil,  that  no  identifica- 
tion is  possible  ;  and  be  it  noted  that  it  is  in  this 

Peggio  facea  nella  romana  corte  ; 
Ch^  avea  uccisi  cardinal!  e  papi : 
Contaminato  avea  la  bella  sede 
Di  Pietro,  e  messo  scandal  nella  fede.** 


2 1 8  Readings  on  ike  Inferno.       Canto  VIL 

circle  alone  that  he  fails  to  discover  anyone  formeriy 
known  to  him. 

Ed  egli  a  me  : — ^  Vano  pensiero  aduni : 
La  sconoscente  vita,  che  i  fe*  soui, 
Ad  ogni  conoscenza  or  li  fit  bnini ; 

In  eterno  venanno  alii  due  cozzi ;  $S 

Quest!  risuigeranno  del  sepulcro 
Col  pugno  chiuso,  e  questi  co*  crin  moizL* 

And  he  to  me :  "Vain  thoughts  thou  gather- 
est :  the  senseless  life  which  polluted  them, 
now  makes  them  too  dark  for  any  recogni- 
tion :  For  ever  shall  they  come  to  the  two- 
fold encounter ;  these  (the  misers)  shall  rise 
from  the  tomb  with  closed  fist,  and  these 
(the  prodigals)  with  shorn  hair. 

Before  the  Day  of  Judgment  they  will  continue 
their  torment  as  spirits,  but  afterwards  they  will  bring 
back  their  bodies  exactly  in  the  same  shape  as  when 
they  were  buried. 

*  cc^  crin  moxxi :  He  who  throws  his  life  away,  and  does  not 
use  it  either  for  his  wants  or  his  good  name,  is  like  one  shorn  of 
his  hair,  which  is  given  as  a  natural  adornment  Conip.  Purg. 
xxii,  46-48 : 

"  Quanti  risurgeran  coi  crini  scemi, 
Per  ignoranza,  che  di  questa  pecca 
Toglie  il  penter  vivendo,  e  negli  estremi ! " 
In  the  same  Canto  Statius  tells  Virgil  that,  had  it  not  been  for 
some  warning  words  of  Virgil,  he  would  have  continued  thinking 
that  to  spend  money  with  a  free  hand  was  no  sin,  but,  after 
reading  the  passage  in  question,  it  became  clear  to  him  that 
Prodigality  is  as  great  a  vice  as  Avarice,  and  in  v.  43  he  says — 
"  AUor  m'  accorsi  che  troppo  aprir  1'  ali 
Potean  le  mani  a  spendere,  e  pente'  mi 
Cos)  di  quel  come  degli  altri  mali.** 


Canto  VII.        Readings  on  the  Inferno.  219 

Misuse  of  wealth  has  destroyed  them. 

Mai  dare  e  mal  tener*  lo  mondo  pulcro 
Ha  tolto  loro,  e  posti  a  questa  zufTa : 
Qual  ella  sia,  parole  non  ci  appulcro.  60 

Ill-giving  and  ill-keeping  have  taken  from 
them  the  bright  World  {Le,  Paradise)  and 
placed  them  in  this  conflict:  what  that  is, 
I  embellish  no  words  to  (describe)  it. 

*  Afal  dare  e  mal  tener :  Chaucer  {Persones  Tale)  under  the 
head  of  De  Avaritia^  writes  as  follows  : — "  Avarice,  after  the 
description  of  Seint  Augustine,  is  a  likerousnesse  in  herte  to 
have  erthly  thinges.  Som  other  folk  sayn,  that  avarice  is  for  to 
purchase  many  erthly  thinges,  and  nothing  to  yeve  to  hem  that 
han  nede.  And  understond  wel,  that  avarice  standeth  not  only 
in  land  ne  catel,  but  some  time  in  science  and  in  glorie,  and  in 
every  maner  outrageous  thing  is  avarice  ....  Sothly,  this 
avarice  is  a  sinne  that  is  ful  dampnable,  for  all  holy  writ  curseth 
it,  and  speketh  ayenst  it,  for  it  doth  wrong  to  Jesu  Christ ;  for 
it  bereveth  him  the  love  that  men  to  him  owen  .  .  .  And 
therefore  sayth  Seint  Poul,  That  an  avaricious  man  is  the 
thraldome  of  idolatrie." 

Under  the  head  of  Remedium  Avaritia^  also  in  The  Persones 
Tale,  Chaucer  goes  on  to  speak  of  Prodigality,  which  he  terms 
*'  fool-largesse."  *'  But  for  as  moche  as  som  folk  ben  un- 
mesurable,  men  oughten  for  to  avoid  and  eschue  fool-largesse, 
the  which  men  clepen  waste.  Certes,  he  that  is  fool-large,  he 
yeveth  not  his  catel,  but  he  leseth  his  catel.  Sothly,  what  thing 
that  he  yeveth  for  vaine-glory,  as  to  minstrals,  and  to  folk  that 
bere  his  renome  in  the  world,  he  hath  do  sinne  therof,  and  non 
almesse  :  certes,  he  leseth  foul  his  good,  that  ne  seketh  with 
the  yefte  of  his  good  nothing  but  sinne.  He  is  like  to  an  hors 
that  seketh  rather  to  drink  drovy  or  troubled  water,  than  for  to 
drink  water  of  the  clere  well.  And  for  as  moche  as  they  yeven 
ther  as  they  shuld  nat  yeven,  to  him  apperteineth  thilke  malison, 
that  Crist  shall  yeve  at  the  day  of  dome  to  hem  that  shuld  be 
dampned." 


220  Readings  oh  tlu  Inferno.       Canto  vil. 

Virgilf  in  summing  up,  descants  upon  the  short* 
lived  enjoyment  of  wealth,  and  Gelli  observes  that, 
when  Virgil  wishes  to  impress  some  maxim  very 
forcibly  upon  Dante,  as  here,  he  addresses  him  as 
^  My  Son,"  for,  according  to  Solomon,  the  son  is 
bound  to  lend  an  attentive  ear  to  the  paternal  admo- 
nitions and  discipline  of  his  father,  who  only  proffers 
them  in  love. 

Or  puoi,  figliuol,  veder  la  corta  bufia* 

De*  ben,  che  son  commessi  alia  Fortuna, 
Perch^  r  umana  gente  si  rabboflh. 

Ch^  tutto  1*  oro,  ch'  h  sotto  la  luna,t 

O  che  gik  ill,  di  queste  anime  stanche  65 

Non  poterebbe  fiime  posar  una." — 

Now,  my  Son,  thou  canst  discern  the  short- 
lived vanity  of  those  possessions  that  are 
committed  to  Fortune,  for  which  the  human 
race  is  (ever)  wrangling.  For  all  the  gold 
that  is  under  the  moon,  or  that  ever  existed, 
would  not  give  rest  to  one  of  these  weary  y 
souls." 

Riches  not  only  are  of  no  avail  to  withdraw  souls  out 
of  Hell,  neither  can  they  purchase  the  shortest  respite 
from  their  torments,  for  in  Hell  there  is  no  redemp- 
tion possible.  In  the  moral  sense  this  would  mean 
that  riches  can  in  no  sort  of  way  give  rest  or  peace  to 
those  who  have  made  wealth  their  one  object  in  life. 

*  buffa:  In  the  Vocaholario  delta  Crusca  the  primary  significa- 
tion given  to  buffii  is  vanity,  emptiness,  in  the  sense  that  it  is  used 
in  EccUsiastes, 

t  tutto  P  oro^  che  i  sotto  la  tuna  :  so  also  Chaucer,  Legcnde 
of  Hypermestre^  line  77  : 

"  For  aU  the  gode  under  the  cold  Mone." 


Canto  VII.        Readings  on  the  Inferno,  221 

Division  IV,  In  ending  his  last  speech  Virgil  had 
incidentally  mentioned  Fortune,  and  Dante  now  asks 
Virgil  what  is  that  Fortune  which  has  such  influence 
upon  worldly  possessions.  He  then  puts  into  the 
mouth  of  Virgil  an  account  of  Fortune,  so  little 
understood  by  the  race  of  men. 

Gelli  discusses  this  subject  at  great  length.  He 
says  Aristotle  blamed  the  writers  of  his  time  because 
they  did  not  write  definite  treatises  on  Fortune,  either 
to  prove  there  was  no  such  thing,  or  else  to  show 
what  it  was,  as  they  had  done  with  all  other  causes. 
Gelli  thinks  that  Dante,  fearing  to  fall  into  this  error, 
pictures  himself,  so  soon  as  he  hears  Virgil  mention 
Fortune,  as  hastening  to  ask  him  what  it  is.  Gelli 
then  enters  at  great  length  into  various  theories  about 
Fortune.  He  thinks  Aristotle  has  written  on  the 
subject  with  far  more  insight  than  anyone  else.  He 
contends  that  the  Aristotelian  theory  is  that  the 
caus<*  of  all  things  that  happen  with  regularity  or 
with  frequency  is  Nature  ;  whereas  the  cause  of  those 
that  occur  rarely,  unnaturally,  or  accidentally  is  not 
known.  But  as  this  phrase,  "  I  do  not  know  *'  is 
repugnant  to  philosophers,  they  gave  it  instead  the 
name  "Fortune."  They  say  it  is  not  Nature,  but 
they  do  not  state  what  it  is.  Gelli  adds  that,  when 
Fortune  is  said  to  have  been  the  cause  of  anything,  it 
is  no  more  than  saying  that  the  cause  is  not  clearly 
known.  But  he  considers  the  opinion  of  Christians 
to  be  that  Fortune  is  not  anything  real,  but  a  mere 
name,  invented  by  the  vulgar,  in  order  to  have  some- 
thing on  which  to  lay  the  blame  of  human  impru- 
dence and    folly.    Christians  do   not    like  the  term 


222  Readings  oh  tki  lufemo.       Canto  vii. 

^  Fortune,"  but  attribute  all  that  happens  in  the  worid 
to  the  Providence  of  God,  who  alone  rules  and  go- 
verns the  world  according  to  His  Good  Pleasure. 
Job  did  not  lay  the  blame  of  his  losses  upon  Fortune, 
but  said,  "  The  Lord  gave,  and  the  Lord  hath  taken 
away,  blessed  be  the  name  of  the  Lord."  This  is  the 
view  accepted  by  Christians,  approved  in  Holy  Writ, 
and  here  adopted  by  Dante ;  but  wishing,  poet  like, 
to  throw  a  veil  of  allegory  over  it,  Dante  imagines 
Fortune  to  be  the  disposer  of  worldly  possessions, 
meaning,  that  the  Providence  of  Grod  is  a  real  thing, 
like  unto  one  of  those  Intelligences  which  He  has 
ordained  to  move  and  govern  the  Heavens,  and  that 
Fortune  governs  and  causes  permutations  in  earthly 
possessions,  just  as  those  Intelligences  do  in  their 
respective  Heavens. 

— **  Maestro," — diss*  io  lui, — "  or  mi  di*  anche  : 
Questa  Fortuna,  di  che  ti}  mi  tocche, 
Che  ^,  che  i  ben  del  mondo  ha  s)  tra  branche  ?  " — * 

"Master,"  said  I  to  him,  "Now  tell  me 
also :  This  Fortune  to  which  thou  makest 
allusion  (in  speaking)  to  me,  what  is  it,  which 
has  the  goods  of  the  world  so  (completely) 
in  its  clutches?" 

*  branche  are  properly  the  forepaws  of  the  lion.  This  is  very 
well  illustrated  in  Inf,  xxvii,  43-45,  ^bere  the  City  of  Fori!  is 
said  to  be  lying  under  the  clutches  of  the  green  paws,  meaning 
that  it  was  suffering  under  the  tyranny  of  the  Ordelaffi,  then 
Lords  of  Fori),  who  bore  on  their  shield  the  upper  half  of  a  lion 
vert ;  and  being  only  the  upper  half,  of  course  branche  would 
mean  the  /ore-psLWS  : 

"  La  terra  che  fe'  gik  la  lunga  prova, 

E  de*  Franceschi  sanguinoso  mucchio, 

Sotto  le  branche  verdi  si  ritrova." 


Canto  VII.        Readings  on  the  Inferno.  223 

Dante  has  used  the  word  tranche  as  a  term  of  con- 
tempt, for  which  Virgil  now  reproves  him,  and  makes 
him  to  understand  that  Fortune  is  a  spirit  of  Heaven, 
and  a  Minister  of  God.  To  prove  the  importance  of 
the  doctrine  he  is  about  to  inculcate,  he  tells  Dante 
that  he  must  receive  his  explanation,  as  a  child 
receives  nourishment.* 

E  quegli  a  me  : — "  O  creature  sciocche,t  70 

Quanta  ignoranza  h  quella  che  vi  ofTende  ! 
Or  vo'  che  tu  mia  sentenza  ne  imbocche  : 

Colui,  lo  cui  saper  tutto  trascende, 
Fece  li  cieli,  e  di^  lor  chi  conduce, 
S)  che  ogni  parte  adogni  parte  splende,  75 

Distribuendo  ugualmente  la  luce  : 

Similemente  agli  splendor  mondani 
Ordinb  general  ministra  e  ducci 

Che  permutasse  a  tempo  li  ben  vani, 

Di  gente  in  gente  e  d'  uno  in  altro  sangue,         80 
Oltre  la  difension  de'  senni  umani : 

Perch6  una  gente  impera,  e  V  altra  langue, 
Seguendo  lo  giudizio  di  costei, 
Che  h  occulto,  come  in  erba  1'  angue. 

And  he  to  me:  "O  foolish  creatures,  how 
great  is  that  ignorance  which  makes  you 
stumble !     Now    I    wish    thee    (Dante)    to 

*  Line  70  et  seq :  Scartazzini  points  out  that,  in  the  lines 
that  follow,  Dante  retracts  an  opinion  that  he  had  expressed  in 
Conv,  iv,  ch.  11,  where  he  says  of  riches  :  **  Dico  che  la  loro 
imperfezione  primamente  si  pu6  notare  nella  indiscrezione  del 
loro  avvenimento,  nel  quale  nulla  distributiva  giustizia  risplende^ 
ma  tutta  iniquitk  quasi  sempre.** 

f  creature  sctocche  :  Virgil  speaks  of  men  in  general  as  foolish 
creatures  for  thinking  that  worldly  goods  belong  to  Fortune, 
whereas  she  is  only  the  appointed  distributor  of  them. 


224  Readings  an  tin  Infimo.       Canto  VII. 

receive  my  judgment  into  thy  mind  (Hi. 
mouth).  He,  whose  Omniscience  trans- 
cends all,  created  the  Heavens,  and  gave 
them  those  who  guide  them  (i.  e,  directing 
Intelligences  or  Angels),*  so  that  every 
part  might  shine  to  every  part,  equally 
distributing  the  light:  in  like  manner  for 
worldly  splendours  He  appointed  a  general, 
ministress  and  guide,  who  from  time  to  time 
might  change  the  empty  goods  from  nation 
to  nation,  and  from  one  family  (///.  blood)  to ' 
another,  bejrond  prevention  of  human  intel- 
ligence ;  therefore  one  nation  rules,  and 
another  languishes,  pursuing  the  decree  of 
her  (Fortune),  who  is  hidden  like  a  snake  in 
the  grass. 

As  without  warning  the  lurking  snake  will  bite  the 
unsuspecting  passer-by,  so  will  Fortune  come  sud- 
denly upon  a  man,  and  hurl  him  down,  while,  in 
fancied  security,  he  is  in  the  very  flower  of  prosperity ; 
and  this  is  meant  to  symbolize  the  hidden  and  in- 
scrutable purposes  of  God,  which  all  the  collected 
wisdom  of  Man  is  powerless  to  hinder. 

Vostro  saper  non  ha  contrasto  a  lei  :  85 

*  Taking  dii lor chi conduce  to  mean  the  Moving  Intelligences, 
compare  Cecho  d'  Ascoli  in  his  Acerba^  book  I,  ch.  ii. 
"  £1  principio  che  muove  queste  rote 
Sono  intelligentie  separate. 
Ne  stano  dal  diviR  splendor  remote,  etc." 
This  philosopher,  who  after  having  been  the  master  of  Dante 
became  his  bitter  opponent,  was  burnt  alive  in  Florence  in  1327, 
aged  70,  as  an  Astrologer  and  a  heretic.     His  real  name  was 
Francesco  Stabili. 


Canto  VII.       Readings  on  tlu  Inferno,  225 

Ella  prowede,  giudica  e  persegue 
Suo  regno,  come  il  loro  gli  altri  Dei. 

Your  knowledge  has  no  impediment  (that  it , 
can  oppose)  to  her ;  she  foresees,  judges,  and 
pursues  her  reign  (on  Earth),  as  do  the  other 
gods  (/.^.   the  Celestial  Intelligences)  with 
theirs. 

The  reign  which  Fortune  pursues  is  her  rule  over 
temporal  goods,  which  are  as  much  under  her  do- 
minion as  the  different  spheres  of  Heaven  were,  in 
the  time  of  Dante,  said  to  be  under  the  absolute 
sway  of  the  Angels  or  Intelligences  appointed  to 
rule  over  each  of  them. 

Virgil  now  tells  Dante  how  inevitable  are  the 
changes  in  the  condition  of  those  to  whom  Fortune 
has  given  wealth  ;  she  takes  from  one,  and  gives  to 
another,  according  to  what  she,  in  her  occult  judg- 
ments, sees  to  be  for  our  good ;  and  these  changes 
are  incessant. 


Le  sue  permutazion  non  hanno  triegue  : 


.• 


*  In  Par,  xvi,  73-84,  Cacciaguida  explains  to  Dante  how 
continually  the  great  families  of  Florence,  each  in  turn,  are 
rising  and  falling.  As  many  of  the  greatest  cities  of  olden 
time  had  fallen  into  obscurity,  it  is  not  surprising  that  families 
do  so,  and  these  changes  in  Florence  are  as  incessant  and 
regular  as  the  tides  on  the  sea-shore. 

"  Se  tu  riguardi  Luni  ed  Urbisaglia 

Come  son  ite,  e  come  se  ne  vanno 
Di retro  ad  esse  Chiusi  e  Sinigaglia  : 
Udir  come  le  schiatte  si  disfanno, 

Non  ti  parrk  nuova  cosa,  n^  forte, 
Poscia  che  le  cittadi  termine  hanno. 

Q 


226  Readings  on  tke  Inferno.        Canto  vil. 

Necessity  le  fa  ester  veloce,* 
SI  spesso  vien  chi  vicenda  consegue.  90 

Le  vostre  cose  tutte  hanno  lor  morte 

SI  come  voi ;  ma  celasi  in  alcuna 

Che  dura  molto,  e  le  vite  son  corte. 
£  come  il  volger  del  del  della  luna 

Copre  ed  iscopre  i  lid  senxa  posa, 

Cosl  fo  di  Fiorenza  la  fortuna." 

*  Necessiid  le  fa  esser  veioce  :  Ceccho  d'  Ascoli  was  highly 
indignant  at  this  idea  of  Dante's,  and  severely  censures  it  in 
his  Second  Book  of  the  Acerta  I,  line  19  ei  seq. : 
^  In  ci6  peccasti,  fiorentin  poeta 

Ponendo  che  gli  ben  de  la  fortuna 
Necessitati  sono  con  loro  meta, 
Non  e  fortuna,  che  rason  non  venca. 
Hor  pensa,  Dante,  se  prova  nessuna 
Se  pu6  far  che  questa  se  convenca. 
Fortuna  non  h  altro  che  disposto 
Del  che  dispon  cosa  animata, 
Qual  disponendo  se  trova  V  opposto, 
Non  vien  necessitato  il  ben  felice, 
Essendo  in  libertk  1'  alma  creata, 
Fortuna  in  lei  non  pu6  se  contradice." 
Benvenuto  says  that  with  all  due  reverence  for  Ceccho  d' 
Ascoli,  he  cannot  help  remarking  that,  if  the  latter  had  been  as 
good  a  poet  as  he  was  an  astrologer,  he  would  not  have  in- 
veighed so  rashly  against  Dante,  for  he  ought  to  have  taken 
it  for  granted  that  the  author  of  the  Purgatorio  would  not  have 
given  a  direct  contradiction  to  his  own  words  in  Purg,  xvi, 

67-75  : 

"  Voi  che  vivete,  ogni  cagion  recatc 

Per  suso  al  ciel,  cos)  come  se  tutto 

Movesse  seco  di  necessitate. 

Se  cos)  fosse,  in  voi  fora  distrutto 

Libero  arbitrio,  e  non  fora  giustizia, 

Per  ben,  letizia,  e  per  male,  aver  lutto. 


Canto  VII.        Readings  on  the  Inferno.  227 

Her  changes  have  no  truces :  Necessity 
causes  them  to  be  swift,  so  often  comes 
one  who  obtains  his  turn  (of  luck). 

It  is  necessary  that  God's  provisions  should  be 
carried  out,  and  the  difTerent  vicissitudes  occur  so 
frequently  that  they  must  of  necessity  be  rapid. 

Virgil  goes  on  to  point  out  h6w  unjust  men  are 
to  upbraid  Fortune  when  they 'have  suffered  from 
these  permutations  by  falling  from  prosperity  into 
adversity. 

Quest'  6  colei,  ch'  h  tanto  posta  in  croce  * 
Pur  da  color  che  le  dovrian  dar  lode, 
Dandole  biasmo  a  torto  e  mala  voce. 

This  is  she,  who  is  so  execrated,  even  by  those 

Lo  cielo  i  vostri  movimenti  inizia, 

Not!  dice  tutti  :  ma,  posto  ch'  io  il  dica, 
Lume  v'  h  date  a  bene  ed  a  malizia." 
And  Benvenuto  states  that  some  explain  this  passage  for 
Dante  thus  :  *'  If  Fortune  exists  at  all,  of  necessity  she  is  ever 
changing,  for  Boethius  says  that,  if  once  she  begins  to  stand  still, 
she  ceases  to  be  Fortune.  Therefore  necessity  is  a  natural  con- 
sequence, as,  for  example,  it  is  necessary  for  anyone  to  be  rea- 
sonable ;  it  is  necessary  for  me  to  have  a  free  will."  Horace, 
I    Cartn.  xxxv,  in  his  Ode  to  Fortune,  thus  addresses  her, 

verse  1-4  • 

**  O  diva,  gratum  quae  regis  Antium, 

Prsesens  vel  imo  tollere  de  gradu 

Mortale  corpus  vel  superbos 

Vertere  funeribus  triumphos.*' 
And  verse  17  : 

"  Te  semper  anteit  -saeva  necessitas,  etc." 

*  posta  in  croce :  The  Voc,  delta  Crusca  says  porre  in  croce 
means  to  censure  with  curses^  Lat.  vituperare.  The  expression 
is  quite  common  in  Tuscany. 

Q2 


228  Readings  an  the  Infimo.       Canto  VII. 

who  ought  to  give  her  praise,  (and  instead 
are)  wrongfully  giving  her  blame  and  abuse. 

Virgil  concludes  by  remarking  that  Fortune  is 
equally  indifferent  to  praise  or  censure. 

Ma  ella  s'  h  beata,  e  ci6  non  ode  : 

Con  V  altre  prime  creature*  lieta  9S 

Volve  sua  spera,  e  beata  si  gode. 

But  she  is  blessed,  and  heeds  it  not:  with 
the  other  primal  creatures  (Le,  the  Angels), 
she  joyfully  rolls  her  sphere  on,  and  rejoices 
in  her  blessedness. 

This  means,  that  she  continues  to  direct  all  the 
revolutions  and  permutations  of  worldly  possessions 
which  are  committed  to  her  charge,  in  the  same  way 
as  do  the  other  Angels  in  the  spheres  committed  to 
them.  And  let  us  again  recollect  that  by  Fortune 
is  symbolized  Divine  Providence. 

Both  Benvenuto  and  Buti  interpret  volve  sua  spera 
as  simply  meaning  the  wheel  of  Fortune ;  and  Buti 
says  that  poets  figuratively  pictured  the  wheel  as 
revolving,  to  show  how  the  different  changes  went 
round  as  it  were  in  a  circle.  He  adds  that  these 
revolutions  can  be  seen  in  cities  and  provinces,  for 
when  provinces  by  the  mutability  of  Fortune  have 
become  poor  they  become  of  necessity  humble  ;  hu- 
mility gives  them  patience  ;  patience  brings  peace ; 
peace  brings  wealth ;  but  wealth  brings  out  pride ; 
and   pride  impatience ;   impatience  brings  war,  and 

*  prime  creature :  the  Angels,  who,  with  the  heavens  were  said 
to  have  been  the  first  creations  of  God.    Compare  Inf,  iii,  7-8  : 

"  Dinanzi  a  me  non  fur  cose  create, 
Se  non  eteme." 


Canto  VII.        Readings  on  the  Inferno. 


229 


war  poverty;  and  poverty  again  brings  back  hu- 
mility, and  so  it  proceeds  as  it  were  in  a  circle.  And 
although  this  is  more  to  be  seen  in  cities  and  pro- 
vinces, yet  at  times  it  may  also  be  found  in  individual 
men,  and  that  shows  that  these  permutations  are  not 
without  cause,  for  men  are  themselves  the  cause  of 
them.  And  the  better  to  demonstrate  this  circular 
revolution,  Buti  gives  a  figure,  here  reproduced,  by 
which  one  may  more  clearly  follow  and  understand 
what  he  has  just  said,  and  he  adds  that  these  effects 
arc  more  to  be  discerned  in  the  State,  where  more 
people's  wills  come  in  contact,  than  in  the  individual 
man,  who  can  more  easily  curb  his  will  than  can  be 
expected  from  the  whole  population  of  a  State.^ 


*  The  Wheel  of  Fortune  was  a  favourite  subject  of  art  in  the 
Middle  Ages.  A  figure  of  such  a  revolving  wheel  is  represented 
in  white  marble,  set  in  the  pavement  of  the  nave  of  the  Cathe- 


230  Readings  on  the  Inferno.        Canto  VII. 

Having  ended  his  remarks  about  Fortune,  Virgil 
invites  Dante  to  accompany  him  down  into  the  next 
circle,  the  Fifth,  where  are  the  spirits  of  the  Wrathful, 
the  Sullen,  and  the  Slothful.  And  here  it  must  be 
noted,  that  up  to  this  point  Dante  has  been  treating 
of  those  sins  which  take  their  origin  in  the  flesh, 
punished  in  the  upper  circles  of  Hell,  as  less  heinous 
than  those  of  which  he  is  now  about  to  speak.  These 
are  sins  of  the  temper,  and  Dante  esteems  them 
more  prejudicial  to  Society,  and,  as  they  carry  no 
gratification  with  them,  less  excusable. 

This  Fifth  Circle  of  Hell  is  situated  on  the  same 

level  as  the  Sixth,  which  is  the  City  of  Dis.     The 

Stygian  marsh  separates  the  two,  and  forms  the  moat 

round  the  City  of  Dis. 

Or  discendiamo  omai  a  maggior  pieta : 
Gik  ogni  Stella  cade,^  che  saliva 
Quando  mi  niossi,  e  il  troppo  star  si  vieta." — 

dral  of  Siena,  and  in  the  Church  of  San  Zenone  at  Verona  ; 
and   elsewhere  may  be  seen  examples   of  Wheel  of  Fortune 
windows.     Guido  Cavalcanti's  Song  of  Fortune  begins  : 
"  Lo  !  I  am  she  who  makes  the  wheel  to  turn  : 
Lo  !  I  am  she  who  gives  and  takes  away." 
Dante  and  his  Circle.     A   Collection  of  Lyrics^  translated  by 
Dante  Gabriel  Rossetti,  London,  1892,  p.  151. 

The  whole  poem  ought  to  be  carefully  compared  with  this 
passage  of  Dante,  to  which  it  bears  close  affinity,  but  space 
forbids  its  being  inserted  here. 

♦  Gi^  ogni  Stella  cade :  This  is  the  third  reference  to  time 
given  in  the  Inferno.  The  night  was  falling  when  the  two  poets 
set  out  on  their  way,  see  Inf  ii,  1-3  : 

"  Lo  giomo  se  n'  andava,  e  1'  aer  bruno 

Toglieva  gli  animai,  che  sono  in  terra, 
Dalle  fatiche  lore,  etc" 


Canto  VII.        Readings  on  the  Infertto.  23  j[ 

Now  let  us  descend  to  still  deeper  woe : 
already  every  star  is  sinking  that  was  ascend- 
ing when  I  set  out,  and  to  tarry  too  long  is 
forbidden." 

The  Ascetics  held  that  the  contemplation  of  vice 
must  only  be  so  long  as  would  suffice  to  demon- 
strate the  hideousness  of  it.  The  Poets  seem  to  be 
allowed  no  longer  time  in  Hell  than  one  night,  the 
same  as  was  conceded  to  iEneas. 

Division  V.    The  Poets  enter  the  Fifth  Circle. 

Noi  ricidemmo  il  cerchio  alP  altra  riva  100 

Sopra  una  fonte,  che  bolle  e  riversa 
Per  un  fossato  che  da  lei  deriva. 

We  cut  across  the  circle  to  the  other  bank 
above  a  spring,  that  bubbles  up  and  flows  out 
through  a  gully  that  leads  down  from  it. 

The  circle  they  cut  across  is  the  Fourth,  the  other 
bank  means  that  which  begirds  the  Fifth  Circle.  By 
their  being  adove  a  spring",  must  be  understood  that 
they  are  standing  on  considerably  higher  ground, 
and  see  the  spring  below  them. 

They  would  seem,  previously  to  this,  to  have  been 
skirting  the  edge  of  the  high  bank,  but  now  they 
strike  right  in,  and  commence  descending,  parallel 
with  the  torrent,  into  the  Fifth  Circle. 

L'  acqua  era  buia  assai  vie  piu  che  persa  :  * 

We  learn  from  the  passage  we  are  now  discussing  thsLtognt 
Stella  cade,  che  saliva  quando  (Virgilio)  si  masse;  therefore,  it  is 
now  past  midnight,  and  we  are  entering  upon  the  early  hours 
of  Easter  Eve.     In  the  last  line  of  Canto  I,  it  is  said  of  Virgil, 

"  Allor  si  mosse." 
*  persa :  this  colour  has  been  sufficiently  explained  in  Canto 


232  Readings  on  the  Infemo.        Canto  Vll. 

E  noif  in  compagnia  delP  onde  bige, 

Entrammo  gi^  per  una  via  diversa.*  105 

The  water  was  dark,  very  much  more  so  than 
perse :  and  we,  in  company  with  (/.^.  following 
the  course  of)  its  dingy  ¥raves,  entered  down- 
¥rard  by  a  difficult  path. 

A  totally  different  landscape  now  meets  their  view. 

Una  palude  fa,  che  ha  nome  Stige,t 

Questo  tristo  ruscel,  quando  h  disceso 
Al  pi^  delle  maligne  piaggie  grige.! 

This  dismal  stream,  when  it  has  descended 
to  the  foot  of  the  dark  (and)  sinister  banks, 
forms  a  marsh  which  is  named  Styx. 

V,  89.  Boccaccio,  noticing  Dante's  own  definition  of  it  in  Cotw, 
iv,  20,  as  a  colour  in  which  black  predominates  over  purple, 
remarks  that  if  the  water  of  the  Styx  is  much  darker  than  perse, 
it  follows  that  it  must  be  very  black  indeed. 

*diversa:  Some,  among  whom  is  Benvenuto,  explain  via 
diversa  as  meaning  a  different  way^  but  I  prefer  to  follow  Buti 
and  Landino,  who  give  it  the  same  signification  that  it  has  when 
applied  to  Cerberus  in  vi,  1 3,  fiera  diversa,  Buti  comments  on 
diversa^  "Cio^  sconcia  e  ria  [rugged  and  evil].  Nulla  via  h 
buona  che  mena  ai  vizj,  e  convenientemente  nulla  via  che  sia 
nelP  infemo  si  dee  dir  buona."  Landino  says  :  ^*  diversa^  cio^ 
dtfiicile,  che  cos)  significa  in  fiorentino,  e  meritamente  dimostra 
che  la  via  che  conduce  air  ira  sia  difficile."  * 

t  Stige :  compare  Virg.  ^En,  vi,  323-4  : 

"  Cocyti  stagna  alta  vides,  Stygiamque  paludem, 
Di  cujus  jurare  timent  et  fallere  numen." 

X  g^S^  •*  Benvenuto  says  that  these  dark  banks  have  a  sub- 
fiisc  colour  like  a  black  monastic  habit  (guce  habent  colorem 
subnigrum^  qualis  est  vestis  nigra  tnonacalis). 


Canto  VII.        Readings  on  tfte  Inferno,  233 

Dante  discovers  a  new  spectacle,  namely,  the 
penalty  of  the  Wrathful. 

Ed  io,  che  di  mirar  mi  stava  inteso, 

Vidi  Rcnti  fangose  in  quel  pantano,  1 10 

Ignude  tutte  e  con  sembiante  oifeso.* 

Quest!  si  percotean,  non  pur  con  mano, 
Ma  con  la  testa,  col  petto  e  co'  piedi, 
Troncandosi  coi  denti  a  brano  a  brano. 

And  I,  who  stood  intent  to  gaze,  saw 
people  covered  with  mud  in  that  swamp, 
naked  all  of  them,  and  with  a  look  of  rage. 
They  struck  each  other  not  with  hand  only, 
but  with  the  head,  with  the  breast,  and  with 
the  feet,  tearing  each  other  piece-meal  with 
their  teeth. 

Virgil  explains  to  Dante  that  two  classes  of  sinners 
are  punished  here,  namely,  the  Wrathful  and  the 
Slothful  or  Sullen. 

Lo  buon  Maestro  disse  : — "  Figlio,  or  vedi  115 

L'  anime  di  color  cui  vinse  V  ira  :  t 
Ed  anche  vo*  che  tu  per  certo  credi, 

*  sembiante  offeso:  Benvenuto  remarks  that  the  appearance 
of  anger  in  these  shades  is  quickly  borne  out  by  their  actions  ; 
percoteansiy  etc,^  and  he  adds  that  the  wrathful,  when  they  lack 
weapons,  will  often  rend  each  other  after  the  manner  of  wild 
beasts  ;  and  as  a  matter  of  fact  he  once  saw  two  of  his  own 
pupils,  who,  no^  content  with  knocking  each  other  down,  tore 
each  other  with  their  nails  and  their  teeth. 

+  color  cui  vinse  P  ira :  Chaucer  in  The  Persones  Tale,  under 
the  heading  De  Ira^  thus  speaks  of  Ire  or  Wrath  :  "  This  sin  of 
Ire,  after  the  descriving  of  Seint  Augustin,  is  wicked  will  to  be 
avenged  by  word  or  by  dede.  Ire,  after  the  Philosophre,  is  the 
fervent  blode  of  man  yquicked  in  his  herte,  thurgh  which  he 
wold  harme  to  him  that  he  hateth  ;  for  certes  the  herte  of  man 


234  Headings  oh  the  Inferno,        Canto  vil. 

Che  sotto  1'  acqua  ha  gente  che  sospira, 

E  &nno  pullular  quest'  acqua  al  summOi 

Come  1'  occhio  ti  dice,  u'  che  s*  agginu  120 

The  good  master  said  :  **  Son,  thou  seest  now 
the  souls  of  those  whom  Wrath  overcame :' 
and  I  would  also  have  thee  believe  for  cer- 
tain, that  underneath  the  water  there  are 
people  who  sigh,  and  make  it  bubble  on  the 
surface,  as  thine  eye  tells  thee,  whichever 
way  it  ranges. 

Scartazzini  says  that  all  the  old  commentators 
agree  that  the  spirits  under  the  water  are  those  of 
the  Slothful  or  Sullen,  and  he  thinks  that  it  is  evident 
that  Dante  in  this  canto  distributes  the  sinners 
according  to  the  principle  laid  down  by  him  in  Coiiv, 
iv,  17,  that  every  virtue  has  two  collateral  enemies, 
that  is  to  say,  vices,  one  of  excess,  and  one  of  default. 
And  just  as  in  the  last  circle  he  placed  the  Misers 

by  enchaufing  and  meving  of  his  blood  waxeth  so  troubled, 

that  it  is  out  of  all  maner  jugement  of  reson Certes 

this  cursed  sinne  annoyeth  both  to  the  man  himself  and  eke  his 
neighbour.  For  sothly  almost  all  the  harme  or  damage  that 
ony  man  doth  to  his  neighbour  cometh  of  wrath  :  for  certes, 
outrageous  wrathe  doth  all  that  ever  the  foule  fende  willeth  or 
commandeth  him  ;  for  he  ne  spareth  neyther  for  our  Lord  Jesu 
Crist,  ne  his  swete  moder  ;  and  in  his  outrageous  anger  and  ire 
alas  I  ful  many  on  at  that  time,  feleth  in  his  herte  ful  wickedly, 
both  of  Crist,  and  also  of  all  his  halwes  [/>.  Saints,  from  Scam/, 
Heigti],  Is  not  this  a  cursed  vice  ?  Yes  certes.  Alas  !  it  benim- 
meth  fro  man  his  witte  and  his  reson,  and  all  his  debonaire  lif 
spirituel,  that  shuld  kepe  his  soule.  Certes  it  benimmeth  also 
Goddes  due  lordship  (and  that  is  mannes  soule)  and  the  love  of 
his  neighbours  :  it  striveth  also  all  day  ayenst  trouth  ;  it  reveth 
him  the  quiet  of  his  herte,  and  subverteth  his  soule." 


Canto  VII.        Readings  on  the  Inferno,,  235 

and  the  Prodigals  in  contiguity  to  one  another,  so, 
in  this  circle,  he  places  the  Wrathful  in  contiguity  to 
the  Slothful  or  Sullen,  their  sins  being  equally  con- 
trary to  each  other.  Pietro  di  Dante  specially 
confirms  this,  but  he  says  that,  as  Sullenness  is  a  vice 
which  is  not  so  readily  seen,  therefore  Dante  pictures 
the  Sullen  as  being  punished  in  secrecy. 

Fitti  nel  limo  dicon  :  '  Tristi  fummo 
Neir  aer  dolce  che  dal  sol  s'  allegra, 
Portando  dentro  accidioso  fummo  :  * 

Or  ci  attristiam  nella  belletta  negra.' 

Quest'  inno  si  gorgoglian  nella  strozza,  125 

Che  dir  nol  posson  con  parola  integra." 

Fixed  in  the  slime,  they  say  :   *We  (once) 
were  morose  in  the  sweet  air  that  is  gladdened 

*  accidioso  fummo :  Chaucer  thus  describes  Accidie  in  The 
Persones  Tale  under  the  head  De  Accidia  : 

**  After  the  sinne  of  wrath,  now  wol  I  speke  of  the  sinne  of 
accidie,  or  slouth  :  for  envie  blindeth  the  herte  of  a  man,  and  ire 
troubleth  a  man,  and  accidie  maketh  him  hevy,  thoughtful  and 
wrawe  (peevish).  Envie  and  ire  maken  bitternesse  in  herte,  which 
bittemesse  is  mother  of  accidie,  and  benimeth  him  the  love  of 
alle  goodnesse  ;  than  is  accidie  the  anguish  of  a  troubled  herte. 
And  Seint  Augustine  sayth :  It  is  annoye  of  goodnesse  and 
annoye  of  harme.  Certes  this  is  a  damnable  sinne,  for  it  doth 
wrong  to  Jesu  Crist,  in  as  mo'che  as  it  benimeth  the  service 
that  men  shulde  do  to  Crist  with  all  diligence.  He  doth  all  thing 
with  annoye,  and  with  wrawnesse,  slaknesse,  and  excusation,  with 
idleness  and  unlust.  For  which  the  book  sayth  :  Accursed  be  he 
that  doth  the  service  of  God  negligently.  Than  is  accidie  enemie 

to  every  estate  of  man Now  certes  this  foul  sin  of  accidie 

is  eke  a  ful  gret  enemie  to  the  livelode  of  the  body ;  for  it  ne  hath 
no  purveaunce  ayenst  temporel  necessitee  ;  for  it  forsleutheth, 
forsluggeth,  and  destroieth  all  goods  temporel  by  reccheless- 
nesse." 


236  RiodiMgs  an  tki  Infimo.        Canto  VII. 

by  the  sun,  bearing  within  (our  hearts)  the 
fumes  of  sullenness :  Now  are  we  morose  in 
the  black  ooie/  This  hymn  they  gui^le  in 
their  throats,  for  (being  choked  by  the  mud) 
they  are  not  able  to  articulate  it  in  distinct 
words." 

Benvenuto,  commenting  on  this  passage,  makes 
some  veiy  characteristic  remarks  upon  the  demeanour 
in  church  of  the  priests  of  his  day,  which  even  in 
more  modem  times  might  not  appear  to  be  uncalled 
for  to  anyone  who  has  watched  the  priests  chanting 
Vespers  in  Italian  churches.  He  says :  **  And  mark 
here  that  a  hymn  is  praise  rendered  to  God,  and  is 
to  be  sung  in  churches ;  and  so  the  author  is  justified 
in  putting  a  hymn  into  the  mouths  (of  these  spirits 
of  the  Slothful),  for  the  priests,  whose  duty  it  is  to 
chant  these  hymns,  are  just  those  who  are  most  given 
up  to  the  vice  of  sloth  and  asininity  {vicio  acciduB 
et  assinttatis),  so  that  these  lazy  fellows  often  are 
scarcely  able  to  move  their  lips  when  they  are 
chanting  the  Sacred  Office,  and  while  they  slothfuUy 
and  inaudibly  mumble  out,  '  Thou  shalt  open  my 
lips,  O  Lord,'  they  sit  themselves  down.  Therefore 
Dante  has  done  well  in  adding  the  cause  of  this  gurg- 
ling, by  saying  that  they  are  not  able  to  chant  their 
hymn  in  articulate  words,  for  these  priests  very  often 
do  not  pronounce  the  words  of  the  Psalms  distinctly, 
but  rather  swallow  them  down." 

Another  view  sometimes  held,  is  that  these  are  not 
the  accidiosi  in  the  technical  sense  found  in  the 
Purgatorio^  but  represent  the  sullen  or  sulky  type 
of  anger  («t«poi)  as  contrasted   with  the  passionate 


Canto  VII.        Readings  on  the  Inferno.  237 

type  {6frfSXK).  The  two  types  would  naturally  be 
punished  together,  though  with  an  appropriate  dif- 
ference of  detail  in  the  manner  of  their  punishment. 
They  are  treated  together  by  Aristotle,  and  this 
sense  of  sullen  or  sulky  certainly  fits  in  with  lines 
121 — 123. 

The  Canto  is  brought  to  a  conclusion  with  a  de- 
scription of  how  the  Poets  walk  along  the  edge  of 
the  fen,  until  they  come  to  the  spot  whence,  in  the 
next  Canto,  they  are  to  be  ferried  by  Phlegyas  in  his 
boat  over  the  water  that  divides  them  from  the  City 
of  Dis. 

Cosl  gtrammo  della  lorda  pozza  * 

Grand'  arco  tra  la  ripa  secca  t  e  il  mezzo,  % 
Con  gli  occhi  volti  a  chi  del  fango  ingozza : 

Venimmo  appi^  d'  una  torre  al  dassezzo.  130 

So  we  walked  round  a  great  arc  of  (the 
circumference)  of  the  foul  pool,  between 
the  dry  bank  and  the  swamp,  with  our 
eyes  turned  towards  those  who  gulp  down 

*  pozza :  Gelli  says  that  pozza  and  pozzanghera  in  Tuscany 
mean  every  kind  of  collection  of  waters,  such  as  pool,  pond, 
lake,  lagoon,  dam,  fen,  etc. 

t  ripa  secca :  Buti  has  a  curious  reading  here.  He  reads 
ripa  sesia^  and  explains  it  that,  although  we  are  describing  the 
Fifth  Circle,  yet  this  bank  is  the  bank  of  the  Sixth. 

X  mezzo :  Blanc  ( Voc,  Dani.)  says  that,  with  the  exception  of 
Rossetti  and  Guintforte,  all  the  commentators  explain  mezzo 
in  this  one  passage  to  signify  the  soft  ground,  marsh,  or  swamp 
between  which  and  the  dry  bank  the  Poets  are  walking.  Blanc 
thinks  it  is  perhaps  derived  from  mitis,  Gelli  explains  it  as 
tenera  e  molle. 


End  of  Canto  VII. 


Canto  VIII.       Readings  on  t/u  Inferno.  239 


CANTO  VIII. 


The  Fifth  Circle. 

The  Wrathful  (continued). 
Phlegyas. 

FiLIPPO  Argentl 

The  City  of  Dis. 

The  Fallen  Angels  at  the  Gate. 

The  conclusion  of  the  last  Canto  found  Dante  and 
Virgil  arriving  at  the  foot  of  a  tower,  after  having 
skirted  the  Stygian  fen  for  a  considerable  distance 
along  its  edge,  from  which  they  were  able  to  view 
the  punishment  of  the  Wrathful.  This  they  continue 
to  witness  in  the  present  Canto,  until  they  reach  the 
opposite  shore,  where  the  City  of  Dis  stands,  which  is 
the  Sixth  Circle. 
Bcnvcnuto  divides  the  Canto  into  four  parts. 

In  the  First  Division^  from  v.  i  to  v.  30,  Dante 
mentions  the  two  watch  towers  on  the  two  sides  of 
the  fen,  and  how,  after  an  exchange  of  signals  between 
them,  a  boat  is  despatched,  and  the  Poets  are  ferried 
across  the  water. 

In  the  Second  Division^  from  v.  31  to  v.  63,  the 
spirit  of  Filippo  Argenti  makes  a  vain  attempt  to 
delay  their  progress,  and  is  repulsed  by  both  Poets. 

In  the  Third  Division^  from  v.  64  to  v.  81,  they 
disembark  at  the  Gates  of  the  City  of -Dis,  after 
remarking  during  their  passage  that  its  buildings  are 
red  with  eternal  fire. 


240  Readings  an  tfu  Inferno.      Canto  vnL 

In  the  Fourth  Division,  from  v.  82  to  v.  130, 
Dante  relates  the  fierce  opposition  to  his  entrance 
within  the  gates,  that  was  made  by  the  Demon  Guar- 
dians of  the  City. 

Division  I    In  the  first  words  of  this  Canto,  Dante 

mentions  that  he  speaks,  following  oti to  what  ? 

Scartazzini  says  that  Dante  simply  means  that  he 
continues  speaking  about  the  sinners  in  the  Fifth 
Circle,  but  that  Boccaccio*  and  other  commentators 
see  in  this  verse  the  signs  of  his  resuming  his  work  on 
the  Divina  Cofnmedia  after  the  long  interruption  due 
to  his  exile.  This  opinion  is,  Scartazzini  thinks,  erro- 
neous, as  Dante  did  not  commence  writing  his  poem 


*  Boccaccio  on  the  words  to  dico^  seguitando^  with  which  the 
Canto  opens,  relates  a  story  which  has  been  accepted  as  an  his- 
torical fasX  by  some  commentators,  and  of  which  the  main  facts 
are,  that  Dante's  wife  found  in  a  chest  or  secret  cupboard  the 
first  seven  cantos  of  the  Commedia  which  he  had  written  before 
his  exile.  These  were  shewn  to  Dino  Frescobaldi,  a  poet  of 
some  repute,  and  by  his  advice  were  forwarded  to  Moroello 
Malaspina,  at  whose  Castle  in  the  Lunigiana  Dante  was  then 
staying.  Moroello,  on  receiving  them,  strongly  urged  Dante  not 
to  leave  unfinished  so  stupendous  a  piece  of  writing.  Dante  is 
credited  with  having  answered  :  "  The  restitution  of  my  greatest 
work  is  the  return  of  my  honour  for  many  centuries."  It  has 
been  remarked  by  several  learned  Dantists  that,  if  the  opening 
words  of  this  Canto  furnish  a  proof  that  Dante's  work  was  here 
resumed  after  a  long  interruption,  it  might  as  well  be  affinned 
that  Ariosto  was  interrupted  in  his  Orlando  Furioso,  because  he 
begins  Canto  xvi,  st.  5  : 

'*  Dico,  la  bella  istoria  ripigliando," 
and  Canto  xxii,  st.  3  : 

"  Ma  tomando  al  lavor,  che  vario  ordisco." 


Canto  VIII.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  241 

until  the  last  eight  years  of  his  life,  but  he  remarks  in 
his  volume  ol  Prolegomeni^  that  although  the  anecdote 
related  by  Boccaccio  of  the  finding  of  the  first  seven 
Cantos  of  the  Inferno^  may  not  have  been  entirely 
correct,  it  might  well  be  that  what  was  found  on  that 
occasion  was,  not  tlie  first  seven  Cantos,  but  the  whole 
of  Dante's  outline  sketch  for  the  construction  of  the 
poem  in  that  wonderful  symmetry  which  it  attained. 
Scartazzini  adds  that  all  great  writers  worthy  of  the 
name  invariably  accumulate  a  mass  of  materials,  and 
Dante  had  doubtless  arranged  a  skeleton  form,  the 
dry  bones  of  which  he  may  from  time  to  time  have 
clothed  with  flesh.  Perchance  all  the  episodes,  and  all 
the  similes  of  the  Commedia  had  been  collected  to- 
gether like  so  many  rare  gems  to  form  a  diadem, 
which  he  only  put  together  in  the  last  eight  years  of 
his  life. 

Benvenuto  remarks  that  although  to  •  some  this 
canto  appears  easy  and  of  no  particular  count,  it  is 
in  truth  difficult,  and  one  of  great  beauty.  He  says 
that  at  the  opening  Dante  makes  a  retrogression  into 
the  preceding  canto,  at  the  close  of  which  he  related 
how  he  and  Virgil,  after  walking  along  the  bending 
shore  of  the  pool,  stayed  their  steps  at  the  foot  of  a 
lofty  tower ;  and  now  he  begins  this  canto  by  explain- 
ing in  continuation  of  the  concluding  words  of  canto 
vii,  that  for  some  considerable  time  before  they  did 
reach  the  foot  of  this  tower,  they  had  noticed  an  inter- 
change of  signals  taking  place  between  it  and  some 
distant  spot  not  visible  to  the  eye,  which  spot  how- 
ever is  the  City  of  Dis.  The  two  lights  are  displayed 
to  summon  the  ferry  boat  to  convey  two  spirits  over 

R 


242  Readings  on  the  Infemo.      Canto  VIIL 

the  water,  and  by  the  countersignal  it  is  understood 
that  the  summons  is  being  obeyed. 

Benvenuto  further  remarks  that  it  is  a  very  common 
form  of  speech  for  a  man,  when  recounting  his  travels, 
to  say :  "  We  arrived  on  such  and  such  a  day  at  such 
and  such  a  city,  but  long  before  we  drew  near  the 
shore,  we  could  see  the  lights  of  the  town  over  the 
water/' 

lo  dico  seguitando,  ch'  assal  prima 

Che  noi  fussimo  al  pi^  dell'  alta  toire, 
Gli  occhi  nostri  n'  andar  suso  alia  cima. 
Per  due  fiaininette  che  i'  vedemmo  porre, 

E  un'  altra  da  lungi  render  cenno  5 

Tanto,  ch'  a  pena  il  potea  1'  occhio  torre. 
I  say  in  continuation  (then)  that  long  before 
we  reached  the  foot  of  the  (afore-mentioned) 
lofty  tower,  our  eyes  were  raised  to  its  sum- 
mit, by  reason  of  two  cressets  that  we  saw 
displayed  there,  and  another  one  afar   off 
returning  the  signal,  so  distant  that  the  eye 
could  scarcely  distinguish  it. 
Buti  says  that  Dante  pictures  there  being  order  and 
concord  among  the  demons  to  manage  their  household 
upon  a  regular  system,  which  proves  the  truth  of  the 
words  of  Christ.*   Thus  here  the  demons  on  the  first 
tower  signal  to  those  in  the  City  of  Dis  by  hanging 
out  as  many  lights  as  there  are  spirits  to  be  conveyed 
across. 

Dante  wonders  both  at  the  signal  and  at  the  coun- 
tersignal. 

*  St,  Matt,  xii,  25-26  :  *'  Every  kingdom  divided  against  itself  is 
brought  to  desolation  ;  and  every  city  or  house  divided  against 
itself  shall  not  stand  :  And  if  Satan  cast  out  Satan,  he  is  divided 
against  himself;  how  shall  then  his  kingdom  stand  ?" 


Canto  vni.      Readings  on  the  Inferno*  243 

Ed  io  mi  volsi  a1  mar  di  tutto  il  senno  ;  * 

Dissi : — "  Questo  chc  dice  ?  e  chc  risponde 
Queir  altro  foco  ?  e  chi  son  quei  che  il  fcnno." — 

And  I  turning  to  the  Source  (///.  Sea)  of  all 
(human)  wisdom  (/.  e,  Virgil) ;  said  :  "  What 
does  this  light  say  ?  and  what  does  that 
other  one  answer?  and  who  are  they  that 
made  it  ?  " 
Benvenuto  thinks  that  Dante  meant  by  his  question 

to  ask  whether  the  signals  were  being  made  by  mortals 

or  by  fiends. 
Virgil  replies  that  the  interchange  of  lights  was  to 

call  the  ferry  boat  which  may  be  seen  approaching. 

Ed  cgli  a  me  : — "  Su  per  le  sucide  ondc  10 

Gih  puoi  scorger  quelle  che  s'  aspetta, 
Se  il  fummof  del  pantan  nol  ti  nasconde." — 

And  he  to  me :  "  Over  the  foul  waves  thou 

mayest  e'en  now  discern  what  we  are  waiting 

for,  if  the  vapours  of  the  marsh  hide  it  not 

from  thee." 

Benvenuto  points   out    that  although  Dante  had 

been  able  to  see  the  lofty  tower  with  its  signal  lights, 

his  eye-sight  cannot  penetrate  through  the  thick  marsh 

*  mar  di  tutto  il  senno :  In  the  last  canto  Dante  calls  Virgil 
"  quel  Savio  gentil,  che  tutto  scppe.**  In  Par,  xiii,  94-96,  St 
Thomas  Aquinas,  in  speaking  to  Dante  of  Solomon,  ciLlls  him 
that  king  who  asked  for  wisdom  : 

"  Non  ho  parlato  si,  che  tu  non  posse 

Ben  vedcr  ch*  ei  fu  re,  che  chiese  senno, 
Acciocchfe  re  sufficiente  fosse.** 

t  ilfummo  del  pantan  :  see  Inf,  ix,  6  : 

**  Ch^  r  occhio  nol  potea  menare  a  lunga 
Per  P  aer  nero  c  per  la  nebbia  folta." 

R  2 


244  Readings  an  tlm  Infemo.      Canto  VIIL 

exhalations  to  discern  so  small  an  object  as  a  man  in 
a  boat. 

The  rapid  advance  of  the  skiff  over  the  waters  of 
the  Styx  is  compared  to  the  flight  of  an  arrow  from 
a  bow. 

Corda  non  pinse*  mai  da  se  saetta,t 

*  Corda  non  pinsi  tie. :  The  velocity  of  the  approach  of 
Phlegyas  over  the  dark  waters  and  through  the  thick  mists  of 
the  Styx  may  be  contrasted  with  that  of  the  Pilot  Angel  bringing 
the  souls  over  the  sapphire  Ocean  in  the  light  mists  of  the 
bright  hour  of  Sunrise  to  the  Mountain  of  Puigatory.  Here 
we  have  the  weird  figure  of  Phlegyas  uttering  curses,  there  the 
radiant  Angel  directing  the  bless^  spirit-throng,  who  are  all 
of  them  chanting :  *'  When  Israel  came  out  of  Egypt."  See 
Purg»  \\y  16-18  et  seq.  to  v.  51  : 

"  Cotal  m'  appan'e,  s'  io  ancor  lo  veggia, 
Un  lume  per  lo  mar  venir  s)  ratio, 
Che  il  mover  suo  nessun  volar  pareggia." 
This  contrast  may  be  borne  out  by  Dante's  own  exclamation  of 
delight  in  Purg.  xii,  1 12-1 14,  when  he  notes  the  difference  of  his 
reception  by  the  Angels  in  the  Cornices  of  Purgatory  from  that 
of  the  fiends  in  the  Circles  of  Hell : 

"  Ahi !  quanto  son  diverse  quelle  foci 
Dalle  infernali ;  ch^  quivi  per  canti 
S'  entra,  e  laggiu  per  lamenti  feroci." 

t  saetta :  for  a  rapid  course  being  likened  to  an  arrow,  see 
description  (Virg.  j£n.  xii,  853-6)  of  the  flight  of  one  of  the 
Furies : 

'*  Harum  unam  celerem  demisit  ab  a^there  summo 
Jupiter,  inque  omen  Juturnx  occurrere  jussit. 
Ilia  volat,  celerique  ad  terram  turbine  fertur  : 
Non  secus,  ac  nervo  per  nubem  impulsa  sagitta." 
And  in  Eurip.  Orestes^  317-318,  the  Furies  are  addressed  as  : 


Canto  VIII.       Readings  on  the  Inferno,  245 

Che  si  corresse  via  per  V  aere  snella. 
Com'  io  vidi  una  nave  piccioletta  15 

Venir  per  V  acqua  verso  noi  in  quella, 
Sotto  11  govemo  d'  un  sol  galeoto, 
Che  gridava  :— "  Or  se'  giunta,  anima  fdla  ?"-  • 

Never  did  bowstring  shoot  from  itself  an 
arrow  that  ran  so  swift  a  course  away  through 
the  air,  as  I  beheld  a  tiny  bark  coming  over 
the  water  towards  us  at  that  instant,  under 
the  guidance  of  a  single  ferryman,  who  cried : 
"  Now  art  thou  arrived,  guilty  soul  ?  " 

Two  lights,  indicating  that  two  spirits  are  to  be 
conveyed,  were  hung  out  from  the  watch-tower,  but 
Phlegyas  would  seem  to  have  discovered  immediately 
he  caught  sight  of  the  two  Poets,  that  only  one  of  them 
was  likely  to  be  destined  for  punishment,  as  the  other 
was  clothed  with  flesh ;  and  he  therefore  addresses 
himself  to  one  alone. 

Virgil  silences  him,  calling  him  by  his  name,  with 

which  he  appears  to  be  as  well  acquainted  as  with 

that  of  Charon,  and  the  other  fiends  whom  they  meet 

farther  down.     Possibly  he  acquired  this  knowledge 

on  the  occasion  of  his  previous  visit  to  the  lowest 

Circle  of  Hell,  to  which  he  alludes  in  the  next  canto.* 

— "  FlegiJis,+  Flegiks,  tu  gridi  a  voto," — 

Disse  lo  mio  signore, — "  a  questa  volta  :  20 

Pill  non  ci  avrai,  che  sol  passando  il  loto.'' —  % 

*  See  canto  ix,  16-30. 

+  Flegihs:  In  the  Greek  Mythology  Phlegyas  is  said  to  have 
been  King  of  the  Lapithae.  Being  incensed  against  Apollo  for 
having  made  love  to  his  daughter  Coronis,  he  set  fire  to  the 
temple  of  the  God,  who  thereupon  killed  him  with  his  arrows 
and  condemned  him  to  severe  punishment  in  the  lower  world. 

X  loto :  from  the  Latin  lutum^  mire,  filth. 


246 


Canto  Vtll. 


"  Phlegyas,  Phlegyas,  this  time  thou  criest  ii) 
vain,"  said  my  Lord,  "  thou  wilt  not  have  us 
longer  than  while  we  pass  over  the  mire." 
Phlegyas,  though  niudi  incensed,  has  not  a  word  to 
say  in  reply. 

Quale  coll  '    '  '    '  .  ascoltft 

Che  {  I  ranimarca, 

Fecc:  Ita. 

As  one  wh  reat  deception 

has  been  p  nd  then  chafes 

over  it,  su  1  in  his    smo- 

thered fury. 
Benvenuto  sa;  hlegyas  has  had  a 

great  disappoint speeded   over  the 

waters  in  his   bark,  hoping  to  have  a  lost  soul  on 
whom  to  vent  his  anger,  he  finds  himself  obliged  to 
carry  over  a  living  man,  one  who  is  in  the  Grace  of  God, 
although  in  the  past  he  had  sinned  through  pride. 
The  Poets  now  enter  the  skiff. 

Lo  duca  inio  discese  nella  barca,  25 

£  poi  mi  fece  entrare  appresso  lui, 
E  sol,  quand'  io  fui  dentro,  parve  carca. 
Tosto  Che  il  duca  ed  io  nel  legno*  fui, 
Secando  se  ne  va  I'  aniica  prorat 
Deir  acqua  piCi  che  non  suol  con  altrui.  3a 

My  Leader  stepped  down  inIo  the  boat,  and 

*  legno:  This  word  is  used  indiscriminaiely  in  most  parts  of 
Italy  either  to  express  a  ship  or  a  carriage.  "  That  is  a  man-of- 
war!"  " L'  I  un  Ugno  di  guerra.'"  "At  what  lime  shall  I 
order  the  carriage  ? "     "A  cfu  ora  devo  ordinare  il  Ugno  f  " 

t  tanticaprora:  Boccaccio  says  ihe  boat  is  called  ancient 
because  it  has  been  conveying  shades  over  the  Styx  for  many 
s  ;  and  it  is  called  prow,  figuring  a  part  for  the  whole. 


Canto  viil.       Readings  on  the  Infimo.  247 

then  made  me  enter  after  htm,  and  only  when 
I  was  in,  did  it  seem  laden.  As  soon  as  my 
Leader  and  I  were  embarked,  the  ancient'prow 
moved  away,  furrowing  the  water  more  (1.  e, 
deeper)  than  its  wont  with  others  (namely, 
the  empty  shades). 

Benvenuto  thinks  that  one  reason  for  Phlegyas 
moving  away  so  hastily  is,  that  having  in  his  boat 
passengers,  who,  not  being  destined  for  punishment, 
were  most  unacceptable  to  him,  he  was  anxious  to  be 
rid  of  them  as  soon  as  possible. 

Division  II,  We  now  learn  how  the  shade  of  Filippo 
Argenti  attempts  to  arrest  the  progress  of  the  skiff  in 
which  the  Poets  are  passing  over  the  water,  and  it 
must  be  noted  that  Dante  particularly  mentions 
the  pool  being  stagnant,  because  in  that  part  of  it 
where  they  meet  Filippo  Argenti,  they  have  left 
behind  the  water  near  the  shore,  the  surface  of  which 
is  bubbling  with  the  sighs  of  the  Slothful  or  Sullen, 
and  are  only  in  presence  of  the  spirits  of  the  Wrathful, 
immersed,  but  not  submerged  in  the  slime. 

Mentre  noi  corravam  la  morta  gora,  * 
Dinanzi  mi  si  face  un  pien  di  fango, 
E  disse  : — "  Chi  se'  tu  che  vieni  anzi  ora  ?  " — 
While  we  were  running  over  the  stagnant  pool, 
there  rose  up  before  me  one  covered  with 

*  gora  :  Camerini  quotes  from  Bargigi  that^i^ra  is  a  volume 
of  water  turned  from  a  stream  to  be  conducted  to  a  mill  or  to 
any  other  use,  having  performed  which,  it  is  allowed  to  return 
into  the  river  from  which  it  has  been  turned.  The  English 
equivalent  is  mill  pond.  Here  it  simply  means  the  great  pool, 
marsh  or  fen. 


348  Readings  an  the  Inferno.       Canto  vin. 

mud,  and  said :  "  Who  art  thou  that  comest 
before  thine  hour  (£  r.  before  thou  art  dead)  T 

m 

This  is  the  shade  of  Filippo  Argenti,  whose  name 
in  full  was  Messer  Filippo  Argenti  de'  Cavicciult- 
Adimari,  a  knight,  extremely  wealthy,  and  so  purse- 
proud  that  he  had  the  horse  he  usually  rode,  shod 
with  silver,  whence  he  acquired  the  nick  name  of 
ArgentL  He  was  athletic,  muscular,  of  great  stature, 
and  of  a  very  violent  temper.  The  fact  that  the  family 
of  the  Cavicciuli-Adimari  were  of  the  opposite  faction 
to  Dante,  and  had  fiercely  resisted  his  sentence  of 
banishment  being  cancelled,  may  somewhat  account 
for  his  representing  their  kinsman  undergoing  so 
degrading  a  punishment,  and  one  can  well  imagine 
how  the  haughty  family  of  the  Adimari  must  have 
objected  to  hear  read  out  in  Florence  this  description 
of  one  of  them  wallowing  in  the  mire.  The  shrinking 
from  ridicule  is  far  stronger  in  the  South  of  Europe 
than  among  the  colder  nations  of  the  North. 

Dante's  indignation  is  roused  at  the  evident  belief 
of  Filippo  Argenti  that  he  is  destined  to  come  to  Hell 
at  some  time  or  other,  and  he  retorts  with  true 
Tuscan  promptitude. 

£d  io  a  lui : — **  S'  io  vegno,  non  rimango  ; 

Ma  tu  chi  se',  che  sei  si  fat  to  brutto  ? " —  35 

Rispose  : — "  Vcdi  che  son  un  che  piango." — 

And  I  to  him  :  "  If  I  do  come,  I  remain  not  \ 
but  who  art  thou,  that  art  become  so  foul  ? '' 
He  answered ;  ''  Thou  seest  I  am  one  that 
weeps." 

Scartazzini  points  out  that  Filippo  Argenti,  from 


Canto  VIII.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  249 

cowardice  and  vexation,  tries  to  conceal  his  identity.* 
In  Inf,  xxxii,  94,  we  find  Bocca  degli  Abati,  the 
traitor  of  the  Battle  of  Montaperti,  attempting  to 
withhold  his  name,  which  provokes  Dante  into  treating 
him  with  great  violence.  Benvenuto  thinks  that 
Dante's  answer  to  Filippo  was  purposely  intended  to 
increase  his  anguish,  as  though  he  would  say,  "  I  do 
not  have  to  remain,  but  thou  must  do  so,"  that  he 
then  feigns  not  to  recognize  him,  and  in  his  question, 
"Who  art  thou  that  art  become  so  foul?"  he  seems 
to  say  in  addition :  "  Where  now  is  all  the  wealth 
about  which  thou  wert  wont  to  be  so  arrogant  ? "  and 
Dante  goes  on  with  further  taunts; 

Ed  io  a  lui : — *'  Con  piangere  e  con  lutto, 
Spirito  maledetto,  ti  rimani  : 
Ch'  io  ti  conosco,  ancor  sia  lordo  tutto.*' — 

And  I  to  him  :  "  With  weeping  and  with 
sorrow,  accursed  spirit,  remain  thou  :  for  I 
know  thee,  all  befouled  as  thou  art." 

These  words  seem  to  have  so  exasperated  the  shade 
of  Fih'ppo  Argenti,  that  in  a  wild  outburst  of 
ungovernable  rage,  he  makes  for  the  boat,  with  the 
intention  of  overturning  it,  or  of  dragging  Dante  out 
of  it,  but  Virgil  interposes. 

*  All  through  the  Inferno  and  the  Purgatorio  Dante  would 
appear  not  immediately  to  recognize  the  spirits  with  whom  he 
comes  in  contact,  but  gets  a  hint  of  who  they  are,  either  from 
some  remembered  peculiarity  of  their  person,  their  speech,  their 
posture,  or  the  mode  of  their  punishment :  see  the  conversation 
with  Cavalcante  Cavalcanti,  Inf,  x,  64-5  : 

'*  Le  sue  parole  e  il  modo  della  pena 

M'  avevan  di  costui  gih  letto  il  nome.** 


250  Readings  an  the  Infemo.      Canto  Vlll. 

Allora  stese  al  legno  ambo  le  mani :  40 

Perchi  il  Maestro  accorto  lo  sospinse, 
Dicendo : — *^  Via  costk  con  gli  altri  cani." — 

Then  stretched  he  both  hands  to  the  boat : 

whereupon  the  watchful  master  thrust  him 

back,  saying :  '*  Away  there  with  the  other 

dogs." 

Benvenuto  here  remarks  of  Filippo  Argenti  that 

his  whole  conduct  and  demeanour  are  like  that  of  a 

mad  dog,  and  that  when  Virgil  thrust  him  back  he 

meant  to  say :  "  Go  away  among  the  other  shades  of 

the  Anx^nt,  who  fly  into  a  rage  at  the  slightest 

word,  as  a  dog  at  every  fly."     He  then  relates  the 

story  of  Filippo's  cruel  vengeance  against  Biondello, 

for  playing  a  practical  joke  upon  him,  and  which  we 

noticed   in   canto   vi.      Benvenuto    (vol.   i,   p.    287) 

comments  on  the  story  in   his  quaint   Latin  thus : 

Ad  propositum  ergo  vide,   qualiter  Filippus  Argenti 

pro    una    vana    buffa    distratiavit    crudeliter    vilan 

homuncionem  per  lutum  cum  furore,    Ideo  bene  nunc 

distratiatur  viliter^  ut  canis  rabidns  ab  aliis  canibus 

per  triste  coenum  infernale, 

Dante's  righteous  wrath  against  Filippo  meets  with 
an  immediate  expression  of  approval  from  Virgil. 

Lo  cello  poi  con  le  braccia  mi  cinse, 

Baciommi  il  volte,  e  disse  : — '*  Alma  sdegnosa,* 

*  sdegnosa:  Blanc  (Voc,  Dant.)  referring  te  this  passage, 
explains  it,  "filled  with  a  neble  indignation."  In  Inf,  x,  41, 
Farinata  degli  Uberti  is  thus  described  : 

'*  Guardommi  un  poco,  e  pei  quasi  sdegneso 
Mi  dimandb:  etc." 
In    that    passage    Blanc    translates    sdegnoso    "disdainful." 
Scartazzini  thinks   that   alnia  sdegfwsa  is  meant  to  express 


Canto  VIII.      Readings  on  the  Inferno.  25 1 

Benedetta  colei  che  in  te  s'  incinse.  *  45 

Then  he  threw  his  arms  about  my  neck, 
kissed  my  face,  and  said :  ''  Soul  (that  art 
justly)  indignant,  blessed  be  she  that  con- 
ceived thee. 

Virgil  goes  on  to  impress  upon  Dante  that  this 
squalid  wretch  had  in  his  life-time  been  filled  with 
arrogant  pride,  without  really  having  anything  what- 
soever to  be  proud  about,  and  adds  that  there  are 
many  like  him. 

Quel  fu  al  mondo  persona  orgogliosa  ;  t 
Bont«\  non  6  che  sua  memoria  fregi : 

disdain,  and  quotes  Di  Siena  as  saying  that  the  disdain  of 
Dante  is  placed  in  happy  contrast  to  the  arrogance  of  Filippo 
Argenti,  there  being  no  such  punishment  to  men  like  him  than 
to  be  despised  by  others.  Fraticelli  draws  particular  attention 
to  the  distinction  between  ira  and  sdegno;  the  first  is  punished, 
as  being  generally  the  vice  of  an  impotent  mind  ;  the  second  is 
praised,  as  arising  chiefly  from  hatred  to  sin. 

*  Benedetta  colei  che  in  te  j*  incinse:  Gelli  remarks  that 
Virgil  having  praised  Dante  for  his  righteous  indignation,  adds 
his  tribute  of  gratitude  to  her  who  bore  him.  He  says  that 
di  te  ^  incinse  signifies,  "  became  pregnant  of  thee,"  and  that 
the  word  incignere^  though  in  his  time  obsolete,  was  in  general 
use  in  the  time  of  Dante.  This  is  noteworthy,  for  Gelli  wrote 
in  1555,  during  the  cultivated  age  of  Leo  X,  and  yet  now  it  is  as 
common  to  hear  the  expression  una  donna  incinta  for  a 
pregnant  woman  in  Italy,  as  it  is  to  hear  oiune  femme  enceinte 
in  France. 

t  orgogliosa :  Landino  and  Vellutello  explain  that  orgogliosa 
means  arrogant,  and  that  the  man  is  called  arrogant  who 
esteems  himself  more  than  he  ought  to  do ;  and  arrogates  so 
much  to  himself  that  he  cannot  bear  to  be  opposed  or  contra- 
dicted in  any  way  whatsoever.  Gelli  rather  thinks  that  it  means 
cruel  and  pitiless,  and  cites  a  passage  in  the  Convito  where 
Dante  combines  the  words  orgogliosa  e  spietata. 


252  Readings  on  the  Inferno.      Canto  VIII. 

CosI  8*  ^  1'  ombra  sua  qui  furiosa.* 
Quanti  si  tengon  or  lassu  gran  r^ 

Che  qui  staranno  come  porct  in  brago,  50 

Di  se  lasciando  orribili  dispregi  1 " — f 

An  arrogant  personage  in  the  world  was  he ; 
no  goodness  is  there  that  adorns  his  memory : 
so  is  his  shade  here  in  rage.  How  many  are 
up  there  now  who  hold  themselves  mighty 
princes,  who  will  lie  here  as  hogs  in  the  mire, 
leaving  behind  horrible  dispraises  of  them- 
selves." 

Dante  would  seem  to  be  desirous  of  still  further 
humiliating  the  memory  of  Filippo  Argenti,  as  though 
his  degradation  had  not  been  sufficiently  exhibited. 
Ed  10 : — *'  Maestro,  molto  sarei  vago  X 


*  furiosa  :  Filippo's  frenzy  of  rage  is  evoked  on  finding  that 
a  living  man  has  recognized  him,  knowing  full  well  as  he  does 
what  an  evil  reputation  he  has  left  behind  him  in  the  world. 
It  is  only  after  that  Dante  has  pronounced  the  words  io  ii 
conoscOy  that  this  fury  breaks  forth. 

t  dispregi:    Camerini    explains    this    word    "vil   fama    di 
turpitudini."     In  the  DittatnondOy  by  Fazio  degli  Uberti,  Lib.  i, 
Cap.  i,  Terz.  6,  are  the  following  lines  : 
"...     Ogni  vita  h  cassa, 

Salvo  che  quella,  che  contempla  Iddio, 
O  che  alcun  pregio  dopo  morte  lassa." 

X  fHoito  sarei  vago^  etc.  :  Gelli  thinks  that  Dante  wishes  here 
to  show  that  his  indignation  was  not  only  just,  according  to 
moral  philosophy,  as  Virgil  had  demonstrated,  but  also  in 
complete  agreement  with  Christian  doctrine,  and  such  being 
the  case,  he  only  desires  such  vengeance  to  fall  upon  Filippo 
Argenti,  as  the  punishment  that  had  already  been  allotted  to 
him  by  the  justice  of  God  ;  that  is  of  being  ducked  in  that  mire 
in  which  he  is  to  remain  to  all  eternity.  And  in  this  petition 
he  shows  that  all  our  desires  and  prayers  must  be  in  conformity 


Canto  VIII.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  253 

Di  vederlo  attuffare  in  questa  broda, 
Prima  che  noi  uscissimo  del  lago.** — 

And  I :  ''  Master,  I  should  much  like  to  see 
him  soused  in  this  slush  (//V.  broth),  before 
we  issue  from  the  lake." 
Virgil's  reply  shows  him  to  have  much  sympathy 
with  Dante's  malicious  pleasure. 

Ed  egli  a  me  : — *'  Avanti  che  la  proda  55 

Ti  si  lasci  veder,  tu  sarai  sazio : 
Di  tal  disio  converrk  che  tu  goda." — 

And  he  to  me :  "  Before  the  (other)  shore 

comes  into  thy  view,  thou  shalt  be  satisfied  : 

thou  must  perforce  have  such  a  wish  gratified." 

Lombard!  explains  Virgirs  meaning  to  be  that  the 
frays  among  the  shades  of  the  Wrathful  are  so 
frequent  *  that  many  minutes  cannot  pass  before  the 
shade  of  Filippo  Argenti  will  suflTer  in  its  turn.  And 
so  it  turns  out. 

Dopo  ci6  poco  vidi  quelle  strazio  f 

to  the  Will  of  God.     In  Par.  iii,  7^^  et  seq.y  Piccarda  de*  Donati 
impresses  this  upon  him  : 

"  Se  disiassimo  esser  piu  superne, 
Foran  discordi  li  nostri  disiri 
Dal  voler  di  colui  che  qui  ne  ceme, 
Che  vedrai  non  capere  in  questi  giri, 


Anzi  h  formale  ad  esto  beato  esse 
Tenersi  dentro  alia  divina  voglia, 
Per  ch'  una  fansi  nostre  voglie  stesse." 

*See  vii,  112  et  seq.: 

'*  Questi  si  percotean,  non  pur  con  mano, 
Ma  con  la  testa,  col  petto  e  co'  piedi, 
Troncandosi  coi  denti  a  brano  a  brano." 
t  strasio :  Blanc  thinks  that  possibly  this  word  comes  from 


254  Readings  on  thi  Inferno.      Canto  Vlll. 

Far  di  costui  alle  fimgose  genti, 
Che  Dio  ancor  ne  lodo  e  ne  ringraxia  60 

Tutti  gridavano : — "  A  Filippo  Argenti : " — 
£  1  Fiorentino  spirito  bizzarro  * 
In  se  medesmo  si  volgea  co*  dentL 

A  little  while  after  this  I  saw  such  an  onset 
made  upon  him  by  the  miry  folk,  that  even 
now  I  praise  and  thank  God  for  it.  They  all 
were  shouting :  **  At  Filippo  Argenti  1  **  and 
the  frenzied  spirit  of  the  Florentine  turned 
against  his  own  self  with  his  teeth. 

Lombard!    thinks   that   when  one  compares  the 

the  Latin   distraciio^  any  kind  of  ill-usage ;  see   In/,  xiii, 

139-141  : 

" O  anime  che  giunte 

Siete  a  veder  lo  strazio  disonesto, 

Ch'  ha  le  mie  fronde  si  da  me  disgiunte." 

but  in  Inf.  x,  85,  the  word  has  the  signification  of  defeat,  total 

rout : 

'* Lo  strazio  e  il  grande  scempio, 

Che  face  V  Arbia  colorata  in  rosso,  etc" 

Compare  also  Petrarch  ( Trionfo  delta  CastiiX) : 

'*  Legar  il  vidi ;  e  fame  quelle  strazio, 

Che  bast6  ben  a  mill'  altre  vendetta, 

Ed  io  per  me  ne  fui  contento  e  sazio." 

*  bissarro :  Benvenuto  translates  this  word  sticciosus^  from 
which  comes  the  Italian  stizsito^  enraged.  Boccaccio  {CometUo^ 
vol.  ii,  p.  150),  writes:  "  Noi  tegnamo  bizzarri  coloro  che 
subitamente  e  per  ogni  piccola  cagione  corrono  in  ira,  n^  niai 
da  quella  per  alcuna  dimostrazione  rimuovere  si  possono." 

For  the  derivation  of  bizzarro  see  the  dictionaries  of  Skeat 
and  Littr^.  Its  origin  has  given  rise  to  much  controversy. 
Most  etymologists  derive  it  firom  bizza^  a  word  uncertain  both 
in  its  derivation  and  its  signification ;  but  Littr^  is  strongly 
opposed  to  this  view. 


Canto  VIII.       Reeuiings  on  tlu  Inferno.  255 

occasions  in  which  Dante  shows  compassion  for  the 
Lost,  with  those  in  which  he  seems  rather  to  delight  in 
witnessing  their  torments,  one  may  take  this  as 
estabh'shed,  that  he  only  has  pleasure  in  the  punish- 
ment of  those,  who,  like  Capaneus,  Vanni  Fucci,  and 
this  Filippo  Argenti,  have  set  themselves  up  in 
defiance  of  God  ;  whereas  he  shows  marked  com- 
passion for  the  Unchaste  in  canto  v,  and  for  the 
gluttonous  in  canto  vi. 

Division  III,  Dante  now  leaves  the  consideration 
of  Filippo  Argenti  and  the  Wrathful,  and  turns  his 
attention  to  the  City  of  Dis,  the  wailing  of  whose 
ill-fated  inmates  can  now  be  heard  across  the  water. 

Quivi  il  lasciammo,  ch^  piu  non  ne  narro  : 

Ma  negli  orecchi  mi  percosse  un  duolo,  65 

Perch'  io  avanti  1'  occhio  intento  sbarro  : 

Here  we  left  him,  wherefore  I  tell  no  more 
about  him  :  but  a  (sound  of)  lamentation 
smote  upon  my  ears,  whereupon  I  strain 
(///.  unbar)  my  eye  intently  forward. 

Virgil  observing  Dante's  wandering  gaze,  anticipates 
his  question,  and  tells  him  what  it  is  that  they  are 
just  beginning  to  see. 

Lo  buon  Maestro  disse  : — "  Omai,  figliuolo, 
S'  appressa  la  citt^  che  ha  nome  Dite, 
Co'  gravi  cittadin,  col  grande  stuolo." — 

The  good  master  said  :  "  Now,  son,  the  city 
that  is  named  Dis  draws  nigh,  with  sin- 
laden  denizens,  with  mighty  garrison." 

Lombardi  states  an  opinion,  pretty  generally  shared 
by  other  commentators,  that  the  City  of  Dis  not  only 


256  Readings  an  the  Inferno.      Canto  VIIL 

includes  the  place  of  punishment  of  the  heretics  and 
unbelievers  into  which  the  Poets  are  about  to  enter, 
but  also  the  whole  extent  of  Hell,  from  this  point 
right  down  to  Lucifer,  seeing  that  in  all  the  remaining 
circles  are  chastised  they  who  sinned  grrievously 
from  malice  prepense^  and  not  from  mere  human 
frailty,  like  those  who  are  punished  in  the  circles 
above.  The  City  is  strongly  fortified,  and  is  situated 
in  the  middle  of  the  Stygian  marsh. 

Here  begins,  as  we  read  in  line  7S>  Nether  Hell, 
the  kingdom  of  Dis,  or  Pluto,  the  sovereign  of  the 
Infernal  Regions ;  and  Benvenuto  says  that  it  is  well 
named  after  him,  for  in  it  are  hidden  away  the  great 
treasures  of  Hell,  namely,  such  great  sinners  as 
heretics,  tyrants,  ravishers,  assassins,  blasphemers, 
sodomites,  usurers,  the  fraudulent,  forgers  and 
traitors. 

£d  10  : — '*  Maestro,  gik  le  sue  meschite  70 

\X  entro  certo  nella  valle  cerno 

Vermiglie,  come  se  di  foco  uscite 
Fossero." — Ed  ci  mi  disse  : — "  II  foco  etemo, 

Ch'  entro  1'  affoca,  le  dimostra  rosse, 

Come  tu  vedi  in  questo  basso  infema"—  75 

And  I :  ''  Master,  already  can  I  clearly  make 
out  its  mosques,  there  in  the  valley,  as  bright 
red  as  though  they  had  (but  now)  issued  from 
the  fire."  And  he  said  to  me  :  **  The  eternal 
fire,  which  enkindles  them  within,  shows  them 
red,  as  thou  seest  in  (the  gloom  of)  this  nether 
helL" 

Both  Boccaccio  and  Buti  explain  at  some  length 
that  meschite  are  places,  built  in  honour  of  Mahomet, 
where  the   Saracens   worship,  and  having  minarets 


Canto  VIII.       Readings  on  the  Inferno,  257 

instead  of  church  towers.  And  just  as  in  the  world, 
when  travellers  are  approaching  a  city,  the  first  objects 
they  see  from  afar  are  its  temples,  which  are  usually 
lofty  and  conspicuous  ;  so  now,  when  drawing  near  to 
the  City  of  Dis,  the  first  object  the  Poets  descry  are 
the  temples  of  that  infernal  city,  which  are  the 
sepulchres  of  the  heretics ;  and  their  brazen  coverings, 
lifted  up  on  high,  have  a  roof-like  appearance  like  unto 
churches.  Dante  uses  the  Saracenic  word  mosques  to 
describe  them,  since  the  places  of  worship  of  heretics 
cannot  be  called  churches,  because  they  are  built  in 
honour  of  the  devil,  and  not  of  God.  And  he  repre- 
sents these  sepulchres  as  being  apart  from  the  main 
body  of  the  city,  and  placed  on  its  extreme  edge ;  for 
such  is  the  way  (says  Benvenuto)  of  the  conventicles 
of  heretics,  that  they  avoid  the  contiguity  of  others. 

Some  comnientators  say  that  as  the  City  of  Dis  is 
the  special  abode  of  the  heretics,  it  is  particularly 
described  as  having  mosques,  the  places  of  worship 
of  a  false  religion.  Camerini  explains  nella  valle  to 
refer  to  the  Sixth  Circle,  which,  although  on  the 
same  level  as  the  Fifth,  is  separated  from  it  by  walls 
and  moats,  from  which  it  takes  the  form  of  a  city. 

The  boat  containing  the  Poets  now  passes  within 

the  enceinte  of  the  fortifications. 

Noi  pur  giugnemmo  dentro  all'  alte  fosse,^ 
Che  vallan  f  quella  terra  sconsolata  : 

*  alte  fosse :  Brunone  Bianchi  explains  this  to  mean  deep 
moats. 

t  vallan:  Boccaccio  says  that  the  proper  .signification  of 
vallo  is  that  palisading  which  in  times  of  war  is  erected  round 
cities  to  make  them  stronger,  and  which  was  more  properly 
called  steccato^  *'  stockade ; ''  and   that  hence  the  word   also 

S 


2S8  Reailings  on  the  Infertta.        Canto 

Le  mura  mi  parean  che  ferro  fosse.* 
Non  senia  prima  far  grande  aggirala, 

VcDJmma  in  pane,  dove  il  ooccliier,  forte.f 

— "  Uscitc," — ci  gridb, — ■'  qui  4  1'  entrnta," — 

We  now  arrived  within  the  (circle  of)  the  deep 

fosses  that  fonify  that  city  of  des|>air  i    the 

walls  a]  of  iioii.     Not 


comes  to  mean,  outside  the  walls  of  n 

city  ;  and  iherefi  passed  within  the  fosses 

che  vallan,  i.  e.,  i  :iiy. 

*  Lf    mur,]    ,  /ptte :    compare   Virg. 

-*■«■  vi,  S48— 554 

"  Kci  sub  rupe  sinistra 

Ma.  :ircumdala  niuro  ; 

Qu:b  rapiQus  nammis  ambii  (orremibus  amnis 
Tartareus  Phlegethon,  tori|uelqiie  sonanlia  saxa. 
Porta     ad  versa     ingens,     solidoque    adamante 

columns  ; 
Vis  ut  nulla  virflm.  non  ipsi  evscindere  ferro 
Coelicotjc  valeani,     Stai  ferrea  turrls  ad  auras." 
And  Milton,  Par.  Losl.  ii,  643 — 648  : 

" At  last  appear 

Hell  bounds,  high  reaching  to  the  horrid  roof ; 
And  thiice  threefold  the  gates  1  three  folds  were 

brass, 
Three  iron,  three  of  adamantine  rock. 
Impenetrable,  impal'd  with  circling  fire. 
Yet  unconsum'd." 
Parean  chr  ferro  fosse :    Venturi  says  of  this  construction  : 
"  Discordania    aitica,    in    virtii  della   quale  si  ppne  il  fosse, 
singolare,  retto  da  mura,  in  luogo  A\fossero,  plurale,  che  migiio 
accorda." 

t  Benvenuto  and  some  other  commentators  think  forle  is 
an  adjective,  and  refers  to  Phiegyas,  and  would  therefore  have 
the  sense  o(  superbus,  but  the  l>etier  interpretation  seems  to  be 
thftt  given  by  Witte,  who  punauates  it  as  un  adverb. 


Canto  VIII.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  259 

without  first  making  a  wide  circuit,  we  came 
unto  a  place  where  the  ferryman  loudly  shouted 
to  us  :  "  Get  you  out,  here  is  the  entrance." 

Benvenuto  compares  with  the  above,  the  description 
of  Charon  ferrying  the  souls  across  the  Acheron,  but 
he  says  there  is  nothing  superfluous  in  this  account  of 
the  second  ferryman,  who  conveys  the  souls  from  the 
valley  into  the  City  of  Dis,  for  the  whole  fiction  is 
most  ingeniously  contrived.  Dante  pictures  this  great 
and  most  ancient  city  with  three  lines  of  fortifications, 
as,  for  example,  are  to  be  seen  in  the  City  of  Padua, 
one  of  the  most  ancient  in  Italy.  Now  in  the  first  and 
most  extended  of  the  enclosures,  which  is  not  very 
closely  guarded,  dwell  they  who  sinned  from  Inconti- 
nence. In  the  second,  which  is  more  contracted,  and 
closely  guarded,  are  those  who  sinned  from  Violence. 
But  in  the  third  and  innermost  citadel,  the  one  of 
narrowest  limits,  are  they  who  sinned  from  Fraud,  and 
at  that  point  there  will  be  found  a  third  conveyor  of 
souls  more  horrible  than  the  others,  namely  Geryon  ; 
and  finally  in  the  very  centre  of  the  City  is  the 
darkest  prison  of  all,  namely,  the  Pit  in  which  are 
punished  the  Traitors. 

Division  IV.  When  Dante,  with  Virgil,  issues  from 
the  boat  at  the  peremptory  command  of  Phlegyas,  he 
looks  up*  to  see  in  what  new  region   he  has  been 

*  Compare  in  Purg.  ii,  52-4,  the  description  of  the  wondering 
gaze  of  the  newly-arrived  spirits  on  the  sea-shore  of  Purgatocy  • 
"  La  turba  che  rimase  1),  selvaggia 

Parea  del  loco,  rimirando  intomo, 
Come  colui  che  nuove  cose  assaggia." 

S  2 


26o 


Readings  on  the  Inferno.        Canto  VIII. 


landed.  A  strange  and  weird  spectacle  is  presented  to 
his  eyes,  in  the  shape  of  a  vast  host  of  fiends  gathered 
together  on  the  bastions  of  the  fortress  of  evil.  We 
must  remember  too  that  Dante  now  sees  these  fiends 
for  the  first  time.     All  through  the  regions  above  he 


has  only  met  the  Guar 

Charon,  Minos,  Cerberus 

he  will  continue  to  meet 

until  the  time  comes  wl^ 

.  him  down  on  the  ice  in 

will  find  himself  face  to  f 

lo  vidi  piii  di  mille  ir 

Da'  ciel  piovuti.l 


ircles,  such  as 
Vom  this  point, 
Scials  of  Hell,* 
Antxus  places 
!ircle,  when  he 
er  alone. 

ite 


•  In  Purgatory,  ai  the  approach  of  the  Angel's  bark,  Virgil 
says  lo  Dante  {Purg.  ii,  29-30): 

"  Ecco  r  Angel  di  Dio  :  piega  le  mani  : 
Omai  vfdrai  di  si  fatti  offiiiali," 
and  Trom  that  point  Dante  continued  to  see  Angels  all  through 
Purgatory  and  Paradise. 

+  D^  del  piovuti :    compare  Puici  {,Morgante  Afaggiore, 
canto  ii,  St.  3)}: 

"  lo  voglio  andar  a  scoprir  quell'  avello 
Uk  dove  e'  par  che  quella  voce  s'  oda  ; 

....  Scuopri,  se  vi  fussi  deniro 
Quanii  ne  piovvon  mai  dal  ciel  nel  ceniro." 
and  Fre*ii,  (//  Quadr.  lib.  iv,  cap.  4) : 

"  Li  maladetti  piovuti  da  ciclo." 
Milton  {Par.  Lost,  vii,  131-135)  speaks  of  the  fall  of  the  Angels 
from  Heaven  : 

" Lucifer  from  Heav'n 

(So  call  him,  brighter  once  amid  the  host 
Of  Angels  than  that  star  the  stars  among) 
Fell  with  his  flaming  legions  through  the  Deep 
Into  his  place." 


Canto  VIII.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  261 

Dicean  : — "  Chi  h  costui,  che  senza  morte 
Va  per  lo  regno  della  morta  gente  ?  " —  85 

Above  the  gates  I  saw  more  than  a  thousand 
of  those  rained  down  from  Heaven  (i.e.  the 
fallen  Angels),  who  angrily  cried :  "  Who  is 
that,  who  without  (experience  of)  death  goes 
through  the  kingdom  of  the  people  dead  (in 
sin)  ?  "  • 

Virgil,  seeing  that  Dante's  living  presence  is  the 

cause  of  the  opposition  to  their  entrance,  wishes  to 

try  whether  he  can  persuade  them  to  admit  Dante 

quietly  before  invoking  the  assistance  of  a  Higher 

Power. 

£  il  savio  mio  Maestro  fece  segno 
Di  voler  lor  parlar  segretamente. 

And  my  sage  Master  made  a  sign  of  wishing 
to  confer  with  them  in  private. 

Benvenuto  thinks  the  repugnance  of  the  demons  to 
the  presence  of  a  living  person  was  owing  to  their 
conviction  that  a  recital  on  Earth  of  the  torments  of 
Nether  Hell  would  act  upon  men  as  a  strong  deterrent 
to  sin. 

Virgil's  advances  are  not  wholly  without  effect. 

Allor  chiusero  un  poco  il  gran  disdegno, 

E  disser  : — "  Vien  tu  solo,  e  quei  sen  vada, 

Che  s)  ardito  entr6  per  questo  regno.  90 

Sol  si  ritomi  per  la  folle  strada  : 
Provi  se  sa ;  ch^  tu  qui  rimarrai, 
Che  gli  hai  scorta  s)  buia  contrada." — 

*  Benvenuto  observes  that  Dante  himself  was  not  like  these, 
dead  in  sin,  for  he  had  not  when  alive  practised  either  deceit 
or  fraud,  with  the  exception  perhaps  of  some  youthful  deceits 
towards  women. 


262  Readings  on  ihf  Inferno.       Canto  VIII. 

Then  abated  they  somewhat  ih<;ir  yreat  fiiry, 
and  snid  (to  Virgil) :  "  Come  ihou  alone,  and 
let  him  begone,  who  has  so  audaciously  en- 
tered into  this  kingdom.  Let  him  return  alone 
on  his  path  of  folly ;  -  let  him  tiy,  if  he  knows 
how;  for  thou  shall  remain,  who  haat  escorted 
him  ovei 
Dante's  terrc  if  beinpf  lefl  alone  is 

so  great,  that  his  readers,  be^ng 

them  to  imag  his  position,  and  to 

enter  into  his  fi 

Pensa,  L<  tai 

Nel  L  :dette:  ^ 

Ch'  it  rci  mai. 

Imagine,  Reader,  if  1  was  struck  with  con- 
sternation at  the  sound  of  the  accursed  words: 
for  I  did  not  believe  that  I  could  ever  get 
back  to  it  (t.t.  the  World). 
Blanc  thinks  the  ci  in  ritoriiarci  rather  means  "out 
of  this  place." 

Dante  implores  Virgil  not  to  desert  him,  and  in- 
vokes him  by  a  recapitulation  of  all  the  protection 
and  guidance  he  has  hitherto  afforded. 
— "  O  caio  duca  mio,  che  piii  di  setle 

VoUe*  \n'  hai  sicurii  renduta,  e  iratto 
D'  alio  perigiio  che  Jnconlra  mi  stetle, 

*  pih  di  Situ  volte,  etc.:  Scartaiiini  shows  that  there  had 
actually  been  eight  occasions  in  which  Virgil  had  come  to 
Dante's  aid. 

I*  From  the  wolf    Inf.     i,    49 

3°  From  his  own  doubts   „      ii,  130 

3'  from  Charon   „     iii,    94 


Canto  VIII.       Readings  on  tlte  Inferno,  263 

Non  mi  lasciar,'' — diss*  io,,— "  cosl  disfatto  : — ♦        100 
£  se  '1  passar  piii  oltre  c*  k  negato, 
Ritroviamf  P  orme  nostre  insieme  ratto." — 

5*  From  Cerberus  Inf.  \\^    22 

6*  From  Plutus  „    vii,      8 

7*  From  Phlegyas „  viii,    19 

8*  From  Filippo  Argenti  >i  viii,    41 

He  says  however  that  he  only  gives  these  details  for  the  benefit 

of  those  who  desire  chapter  and  verse,  but  that  to  him  it  seems 

absurd  to  suppose  that  Dante,  in  a  moment  of  such  terrible 

anxiety,  would  have  counted  up  the  number  of  times  that  Virgil 

had  restored  confidence  to  him.     He  thinks  it  far  better  to  take 

seven  to  be  an  indefinite  number,  as  we  often  find  in  Holy  Writ. 

Compare  Prov.  xxiv,  16  :  "  For  a  just  man  falleth  seven  times, 

and  riseth  up  again,"  and  Eccles.  xi,  2  :  "  Give  a  portion  to 

seven,  and  also  to  eight."    See  also  In/,  viii,  82-3  : 

'*  lo  vidi  piu  di  mille  in  sulle  porte 

Da'  ciel  piovuti." 
and  ix,  79  : 

**  Vid'  io  piu  di  mille  anime  distrutte  etc." 

Both  of  these  last  passages  simply  express  a  vast  multitude. 

*  disfatto :  Ulanc  ( Voc,  Dant,)  says  that  in  this  one  instance 
the  word  disfatto  is  used  in  the  sense  of  dilaiss^y  ddsespM^  ver- 
liusen^  vcrzweifelnd.  Scartazzini  also  gives  that  meaning  to  it, 
but  quotes  Di  Siena,  who  thinks  it  rather  implies  intense  ex- 
haustion and  weariness  consequent  on  the  complete  prostra- 
tion of  Dante's  spirit,  after  all  the  horrors  he  has  witnessed, 
and  the  imminence  of  his  present  danger.  Di  Siena  thinks 
this  is  shown  by  Virgil's  answer  to  Dante  in  lines  106-7  • 
'*  Ma  qui  m'  attendi ;  e  lo  spirito  lasso 

Conforta  e  ciba  di  speranza  buona." 

t  Ritroviain:  Camerini  explains  this  word  to  have  some- 
times the  signification  of  "  to  repeat,"  "  to  retrace."  He  quotes 
the  following  sentence  from  La  Vita  di  Santa  Maria  Madda- 
iena :  *Mn  questo  modo  si  consumava  tutta,  ritrovando  (i>. 
retracing,  reconsidering)  ogni  parola  e  ogni  cosa  che  le  era 
detta." 


164 


itigs  on  the  Inferno.        Canto  VIII, 


"Oh  my  beloved  leader,  wlio  for  more  Ihnti 

seven  times  hast  restored  to  me  security,  and 

brought  me  out  of  the  imminent  peril  that 

faced  (lit.  stood  before)  me,  do  not,"  I  said, 

"leave  me  thus  lost  in  despair:  and  if  further 

progress  be  denied  us,  let  us  quickly  retrace 

our  steps  Ji 

Virgil  with  m  thes  his  alarm,  and 

assures  him  that  igh  the  city  cannot 

be  impeded,  and  case  abandon  him. 

E  quel  %\\  naio. 

Mi  dia  le  il  nostro  passo 

Non  c  tal  n'  6  tlnin*        loj 

Conforla  c  ciba  di  sperania  buona, 

Ch'  io  non  ti  lascer6  nel  mondo  basso."— 

And  that  Lord,  who  had  conducted  me  thither 
said  to  me  :  "  Fear  not,  for  no  one  can  take 
from  us  our  onward  course  :  by  Such  an  One 
(i.e.  God)  has  it  been  granted  to  us.  But 
await  me  here ;  and  comfort  and  nourish  thy 
wearied  spirit  with  good  hoi^e,  for  1  will  not 
desert  thee  in  the  nether  world." 


*  da  tal »'  i dato :  Virgil's  reassuring  woids  lo  Uanie  remind 
one  of  those  of  Elislia  to  his  servant  when  encompassed  in 
Dothan  by  the  ho^ls  of  the  King  of  Syria.  2  Kings,  vi,  i5-[6  : 
"And  his  sei-vant  said  unto  him,  Alas  my  master  1  how  shall 
we  do?  And  he  answered,  Fear  not :  for  they  that  be  with 
us  are  more  ihan  ihey  ihat  be  with  iheni."  For  lal  in  the 
sense  of  meaning  God,  compare  Purg.  xxxi,  37-39  : 
"  Ed  ella  :  '  Se  tacessi,  o  se  negassi 

Ci6  che  confessi,  non  fora  men  nota 
La  colpa  tua  :  da  lal  giudice  sassi."' 


Canto  VIII.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  265 

Dante  in   great  terror  watches  the  interview  of 
Virgil  with  the  denizens  of  Dis. 

Cosl  sen  va,  e  quivi  m'  abbandona 

Lo  dolce  padre,  ed  io  rimango  in  forse  ;*  1 10 

Che  '1  s)  e  '1  not  nel  capo  mi  teniona. 

Udir  non  pote*  quel  ch'  a  lor  si  porse  : 
Ma  ei  non  stette  1^  con  essi  guari,t 
Che  ciascun  dentro  a  prova||  si  ricorse. 

• 

Thus  the  gentle  Father  departs,  and  leaves 
me  there,  and  I  remain  in  suspense  (lit  in 
perhaps);  for  both  yes  and  no  contend 
within  my  brain  {i,e.  I  said  within  myself 
"  Yes,  he  will  return,"  and  "  No,  he  will  not 
return'').  I  could  not  hear  what  was  urged 
upon  them  (by  Virgil) :  but  he  did  not  remain 

*  in  forse:  compare  Purg,  xxix,  16-18  : 
"  £d  ecco  un  lustro  subito  trascorse 

Da  tutte  parti  per  la  gran  foresta, 
Tal  che  di  balenar  mi  mise  in  forse." 
(So  brilliant  that  it  set  me  to  doubt   as  to  whether  it  were 
lightning). 

t  lis)  e  ilnb :  compare  Purg,  x,  61-3  : 
"  Similemente  al  fummo  degP  incensi 

Che  V  'era  immaginato,  gli  occhi  e  il  naso 
£d  al  s)  ed  al  no  discordi  fensi.'' 

X  guari :  The  Voc.  della  Crusca  says  the  word  is  an  adverb 
of  quantity,  very  much  used  by  early  writers,  and  is  equivalent 
to  the  Latin  multum^  "  much,  for  a  great  while." 

II  ciascun  dentro  a  prova  si  ricorse :  It  is  impossible  to  trans- 
late this  literally  while  giving  the  full  force  of  the  passage. 
Longfellow  translates  it  "  each  within  in  rivalry  ran  back."  A 
prova  means  "  striving  who  should  be  first"  Dante's  line 
expresses  the  simultaneous  rush  of  the  whole  throng  and  the 
individual  rivalry  of  each  to  outstrip  the  other. 


366  Readings  on  the  Inferno.       Canto  Vlll. 

with  Uiem  a  grealwhile,  fortheyall  rushed  back 
inside  (the  gates)  each  striving  to  get  in  <irsl, 
Virgil  was  no  doubt  representing  to  the  fiends  that 
Dante,  though  alive,  was  there  by  the  Supreme  Will 
of  God  ;  but  in  the  City  of  Unbelief  he  could  get  no 
credence,  as  lie  \a'^  dnnp  fmm  rh:iron,  from  Miiioti, 
and  from  I'hicgya  his  demand  that 

Dante  should  be  a  ans  broke  yp  the 

parley,  rushed  thrc  and  slammed  the 

gates  in  his  face. 

Chiuser  1e  po  >arj  iij 

Nel  peiK  uor  riinase, 

£  rivolse  ri. 

They  shut  the  .dversaries  of 

ours,  on    the    breast  of  my   Lord,    who  re- 
mained  without,  and  returned  towards  me 
with  slow  steps  (as  one  in  deep  thought). 
Benvenuto  thinks  that  one  reason  for  Virgil  not 
being  able  to  guide  Dante  through  the  city  of  Dis 
may  be  found  in  the  fact  that  Virgil  had  never  in  his 
writings  treated  of  Fraud  in  all  its  varieties,  with  the 
accompanying  punishments,   and   which   were  never 
even  dreamt   of  by   him   or  any  other  poet  before 
Dante,   and    that    is   why   the    latter    now    depicts 
Virgil  showing  all  the  signs  of  confusion,  grief,  and 
diffidence. 

Gli  occhi  alia  terra,*  e  le  ciglia  avea  raset 

*  GUoccki  lUlattrra;  Dante  here  applies  to  Virgil  liimself 
almost  the  exact  translation  of  the  latter's  own  words  in  ^En. 
vi,863i 

"  Sed  frons  Ixia  parum,  el  dejecto  luinina  vuliu." 

t  U  ciglia  uvea  rase  if  ogni  baltlama  ;  compare  Milton,  /'ar. 
Loit,\,  594-596: 


Canto  VIII.      Readings  on  the  Inferno.  267 

D'  ogni  baldanza,  e  dicea  ne'  sospiri : 
— "  Chi  m*  ha  negate  le  dolenti  case  ?" — *  120 

His  eyes  (were)  down-cast,  and  his  brows  he 
had  shorn  of  all  boldness,  and  he  said  amid 
sighs :  ''  Who  hath  denied  me  (entrance  into) 
the  dwellings  of  woe  ?  " 

Scartazzini  says  that  by  the  dwellings  of  woe  are 
meant  the  fiery  tombs  which  will  be  described  at  the 
end  of  canto  ix,  in  which  the  heresiarchs  dwell  as  if 
in  their  own  houses. 

And  now  Virgil,  sensible  of  the  depression  that 
Dante  must  be  experiencing  from  his  present  de- 
meanour, again  assures  him  of  succour  near  at  hand. 

Ed  a  me  disse  : — "  Tu,  perch*  io  m*  adiri, 
•      Non  sbigottir,  ch'  io  vincer6  la  prova, 

Qual  ch'  alia  difension  dentro  s'  aggiri. 
Questa  lor  tracotanzat  non  h  nuova, 
^  Cb^  gik  V  usaro  a  men  segreta  porta,  125 

La  qual  senza  serrame  ancor  si  trova.]! 

" ".as  when  the  sun  new-risen 

Looks  through  the  horizontal  misty  air 
Shorn  of  his  beams.** 
*  Chi  m*  ha  negate  le  dolenti  case  f :  compare  Virgil  ^n,  vi, 
562-563,  where  the  Sibyl  says  to  i€lneas  : ' 

" Dux  inclyte  Teucrum, 

Null!  fas  casto  sceleratum  insistere  limen.** 
t  Irtuolanza :  compare  Par,  xvi,  115-117  : 
"  L*  oltrncotata  schiatta,  die  s'  indriica 

Retro  a  chi  fugge,  ed  a  chi  mostra  il  dente 
O  ver  la  borsa  com*  agnel  si  placa.** 
X  la  qual  senza  serrame  ancor  si  trova  /In  St,  Matt,  vii,  13,  the 
gates  of  Hell  are  thus  described  :  "  Wide  is  the  gate,  and  broad 
is  the  way,  that  leadeth  to  destruction,  and  many  there  be  which 
go  in  thereat.**  According  to  an  ancient  tradition,  the  fiends 
attempted  to  prevent  the  descent  of  Christ  into  Limboy  which 


268  Rtadings  <m  tlu  Inferno.      Canto  VUL 

Sopr*  essa  vedestii*  la  scritta  morta  :t 
E  gik  di  qua  da  lei  discende  1'  eru, 
Passando  per  li  cerchi  senza  scoita, 

Tal  che  per  lui  ne  fia  la  terra  aperta." —  150 

And  to  me  he  said:  '*  Fear  not  thou,  because 
I  wax  wroth,  for  I  will  overcome  the  trial,  no 
matter  who  within  (there)  combines  to  im- 
pede (our  entrance).    This  insolence  of  theirs 
is   not  new,  for  on  one  occasion   they  ex- 
hibited it  at  a  gate  that  is  less  secret  (i,€,  the 
Gate  of  Hell),  which  is  still  found  unbarred. 
Over  it  didst  thou  see  the  characters  of  death : 
and  even  now  there  is  descending  the  steep 
on  this  side  of  it  (/.^.  inside  the  Gates  of 
Hell),   passing  without   escort  through   the 
circles,  One  of  such  authority  that  by  hiiti 
shall  the  city  be  opened." 
There  is  some  difference  of  opinion  as  to  who  was 
this  messenger  from  Heaven.      According  to  Ben- 
venuto  it  was  Mercury.    The  late  Duke  of  Sermoneta 
thought  it  was  iCneas.     The  generally  accepted  view 
is  that  it  was  an  Angel  of  God,  but  the  question  will 
be  discussed  in  the  next  canto. 
End  of  Canto  VIII. 

descent  Virgil  speaks  of  in  canto  iv,  53  et  seq,^  offering 
resistance  at  the  Gate  of  Hell,  but  Christ  shattered  the  Gate, 
which  from  that  time  remained  wide  open — la  quiil  sensa  ser- 
roffu  ancor  sitrova  (1.  1 26).  Dante  is  here  alluding  to  the  words 
of  the  Church  in  the  Office  for  HolySaturday  :  "  Hodie  portas 
mortis,  et  seras  pariter  Salvator  noster  disrupit." 

*  vedestik  :  syncope  for  vedestitu. 

t  scritta  morta  :  this  may  either  mean  the  inscription  over 
the  Gates  of  Hell  that  lead  to  Eternal  Death  ;  or  the  colore 
smorto^  oscuro^  in  which  we  are  told  it  was  traced.  See  the 
opening  lines  of  canto  iii. 


Canto  IX.        Readings  en  the  Inferno,  269 


CANTO  IX. 


The  City  of  Dis. 
The  Furies. 

The  Angel  Sent  Down  from  Heaven. 
The  Sixth  Circle. 
The  Heresiarchs. 
The  Fiery  Tombs. 

We  left  the  Poets  standing  outside  the  City  of  Dis, 
the  gates  of  which  had  been  shut  in  Virgil's  face  by 
the  hostile  fiends.  The  main  point  in  the  present 
canto  is  to  show  how  this  opposition  was  overcome, 
and  by  whose  assistance  the  Poets  gained  admission 
within  the  walls. 
Benvenuto  divides  the  canto  into  four  parts. 

In  the  First  Division^  from  v.  i  to  v.  33,  Virgil 
reassures  the  terrified  Dante^  by  telling  him  that  he 
is  well  acquainted  with  the  way,  as  he  has  been  there 
before. 

In  the  Second  Division^  from  v.  34  to  v.  63,  Dante 
describes  the  appearance  of  the  three  Furies. 

In  the  Third  Division^  from  v.  64  to  v.  105,  he 
relates  how  a  messenger  from  Heaven  made  his  ap- 
pearance, who,  opening  the  gates  and  reproving  the 
recalcitrant  fiends,  turns  back  by  the  way  that  he 
came. 

In  the  Fourth  Division,  from  v.  106  to  v.  133,  the 


270  Reaatngs  on  the  Inferno.         Canto  IX. 

entrance  of  tlie  Poets  into  the  City  and  the  penalty 
of  the  Arch-Heretics  is  recounted. 

Benvenuto  says  that  this  is  a  very  difficult  canto, 
and  contains  as  many  hard  passages  as  can  be  found 
in  the  writings  of  '^f'""''^  "-  '"-  ^n-er  poet 

The  opening  h'n  irijil.  at  the  insult 

oflered  him,  had  ti  igcr.     Dante,  who 

has  been  completi  i  fear  at  the  scene 

with  the  demons, .  at  of  sending  him 

back  alone,  while  t  turns  deadly  pale. 

Virgil  seeing  this,  itraint  on  himself, 

and   partly  succee  ng  Dante  by  re- 

composing  his  own  tace, 

Quel  color  che  vilt4*  di  fuoc 

Ve^endo  il  duca 

Piii  toslo  deniro  il 
That  (pallid)  hue  which  cowardice  painted  on 
me  outnaidly  (1.  e.  on  my  cheeks),  at  seeing 
my  Leader  turn  back,  all  the  sooner  repressed 

*  viilA  :  Gelli  thinks  that  what  Virgil  noticed  in  Dante  was 
not  real  cowardice,  for  • 

"  Temer  si  dee  di  sole  quelle  cose 

Ch'  hanno  potenza  di  fare  ahrui  male : 
Dcir  altre  no,  che  non  son  paurose." 

Inf.  ii,  88-9a 
He  thinks  rather  it  was  doubt  as  to  whether  Virgil  had  mistaken 
the  way,  and  whether  they  would  succeed  in  overcoming  this 
trial. 


o  tomare  in  vo1ta, 


81-4 


te :  Compare  the  scene  with  Casella,  i 

maraviglia,  credo,  mi  dipinsi  ; 
Per  che  1'  ombra  sorrise  e  si  ritrasse, 
Ed  io  seguendo  lei,  olire  mi  pinsi." 


Purg.  i 


Canto  IX.         Readings  on  the  Inferno.  271 

within  him  his  new  (colour,  i,e,  the  red  flush 
of  shame  and  indignation). 

Virgil  is  now  on  the  watch  for  the  promised  suc- 
cour, and  like  one  in  a  forest  by  night,  or  among 
marshy  vapours  by  day,  he  uses  his  ears  instead  of  his 

eyes. 

Attento  si  ferm6  com*  uom  che  ascolta ; 

Ch^  r  occhio  nol  potea  menare  a  lunga  5 

Per  V  aer  nero  e  per  la  nebbia  folta. 

He  stopped  attentive  like  a  man  who  is  listen- 
ing ;  for  his  eye  could  not  lead  him  far  through 
the  dark  air  and  the  thick  mist. 

Benvenuto  says  that  to  arrive  at  a  comprehension 
of  the  extremely  difficult  and  intricate  words  of  Virgil 
in  the  lines  that  follow,  he  would  ask  us  to  imagine 
the  similar  case  of  a  man  having  a  lawsuit  with  cer- 
tain adversaries,  and  when  after  long  contention  he 
sees  that  they  are  getting  the  best  of  it,  he  exclaims 
in  anger :  *'  By  Heaven,  I  must  win  this  fight,  even 
though  I  have  to  do  I  know  not  what  *' ;  after  a  pause 
he  adds :  "  But  if  not  .  .  .  . "  then  he  waits  a  while 
and  says :  "  I  will  put  myself  in  the  hands  of  one 
who  will  give  me  powerful  help."  In  like  manner 
here  Virgil  says  :  "  If  I  cannot  by  my  own  strength 
force  an  entrance,  I  well  know  one  who  will  put  down 
all  resistance." 

— "  Pure  a  noi  converrk*  vincer  la  punga^t " — 


*  Pure  a  noi  converrd^  etc.     Benvenuto  tells  his  pupils  that 
these  lines  must  be  read  with  a  loud  voice  and  in  tones  of  anger. 

t  punga :  Hlanc  says  this  is  an  ai\cicnt  form  for  pugna.    It 
only  occurs  in  this  one  passage.    Scartazzini  observes  that  it  is 


272  Readings  am  ihi  Inferno.        Canto  IX. 

Coininci6  ei : — **  se  non  .  .  .  tal  ne  i^  oflene.* 
Oh  qoanto  tarda  a  me  ch'  altri  qui  giuQga  I" — 

'*  Sdll  it  behoves  us  to  win  this  fight,"  hcguk 
he:  ** unless  ....  (but  no!)  Such  a  One 
oflfered  herself.  Oh  how  k>ng  to  me  it  seems 
before  that  other  one  arrives  !** 

The  full  sense  of  what  Virgil  has  said  is  this :  ^  It  will 
never  do  for  us  to  be  beaten ;  we  must  make  our  way 
into  the  city,  unless  I  misunderstood  Beatrice's  pro- 
mise of  succour,  and  that  after  all  we  may  find  en- 
trance impossible,  and  shall  have  to  retrace  our  steps. 
But  no !  that  cannot  be,  seeing  that  so  great  a  power 
(/a/)  as  Beatrice,  i>.  Divine  Wisdom,  offered  us  her 
assistance,  and  assured  us  that  her  words  promised 
so  much  good.  I  know  she  must  already  be  aware  of 
our  situation,  and  will  have  despatched  an  Angel  to 
open  those  gates ;  Oh !  how  I  wish  he  would  come 
soon.'*  Gelli  and  Landino  both  interpret  the  passage 
in  this  sense. 

Dante  has  noticed  the  way  that  Virgil  broke  off 


like  spunga  for  s^gna^  and  vegno  for  vengo,  1  notice  too  that 
in  Purg,  xiii,  128,  Pier  Pettinagno  is  in  some  editions  read  Pier 
Pettignano. 

*  tal  ne  3^  offerse:  In  Inf,  ii,  121-126,  Virgil  assures  Dante 
beforehand  of  the  protection  of  Beatrice  and  her  two  Holy 
companions : 

"  Dunque  che  h  ?  perch^,  perch^  ristai  ? 
Perch^  tanta  vilt^  nel  core  allette  ? 
Perch^  ardire  e  franchezza  non  hai  ? 
Poscia  che  tai  tre  donne  benedette 
Curan  di  te  nella  corte  del  cielo, 
E  il  mio  parlar  tanto  ben  t*  impromette  ?" 


Canto  IX.         Readings  on  the  Infenio,  273 

in  what  he  was  saying,  and  his  uneasiness  and  his 
suspicions  of  danger  are  again  aroused. 

lo  vidi  ben,  s)  com'  ei  ricoperse  10 

Lo  cominciar  con  1'  altro  che  poi  venne, 

Che  fur  parole  alle  prime  diverse. 
Ma  nondimen  paura  il  suo  dir  dienne, 

Perch'  10  traeva  la  parola  tronca 

Forse  a  peggior  sentenza  ch'  ei  non  tenne.  15 

I  well  saw,  how  he  covered  up  the  beginning 
(of  his  speech,  Se  non)  with  the  other  (part, 
Tai  ne  ^  offerse)  that  followed  after,  which 
were  words  different  from  the  first  ones.  But 
none  the  less  his  talk  gave  me  fear,  for  per- 
chance I  drew  the  broken-off  sentence  to  a 
worse  import  than  what  he  (really)  held. 

This,  Gelli  thinks,  signifies  that  Dante  had  mis- 
interpreted Virgil's  Se  non  to  mean  se  non  lio  smarrita 
la  strada, 

Dante  now  timidly  puts  to  Virgil  an  indirect  ques- 
tion,  to  ascertain  whether  he  has  ever  been  there 
before,  and  consequently  knows  the  way. 
— "  In  questo  fondo  dclla  trista  conca* 

*  conca:  In  some  few  translations  conca  has  been  rendered 
"  shell,''  but  that  is  quite  a  subsidiaty  meaning  of  the  word. 
Conca  is  well  known  in  Tuscany  as  "  a  large  earthenware  vessel 
for  containing  lye"  (Barctti's  Dictionary).  It  is  in  the  form  of 
a  truncated  cone,  and  exactly  corresponds  to  the  description  of 
Hell.  Of  four  meanings,  Baretti  gives  "shell''  as  the  last. 
Fanfani's  Dictionary  gives  as  the  first  of  many  significations : 
(i)  "  Vaso  di  gran  concavitk,  di  terra  cotta,  che  serve  propria- 
mente  per  fare  il  bucato."  He  also  gives  the  following :  (2) 
"  Any  sort  of  large  vessel  of  any  material,  wide  at  the  top."  (3) 
"  Sepulchre,  tomb."  (4)  "  Shell  for  conchigiiaJ'  (5)  "  A  car, 
or  a  little  boat."    (6)  "  Conca^  luogo  basso,  circoscritto  e  afoso," 

T 


274  Readings  on  tlie  Inferno.         Canto  I 

Discende  mai  alcun  del  priiiio  grado, 
Che  soi  per  pena  ha  la  speranza  cionca  •  f  "— 
Quesia  question  fee'  io  ;  e  quel :—"  Di  rado 
Incontra," — mi  rispose, — "che  di  nui 
Faccia  il  cammino  alcun  per  quale  io  vado. 
"  Into  this  depth  of  the  woeful  hollow  doth 
any  (soul  the  first  grade 

{fx.  from  its  pLinishment 

atone   ha  down?"    This 

question  ,  ered  nne  :  "  Sel- 

dom it  I'  :  of  us  (who  axe. 

in  Limbo,  '  upon  wliich  I 

(now)  go. 
According  tc  episode  that  Virgil 

now  relates  to  Uantc  ot  nis  having  been  down  into 
Hell  on  a  previous  occasion,  is  an  amiable  fiction, 
contrived  the  better  to  disperse  the  terrors  with  which 
Dante's  heart  is  filled.  And  alluding  to  the  narrative 
beginning  with  the  words  vero  e  he  remarks  that 
although  it  is  not  true,  yet  Virgil  only  invents  it  for 
Dante's  good,  and  therefore  it  is  no  lie,  since  a  Uc  is 
the  intention  of  deceiving,  but  Virgil  feigns  this  with 
the  intention  of  instructing  Dante.  Huti  says  almost 
precisely  the  same,  namely  that  the  story  of  Vii^l 

and  he  gives  the  roilowing  quotation,  without  saying  from  where: 
"  Dio  tnio :  laggiii  in  quella  conca  h  un  gran  bruito  stare  1" 
He  says,  any  one  standing  on  the  hill  of  the  Poggio  Imperiale 
and  looking  down,  might  call  Florence  a  conca.  Buii  says, 
"  Ogni  cosa  che  liene  6  conca." 

*  cionca:  the  word  only  occurs  in  [his  one  passage.  Blanc 
thinks  it  comes  from  the  Latin  truncus,  and  explains  that  a 
limb  or  branch  broken  down,  but  not  actually  separated  from 
the  parent  trunk,  is  said  to  be  cionco. 


Canto  IX.         Readings  on  the  Inferno.  275 

having  been  called  up  by  the  sorceress  Erichtho,  is  a 

purely  poetical  fiction  of  Dante's,  for  neither  is  it  to 

be  found  among  ancient  authors,  nor  can  it  be  affirmed 

that  Dante  is  here  making  an  allegory,  but  that  he 

invents  this  in  order  to  give  probability  to  the  story, 

as  before  he  had  figured  Virgil  as  one  of  the  spirits  in 

Limbo. 

Ver*  h  cW  altra  fiata  quaggiu  fui, 

Cong^urato  da  quella  Eriton  *  cruda, 
Che  richiamava  I'  ombre  a'  corpi  sui. 

True  it  is  that  I  was  once  before  down  here, 
evoked  by  that  fell  Erichtho,  who  used  to 
summon  the  spirits  b^ck  into  their  bodies. 

*  Eriton:  Erichtho,  a  famous  Thessalian  sorceress,  men- 
tioned by  Lucan  {Phars,  vi)  as  having  recalled  a  dead  body  to 
life  to  make  it  predict  to  Sextus,  son  of  Pompey,  the  issue  of 
the  battle  of  Pharsalia,  and  of  the  wars  between  his  father  and 
Csesar.  As  this  took  place  30  years  before  the  death  of  Virgil, 
Dante  might  be  supposed  to  have  fallen  into  an  anachronism. 
But  Scartazzini  explains  that  it  is  not  this  circumstance  he  is 
alluding  to  here,  but  to  some  other  event  that  happened  after 
his  death.  He  simply  represents  the  sorceress  as  having  sur- 
vived him,  which  is  quite  possible.  Carlyle  thinks  that  Dante 
is  probably  taking  some  old  tradition  of  the  Middle  Ages 
respecting  Virgil,  who  was  then  thought  to  have  been  a  great 
magician,  and  Scartazzini  adds,  that  the  lines  in  Lucan,  referred 
to  above,  allude  less  to  Virgil  as  the  poet,  than  as  the  Magician 
of  the  Middle  Ages.  See  Encyclopadia  Britannica^  Ninth 
Edition,  the  article  on  Romance:  "The  Enchanter  Virgil. — 
After  turning  the  heroes  of  antiquity  into  knights-errant,  it  was 
a  simple  task  to  transform  poets  and  philosophers  into  necro- 
mancers ;  and  Virgil  and  Aristotle  became  popularly  famous, 
not  for  poetry  and  science,  but  for  their  supposed  knowledge  of 
the  black  art.''  See  also  Comparetti,  Virgilio  nel  medio  Evo, 
Livomo,  1877. 

T  2 


2f6     ' 

He  now  relates  when  and  for  what  purpose  this 
took  place. 

Di  poco  era  di  me  la  came  nuda,  25 

Ch'  ella  mi  fece  entrar  deniro  a  quel  n 

e  un  spino  del  cerchio  di  Giuda. 
Queir  i  " 


briog 

dtrkest,  a 

ven  which  encircles  all  (1 

well  do  1  know  the  way 


h  been  naked  of 
il  when  I  died), 
^in  that  wall,  to 
[>r  the  Circle  of 
place  and  the 
t  from  the  Hea- 
.  the  Empyrean) : 
therefore  be  re- 


Lombardi  thinks  that  instead  of  saying  the  Circle 
of  Judas,  one  ought  rather  to  describe  it  as  the  circle 
called  afterwards  that  of  Judas  ;  for  if  it  was  only  a 
little  while  after  his  death  that  Virgil  entered  into  it, 
Judas,  who  died  in  the  same  year  as  Jesus  Christ,  and 
therefore  at  least  50  years  after  Virgil,  could  not  yet 
be  in  Hell  to  give  his  name  to  the  lowest  abyss.  And 
Lombardi  thinks,  as  does  also  Benvenuto,  that  Dante 
can  only  have  invented  this  fiction,  so  as  to  represent 
Virgil  as  reassuring  him,  by  showing  that  he  had  tra- 
versed Hell  from  top  to  bottom,  and  was,  therefore, 
well  acquainted  with  all  the  paths  in  it  which  they 
■could  yet  have  to  pursue. 

Ill  proof  of  this  knowledge  of  the  locality,  he  ex- 
plains to  Dante  his  knowledge  that  the  Styx  com- 
pletely surrounds  the  city. 


Canto  IX.         Readings  on  the  Inferno.  277 

Questa  palude,  che  il  gran  piizzo  spira, 
Cinge  d'  intomo  la  cittk  dolente, 
U'  non  potemo  entrare  omai  scnz*  ira." — 

This  roaph,  which  exhales  the  mighty  stench, 
encompasses  round  the  City  of  Woe,  wherein 
we  now  cannot  enter  without  anger  (i>.  of 
its  guardians)."        • 

Benvenutoand  Fraticelli  both  think  that  ira  rather 
would  refer  to  the  just  indignation  exhibited  by  Virgil 
at  this  opposition.  ^ 

Division  IL  We  now  read  how  the  demons,  seeing 
that  the  two  Poets  still  continue  standing  without  any 
intention  of  retreating,  summon  to  their  assistance 
the  three  Furies  of  Mythology,  hoping  that  their 
dread  aspect  will  frighten  the  intruders  into  submis- 
sion. Dante  represents  himself  as  so  startled  at  the 
suddenness  of  their  appearance,  as  quite  to  foi^et 
the  end  of  what  Virgil  was  saying  to  him. 

Ed  altro  disse,  ma  non  1'  ho  a  mente  ; 

Perocch^  \  occhio  m'  avea  tutto  tratto  35 

Ver  \  alta  torre  alia  cima  rovente. 
Dove  in  un  punto  furon  dritte  ratto 

Tre  furie  infernal  *  di  sangue  tinte, 

Che  membra  femminili  aveano  ed  atto  ; 
E  con  idre  verdissime  eran  cinte  :  40 

Serpentelli  ceraste  t  avean  per  crine, 

Onde  le  fiere  tempie  eran  avvinte. 

*  Tre  furie  infernal :  compare  Virg.  ^n  xii,  845-848  : 
"  Dicuntur  geminae  pestes  cognomine  Dirae, 
Quas  et  Tartaream  Nox  intempesta  Megaeram 
Uno  eodemque  tulit  partu,  paribusque  revinxit 
Serpentum  spiris,  ventosasque  addidit  alas." 

t  Serpentelli  ceraste :  jcompare  Virg.  ALn,  vi,  280-281  : 


278  Readings  m^  the  luferm.        Canto  IX. 

And  more  he  saidi  but  I  haTe  it  not  in  mind ; 
for  my  eye  had  drawn  me  wholly  towards  the 
lofty  tower  with  its  flaming  summit,  where 
suddenly  there  uprose  swiftly  three  Hellish 
Furies,  stained  with  Uood,  who  had  the  limbs 
and  the  demeanour  of  women ;  and  they 
were  begirt  with  greenest  hydras ;  for  hair 
they  had  small  serpent-cerastes,  and  with 
these  their  horrid  brows  were  entwined. 
The  word  raito  not  only  expresses  the  suddenness 

of  the  appearance  of  the  Furies,  but  it  also  gives  one 

to  understand  that  they  all  rose  up  at  the  same  time 

like  one  person. 
Virgil,  who  had  already  described  the  Furies  in  the 

JEneid^  now  names  them  to  Dante. 

*'  £  quel,  che  ben  conobbe  le  meschine  * 


cc 


Ferreique  Eumenidum  thalami,  et  Discordia  demens, 
Vipereum  crinem  vittls  innexa  cnientis." 

and  Lucan,  Pkars.  ix,  719-722  : 

** .  .  .  spinaque  vagi  torquente  Cerastae ; 
Et  Scytale  sparsis  etiam  nunc  sola  pruinis 
Exuvias  positura  suas  ;  et  torrida  Dipsas ; 
Et  gravis  in  geminum  surgens  caput  Amphisbena." 

And  Milton,  Par.  Lost,  x,  521-526 : 

" Dreadful  was  the  din 

Of  hissing  through  the  hall,  thick  swarming  now 
With  complicated  monsters  head  and  tail, 
Scorpion  and  Asp,  and  Amphisbena  dire. 
Cerastes  hora'd,  Hydrus,  and  Elops  drear. 
And  Dipsas." 

*  Meschine :  Castelvetro  (SposiEione  di  Lodovico  Castelvetro 
a  XXIX  Canti  def  Inferno  Dantesco.  Modena.  1886),  explains 
that  meschine  are  serving  maids,  and  that  the  expression  was 
in  common  use  in  his  time  (1582)  in  many  parts  of  Italy,  and 


Canto  IX.         Recuimgs  on  tlu  Inferno.  279 

Delia  regina  delP  etemo  pianto  : 

— "  Guarda,'' — mi  disse, — "  Ic  feroci  Erine.  .  45 

Questa  h  Megera  dal  sinistro  canto  : 

Quella,  che  piange  dal  destro,  h  Aletto  : 
Tesifone  h  nel  mezzo  :" — e  tacque  a  tanto. 

And  he  who  well  knew  the  handmaidens  of 
(Proserpine)  the  queen  of  eternal  weeping; 
said  to  me :  "  Mark  the  fierce  Erinnyes.  This 
one  the  left  side  is  Megsera:  that  one  who 
weeps  on  the  right  is  Alecto  :  Tisiphone  is  in 
the  middle  : "  and  this  said,  he  was  silent. 

Some  texts  read  Trine^  and  others  crine^  but  these 
are  evidently  the  errors  of  ignorant  amanuenses,  who 
did  not  know  the  meaning  of  the  word  erine,  spelt  as 
it  was  in  the  MSS.  and  the  older  editions  without  a 
capital  E.  Benvenuto,  Buti,  Vellutello,  and  Landino 
all  read  Erine^  and  the  latter  commenting  on  the 
word  says  :  "  The  Greeks  call  the  Furies  Erine 
(Erriny^s),  because  eris  (Ip/f)  signifies  contention." 

Of  the  four  first  editions  the  Foligno  and  the 
Naples  read  Trine^  while  the  Mantua  and  the  Jesi 
read  erine,  I  translate  here  Gelli's  own  words  on 
Eritu^  but  am  not  responsible  for  his  Greek  I    "  The 

especially  in  the  Valtellina.  Littr^  derives  the  word  from  the 
Walloon  mesklne  "  une  scrvantc,*'  and  g^ves  many  instances  of 
its  use  from  the  twelfth  to  the  sixteenth  century.  Of  these  I 
will  cite  one  of  the  fifteenth  century  : 

"  Elle  estoit  meschine,  faisant  le  menage  commun,  comme 
les  lits,  le  pain,  et  autres  telles  affaires.'' 

(Louis  XI,  Nouv.  XVII). 
And  in  the  sixteenth  century  : 

**  Dont  quant  ce  vice  entre  en  dame  ou  meschine, 
Tant  plus  vieillit  et  tant  plus  s'enracine.'' 

(J.  Marot,  v.  198). 


28o  Riodings  oh  the  Infome.        Canto  IX. 


which  name  sigpXfiei  carrupirgsses  of  ike  mind ;  since 

mil,  a  Greek  verb  {sk)  signifies  io  corrupt^  and  nus^ 

tkemindl  r 

Their  actions  are  next  described. 

Con  P  ongliie  si  lendca  ciascuna  il  petto ; 

Battesnsi  a  palme  b  gridavan  ri  alto,  S^ 

Ch'  Io  mi  strliud  al  poeta  per  sospetta 

Each  was  rending  her  breast  with  her  nails ; 
they  smote  themselves  with  their  palms  and 
shrieked  so  loud  that  firom  fear  I  pressed 
dose  to  the  Poet 

Dante's  fears  are  still  further  increased  by  the  ter- 
rible threat  that  he  hears  uttered  by  the  Furies. 

— "  Venga  Kedusa :  si  1  farem  di  smalto  V — 
Dicevan  tutte  riguardando  in  giuso  : 
— "  Mai  non  vengiammof  in  Tcsco  V  assalta" — 


*  U farem  di  smalto :  Gelli  comments  thus  :  "  cio^  Io  con- 
veniremo  in  pietra  o  in  altra  cosa  simile  dura  a  guisa  d'  uno 
smalto,  cio^  d'  uno  di  quei  pavimenti  fatti  di  calcina,  di  ghiaia, 
di  mattone  pesto,  e  di  olio,  e  battuto  tanto  ch'  egli  diventa 
durissimo  a  guisa  di  pietra  o  di  marma  E  di  questa  sorte 
stnalio  bisogna  eke  intenda  qui  il  Poeta^  e  non  di  quel  eke 
adoprano  gli  arefici^  metlendolo  in  su  r  argenlo  per  dipignervi 
poi  sopra  di  varii  colari^  perchi  que  si  a  si  spicca  e  guaslafacil- 
menleJ^  Therefore  he  thinks  *'  concrete  "  and  not  "  enamel "  is 
meant  by  smallo. 

t  M4U  non  vengiammo^  elc.  The  Ollimo  thinks  that  the 
vindictive  rage  shown  by  the  Furies  against  Dante  is,  that  they 
fear  his  entering  into  the  city  for  the  sake  of  robbing  them  of 
one  of  their  treasures,  as  Theseus  did.  In  the  Thebaid^  Book 
viii,  52-56,  Statius  makes  Pluto  say,  after  that  Amphiaraus  has 
been  swallowed  down  into  Hell : 

^  Anne  profanatum  toties  Chaos  hospite  vivo 
Perpetiar  ?  me  Pirithoi  temerarius  ardor 


Canto  IX.         Recidings  on  the  Inferno,  281 

''  Let  Medusa  come  :  so  will  we  turn  him  to 
stone  (///.  concrete),"  they  all  exclaimed,  look- 
ing down :  "  III  (was  it  for  us  that)  we  did 
not  avenge  the  assault  against  Theseus." 
They  mean  that  had  they  turned  the  rash  Theseus 
into  stone,  no  other  mortal  would  have  dared  to  in- 
trude into  the  Lower  Regions. 

Virgil  is  fully  alive  to  the  imminence  of  the  danger 
with  which  Dante  is  menaced. 

— "  Volgiti  indietro,  e  tien  lo  vise  chiuso  ;  55 

Ch^  se  il  Gorgon  si  mostra,  e  tu  il  vedessi, 
Nulla  sarebbe  del  tomar  mai  suso." — 

"  Turn  round  backwards,  and  keep  thine  eyes 
closed  ;  for  if  the  Gorgon  shew  herself,  and 
thou  shouldest  see  her,  never  more  would 
there  be  any  returning  up." 

He  means  that  if  his  mortaf  eyes  were  once  to  see  the 

head  of  Medusa  he  would  be  turned  into  stone. 

Coal  disse  il  Maestro ;  ed  egli  stessi 

Mi  volse,  e  non  si  tenne  alle  mie  mani, 

Che  con  le  sue  ancor  non  mi  chiudessi.  60 

Tentat,  et  audaci  Theseus  juratus  amico : 
Me  ferus  Alcides,  tunc  cum  custode  remoto 
Ferrea  Cerbereae  tacuerunt  limina  portse." 
In  the  Genealogia  degli  Dei  Boccaccio  writes  :  "Ad  Inferos 
(Theseus  et  Perithous)  earn  (Proserpinam)  rapturi  declinaverunt. 
Verum  Cerberus  adversus  Perithoum  insurgens,  ilium  primo 
interfecit  impetu  :  quern  dum  juvare  conaret  Theseus,  in  xnagno 
vitae  fuit  discrimine,  et  ultimo  a  Plutone  detentus  est.  Tandem... 
(Hercules)  descendit  ad  Inferos  :  cui  obvius  Cerberus  factus,... 
ab  Hercule  victus,  Atque  triplici  ligatus  catena  Theseo  concessus 
est.     Aliqui  volunt  Cerbero  ab   Hercule  barbam  decerptam, 
qiiem  liberato  Theseo,  ad  superos  triplici  traxit  catena,  etiam 
renitentem.** 


discern  the 
:   concealed    beneath   the 


2$2  Readings  on  the  Inferno.         Canto  IX. 

Thus    spake   my  Master:    And  he  himself 
turned  me  round,  and  he  did  not  trust  {Ul 
keep  himself)  to  my  hands,  but  also  closed 
me  (/e  covered  my  eyes)  with  his  own. 
Dante  now  tells  us  himself  that  what  he  has  related 
in  the  above  line?  •''■  -"  -n—^ —  --id  he  asks  all  of 
his  readers  who  hii  ds,  to  understand 

and  ponder  over  tl  s  concealed  in  it. 

He  evidently  thinl  ken  of  the  igno- 

rant. 

O  vol,  che  av 

Mirate  U  nde* 

Sol  to  il  ^  ani. 

0  ye,  who  ha. 
teaching   which 
(above)  strange  verses. 
Benvenuto  remarks  that  in  truth  these  verses  do 
come  in  very  strangely  here.     And  he  adds;  "And 
note  here.  Reader,  that  1.  often   laugh  at  many  who 
say :  '  Such  a  one  understands  Dante  welt,  because 
h€  can  understand  the  text,'  and  so  on  of  every  other 
author  ;  but  this  is  false,  for  to  understand  is  to  be 
able  to  read  the  inner  meaning,  and  Dante  himself 
here  testifies  to  the  fact ;  for  he  knew  very  well  that 
the   text    would   be  very  differently  expounded   by 
many." 

.  Scartazzini  believes  that  the  verses  in   the  above 
passage  are  called  strani,  because  they  are  adapted  to 

*  Mirate  la  dottrina  cht  s'  asconde,  et  seq. :  compare  furff. 
viii,  19-21  : 

"  Aguzza  qui,  Lettor,  ben  gli  occhi  al  vero, 
Chi  il  velo  h  ora  ben  tamo  sou  lie, 
Certo,  che  il  trapassar  dentro  £  leggicro." 


Canto  IX.         Readings  on  the  Inferno.  283 

mythological  fictions^  and  therefore  are  foreign  (^- 
tranei)  to  the  Poenta  sacro^  as  Dante  styles  the  Corn- 
media  in  Par.  xxv,  i .  No  other  commentator  deals  so 
fully  and  comprehensively  with  this  difficult  passage, 
and  I  cannot  omit  placing  his  remarks  before  my 
readers.  He  writes  :  "  Now  what  is  the  teaching 
which  is  hidden  beneath  these  verses  ?  Among 
many  conflicting  opinions  we  will  state  our  own.  In 
the  City  of  Dis  are  punished  the  Heretics,  that  is, 
those  who  sinned  against  the  true  Faith.  The 
sinner  (Dante)  wishes  to  enter  in,  that  he  may 
understand  *  their  end  *  (Ps,  Ixxiii),  in  order  that  in 
the  contemplation  of  their  punishment  he  may  arrive 
at  contrition,  and  from  contrition  to  conversion. 
Virgil  seeks  to  persuade  the  guardian  demons  by 
fair  words,  that  is,  by  philosophical  arguments,  to 
open  the  gates,  but  he  is  repulsed  with  contumely. 
The  unbeh'ever  has  always  arguments  ready  to  op- 
pose to  arguments,  and  his  favourite  weapon  is 
mockery.  To  the  conversion  of  the  unbeliever,  which 
the  contemplation  of  the  punishment  of  unbelievers 
would  bring  about,  there  is  opposed  Evil  Conscience, 
figured  by  the  Furies,  and  Doubt,  which  has  the 
power  of  rendering  Man  as  insensible  as  stone, 
figured  by  Medusa.  Evil  Conscience  will  ever  sum- 
mon Doubt  to  its  assistance  (  Venga  Medusa),  The 
imperial  authority  exhorts  Man  to  turn  his  eyes  to- 
wards the  Evil  Conscience  {Guarda  le  feroci  Erine\ 
but  at  the  same  time  to  turn  them  away  from  petri- 
fying doubt  ( Volgiti  indietro  e  ticn  lo  viso  chiuso)  ; 
moreover,  in  order  that  Man  should  not  allow  himself 
to  become  entangled  in  the  meshes  of  Doubt  and 


284  Readings  on  tlu  Inftmo.        Canto  IX. 

Unbelief,  the  said  imperial  authority  comes  to  his 
assistance  actively  {egii  sUsso  mi  voise),  that  is,  with 
laws  against  heresy.  Imperial  authority  however,  is  not 
sufficient  of  itself  to  conduct  Man  to  contrition  for  sins 
against  the  true  Faith.  But  here  comes  in  the  au- 
thority of  the  Church,  which  stretches  out  the  helping 
hand.  (To/  ne  /  offerse),  affording  Divine  Light  (il 
messo  del  cielo)  which  overcomes  the  objections  of 
Unbelief,  the  promptings  of  Evil  Conscience,  and 
the  perils  of  Doubt,  thus  opening  a  way  through  all 
these  difficulties.  In  the  obstacles  which  Dante  en- 
counters  here,  we  can  see  symbolized  the  difficulties 
that  he  himself  encountered,  when  he  first  resolved  to 
be  converted  from  his  aberrations  from  the  true  Faith. 
On  the  threshold  of  the  City  of  Dis  he  is  obliged  to 
pause  awhile,  before  being  allowed  to  enter  further 
in.  And  in  fact  his  conversion  was  not  the  matter  of 
an  instant,  but  extended  over  several  years." 

Division  IIL  The  approach  of  the  Angel  is  now 
described. 

£  gik  ven)a  su  per  le  torbid'  onde 

Un  fracasso*  d'  un  suon  pien  di  spavento,  65 

Per  cui  tremavano  ambo  e  due  le  sponde  ; 

Non  altrimenti  fatto  che  d'  un  vento 
Impetuoso  per  gli  avversi  ardori,t 
Che  fier  la  selva,  e  senza  alcun  rattento 

*  Un  fracasso :  compare  Acts  ii,  2  :  "  And  suddenly  there 
came  a  sound  from  heaven,  as  of  a  rushing  mighty  wind,  etc" 

t  Impetuoso^  et  seq,  :  The  wind  is  rendered  impetuous,  from 
having  opposed  to  it  a  great  current  of  air  rarefied  by  heat. 
One  of  the  causes  of  wind,  is  the  disequilibrium  of  caloric  in  the 
atmosphere. 


Canto  IX.         Readings  ofi  the  Inferno.  285 

Li  rami  schianta,  abbatte,  e  porta  fuori.*  70 

Dinanzi  polveroso  va  superbo, 
E  fa  fuggir  le  fiere  e  li  pastori. 

And  now  there  came  across  the  troubled 
waters  the  crash  of  a  sound  full  of  terror,  at 
which  both  the  shores  trembled ;  not  other 
than  a  wind  made  impetuous  by  the  opposing 
heats,  that  smites  the  forest,  and  without  any 
restraint,  cracks  the  boughs,  beats  them  down 
and  bears  them  away.  In  a  cloud  of  dust 
{lit,  dusty)  it  proudly  sweeps  onward,  and 
makes  the  beasts  and  the  shepherds  flee. 

Virgil   had   closed   Dante's  eyes    to  guard   them 

against  Doubt,  symbolized  by  Medusa's  head ;   but 

when  Divine  Intelligence,  represented  by  the  Angel 

of  God,  draws  near,  he  at  once  uncovers  them.. 

Gli  occhi  mi  sciolse,  e  disse  : — "  Or  drizza  il  nerbo 

Del  viso  su  per  quella  schiuma  antica. 

Per  indi  ovc  quel  fummo  h  pi(i  accrbo." —  75 

« 

He  loosed  my  eyes,  and  said :  "  Now  turn  thy 
visual  nerve  over  that  ancient  foam,  yonder 
where  that  .smoke  is  most  pungent  {i.e.  most 
dense)." 

♦  porta  fuori :  I  have  not  followed  Wittc  here  in  his  reading 

porta  fiori.     The  description  is  of  a  forest,  and  had  Dante 

wished  to  allude  to  flowers,  he  would  certainly  have  said  more. 

Fiori  appears  to  be  quite  unconnected  with  the  sense.    The 

four  editions  of  Foligno,  Jesi,  Mantua  and  Naples  all  read  fuori, 

as  does  also  Benvcnuto.     Compare  Tasso,  Ger,  Ub,  canto  xiii, 

St.  46 : 

"  II  suo  caduto  ferro  intanto  fuore. 

Port6  del  bosco  impetuoso  vcnto." 

and  Virg.  Georg,  ii,  440-441  : 

"  Ipsae  Caucasio  steriles  in  vertice  sylvse, 

Quas  animosi  Euri  assidue  franguntque  feruntque. 


286  Readings  am  the  Inferno.        Canto  IX« 

Dante  now  relates  the  terror  caused  among  the 

guilty  souls  at  the  sight  of  the  Angel. 

Come  le  rane  innanri  alia  nimica 

Biscia  per  P  acqua  si  dileguan  tntte. 
Fin  che  alia  terra  ciascona  s*  abbica  ;* 

*  J*  abbica:  Benvenuto  exj^nsthis  :  ** idest  applicatur terras 
et  absconditur  ibi."  Boccaccio  believes  the  word  to  be  derived 
finom  Bica^  a  rick  of  com,  or  a  heap  of  grain,  and  that  the  frogs 
huddle  themselves  together  one  on  the  top  of  the  other.  Bor- 
ghini  (StmU  sulia  Div,  Com,  di  Galileo  Galilei,^  Vincenzio 
Borghini  tdaltri^  pubbL  da  Otto-  Gigli,  Firenze,  1855)  confirms 
this,  saying  that  anyone  who  knows  the  country  round  Mantua, 
will  have  seen  the  frogs  pile  themselves  up  in  heaps,  and  will 
readily  recognise  the  appropriateness  of  Dante's  metaphor.  The 
late  Marchese  Fransoni  {StutU  Vari  sulia  Divina  Commedia^ 
Firenze,  1887)  speaking  of  Boccaccio's  explanation,  remarks  : 
*'  Notwithstanding  such  great  authority,  1  cannot  believe  that 
A  Mica  is  formed  from  Bica^  nor  that  it  here  signifies  '  to  gather 
themselves  up  into  heaps,'  as  all  have  followed  Boccaccio  in  ex- 
plaining it"  He  goes  on  to  say  that  it  is  not  the  case  that  when 
frogs  are  sitting  on  the  bank  beside  water,  and  from  fright  throw 
themselves  in,  that  they  do  heap  themselves  together.  He 
adds  :  **  If  a  man  or  a  serpent  approaches,  we  see  them,  one 
after  the  other,  one  here,  and  another  there,  take  a  header  into 
the  water,  which  gets  turbid  from  the  mud  being  stirred  up. 
But  as  soon  as  the  water  has  got  clear  again,  we  see  the  frogs 
lying  immoveable,  one  at  a  distance  from  the  other,  at  the  exact 
place  where  each  cast  itself  in.  Besides  the  word  ciascuna 
distinctly  manifests  the  individual  action  of  each  frog,  and 
excludes  the  idea  of  coUectivencss."  The  Marchese  Fransoni 
says  that  out  of  one  hundred  codices  that  he  has  examined,  no 
less  than  eighty -one  spell  the  word  abica  with  one  b;  and  only 
nineteen  have  abbica  with  two  ^s.  He  says,  therefore,  that  in 
this  word  we  may  easily  discover  a  Dantesque  Latinism  derived 
frt>m  the  verb  AbjicerCy  and  the  idea  would  represent  the  frogs 
as  casting  themselves  on  the  bottom  of  the  water  {abjiciuni  se 
hufni).     In    Plinius  Secundus,  Naluralis  Historia^   secunda 


Canto  IX.         Recidings  on  the  Inferno.  287 

Vid'  10  piii  di  mille  anime  distrutte 

Fuggir  cosl  dinanzi  ad  un,  che  al  passo  80 

Passava  Stige  colle  piante  asciutte. 
Dal  volto  rimovea  quell'  aer  grasso, 

Menando  la  sinistra  innanzi  spesso  ; 
E  sol  di  quelP  angoscia  parea  lasso. 
As  frogs,  before  their  foe  the  serpent,  disperse 
through  the  water,  until  each  is  huddled  up 
under  the  bank;    thus  saw  I  more  than  a 
thousand  {Le.  a  vast  multitude  of)  lost  souls 
flee  before  One,  who  was  passing  over  the  Styx 
at  the  ferry  with  unwet  feet.     He  waved  that 
unctuous  air  from  off  his  face,   continually 
moving  his  left  hand  before  him ;  and  only 
by  that. trouble  did  he  seem  to  be  wearied. 
The  Angel  uses  his  left  hand  to  remove  the  vapours 
from  his  face  ;  his  right  hand,  as  we  infer  from  1.  89, 
being  occupied  in  holding  the  light  wand  with  which 
he  strikes  the  gates. 

The  opinion  accepted  by  most  of  the  ancient  and 
modern  commentators  sees  in  the  mysterious  per- 
sonage before  us  an  Angel  of  God.  Benvenuto,  how- 
ever, holds  that  it  is  Mercury,  the  messenger  of  the 
heathen  gods,  who  traverses  the  waters  with  his 
winged  shoes,  and  opens  the  gate  with  his  caduceus. 
The  late  Duke  of  Sermoneta  {Dissertazione^  della 
Dottrina  che  si  asconde   nelV   Ottavo  e  Nono  Canto 

pars,  lib.  21,  cap.  13,  the  following  passage  occurs:  "qui  edere 
abjiciunt  se  humi,"  but  in  an  edition  of  the  same  work  by  Silling, 
faithfully  reproduced  from  the  very  ancient  MS.  in  the  Riccar- 
diana  Library  at  Florence  abjiciunt  is  spelt  abiciuni.  In  the 
Codex  Amiatinus  in  the  Laurentian  Library  at  Florence  abjicit 
is  throughout  spelt  abicit, 

*  This  is  one  of  three  essays  in  the  Duke  of  Sermoneta's  Tre 
chiosc.neila  Div,  Com,  di  Dante  Allighieri^  etc  Firenzc,  1876. 


288  Riodings  on  the  Inftmo,        Canto  IX. 

ddl*   Inferno)  i  tries  to   prove  that  the  Messo  del 
Cielo  is  not  sent/riMi  Heaven^  but  hy  Heaven  out  of 
Limbo  ;  that  he  cannot  be  any  celestial  person,  as  he 
does  not  shine  with  radiant  light  as  did  die  Angels  in 
Purgatory ;  that  Virgil  only  enjoins  on  Dante  a  re- 
spectful demeanour  in    his  presence,  and  does  not 
make  him  kneel  down  ;  that  Angels  could  not  be- 
come Ministers  of  Hell ;  and  lastly  that  being  one  of 
the  spirits  sent  out  of  Limbo,  it   must  be  iEneas. 
The  Duke,  in  a  letter  of  which  I  have  a  copy,  written 
to  the  historian  and  Dantist,  Count  Carlo  Troya,  denies 
that  either  in  the  case  of  Dante  being  transported  in 
his  sleep  across  the  Acheron,  or  in  this  instance  of 
the  Gates  of  Dis  being  opened,  would  the  services 
of  Angels  have  been  allowed,  because  the  *'  angeii 
non  sono  ministri  d*  Inferno."    The  late  Dean  Church, 
after  reading  these   papers,  wrote  to   me,   Feb.   19, 
1890:   "I  am  afraid  I  quite  disagree  with  him  [the 
Duke  of  Sermoneta]  about  Book   ix,  and  with  his 
a  priori  view  that  angels  cannot  appear  in  the  In- 
ferno,    He  puts  it,  *  Che  angeii  non  sono  ministri  d' 
Inferno';  which  is  true  enough  if  it  mean  'ministers 
of  the  punishfpunt  of  Hell.'     But  the  heavenly  vats-^ 
stng^tv f  del  del  messo ^  in  Book  ix,  comes  not  to  punish, 
but  to  rescue,  and  prevent  evil ;  which  even  in  Hell, 
is  not  unworthy  of  an  angel.     The  whole  description 
is  surely  of  a  holy  being  (parole  sante^  v,  105),  sent 
on  an  errand  of  help,  against  hateful  adversaries  with 
everything  loathsome  about  them :  and  why  should  not 
an  angel  appear  on  such  an  errand  ?  This  seems  to  me 
the  plain  and  obvious  meaning  of  the  whole  passage. 
To  bring  in  iCneas,  a  pagan,  seems  very  forced." 


Canto  IX.         Readings  on  the  Inferno.  289 

• 

Another  strong  argument  against  the  theory  that 
the  Messo  del  Ciel  can  be  iEneas,  or  any  one  of  the 
inmates  of  Limbo  has  occurred  to  me.  In  canto  viii, 
125-130,  Virgil  is  speaking  to  Dante  about  the 
principal  Gateway  of  Hell  {nun  segreta  porta\  over 
which  Dante  had  seen  written  up  the  characters  of 
death  {la  scritta  morta)^  and  he  particularly  tells 
Dante  that,  at  that  very  instant,  there  has  entered 
within  that  gate,  and  is  descending  without  escort 
through  the  circles  down  the  steep  path,  One  by 
whom  the  city  shall  be  laid  open  to  them,  {e  gih  di 
qua  da  Ui  discende  F  erta,  passando  per  li  cerchi  sensa 
scoria^  talcheper  lui  nefia  la  terra  ap^a).  If  the  Being 
thus  mentioned  had  been  iEneas,  he  would  have  had, 
from  Limbo,  to  cross  the  Acheron  to  return  to  the 
Gate  of  Hell,  and  then  to  recross  it  before  descend- 
ing the  steep  path.  Gelli  remarks  that  whoever 
was  the  Messenger,  whether  Mercury,  according 
to  Pietro  di  Dante  and  Benvenuto,  or  an  Angel, 
as  most  commentators  think,  matters  not  in  the  least 
Let  it  suffice  that  he  was  a  Divine  Messenger,  which 
is  shown  by  his  passing  over  the  Styx  with  dry  feet, 
like  Jesus  Christ  walking  on  the  Sea  of  Galilee. 

Dante  now  distinctly  tells  us  that  he  is  able  to 
discern  the  Divine  character  of  the  new  comer,  which 
is  further  confirmed  by  Virgil. 

Ben  m'  accors'  10  ch'  egli  era  del  ciel  messo,*    .       85 

*  del  del  messo:  compare  the  allusion  to  Solomon,  Purg,  xxx, 
10-12  : 

"  Ed  un  di  loro,  quasi  da  ciel  messo, 

Veni^  sponsa^  de  Libano^  cantando, 
Grid6  tre  volte,  e  tutti  gli  altri  appresso.** 

U 


290  RmuUiiigs  on  tin  Inftrmo.        Canto  DL 

£  voUimi  al  MaMtio :  ed  ei  lisP  tegiMS 
Ch'  io  stetsi  dieto^  ed  inGhinassi*  ad  esta 

Full  wdl  did  I  perodTe  that  he  was  a  Mea- 
senger  of  Heavoi,  and  I  tun^  me  to  the 
Master :  and  he  made  me  a  sign  to  stand 
quiet,  and  bow  down  before  him. 

Dante  is  overcome  with  awe  at  the  demeanour  of 
the  Angd,  and  Virgil  also  seems  as  unable  to  utter 
a  word,  as  in  Purg.  xxix,  55-57 1  ^^  the  approach  of 
the  Mystic  Procession. 

*  Hfi  agma^  Ck  io .  »  ,  inckimasHadtsso:  compare  Pwrg,  % 
28-10^  where  Virgil  did  not  at  first  recogniie  the  approachiiig 
Angel,  but  as  soon  as  he  did  so^ 

**  Grld6 :  *  Fa,  &  che  le  ginocdiia  cali ; 

Ecco  P  Angel  di  Die :  piega  le  mani : 

Omai  vedrai  di  s)  fatti  offiziali.'  * 
It  has  been  objected  by  those  who  deny  that  the  Afesso  del  del 
was  an  Angel,  that  in  the  above  passage  in  the  Purgatorio 
Virgil  tells  Dante  that  henceforward  he  would  see  such  glorious 
ministers  of  God's  will  as  this  one  ;  thus  implying  that  Dante 
has  never  seen  one  before ;  but  I  venture  to  suggest  that  the 
sense  will  equally  well  bear  the  meaning  that  henceforward 
Dante  is  to  see  nothing  but  such  ministers  as  these.  After 
Dante  had  seen  the  Angel  open  the  gates  of  Dis,  he  was 
brought  into  continual  contact  with  demons,  with  monsters,  and 
finally  with  Lucifer  himself^  but  the  approach  of  the  Angel  on 
the  shore  of  Purgatory  marked  an  epoch,  from  which  there  was 
to  be  no  recurrence  to  the  hideous  personages  of  Hell.  It  is 
also  possible  that,  in  descending  into  Hell,  the  Angel  was  able 
to  veil  his  radiance,  which  would  have  been  out  of  place  in  that 
region  of  gloom  ;  for,  in  lines  101-103,  Dante  is  able  to  detect 
the  expression  of  his  countenance, 
f  Purg.  xxix,  55-57 : 

^  Io  mi  rivolsi  d'  ammirazion  pieno 

Al  buon  Virgilio,  ed  esso  mi  rispose 

Con  vista  carca  di  stupor  non  meno." 


Canto  IX.         Readings  on  the  Inferno.  291 

Ahi  quanto  mi  parea  pien  di  disdegno  ! 
Venne  alia  porta,  e  con  una  verghetta 
L'  aperse,  che  non  ebbe  alcon  ritegno.  90 

Ahl  how  full  ofdisdain  he  appeared  to  met  He 
came  to  the  gate,  and  with  a  light  wand  opened 
it,  for  (against  him)  it  had  no  resistance. 

In  accents  of  lofty  scorn  the  Angel  reprimands  the 

Demons  for  their  presumptuous  opposition,  knowing, 

as  they  certainly  did,  that  this  exceptional  journey 

of  the  Poets  was  undertaken  in  obedience  to  the  Will 

of  God. 

— "  O  cacciati  del  ciel,  gente  dispctta,"—* 
Cominci6  egli  in  su  1'  orribil  soglia, 
— "  Ond'  esta  oltracotanza  f  in  voi  s'  alletta  ?  % 
Perch^  ricalcitrate  a  quella  voglia, 

A  cui  II  non  puote  il  fin  mai  esser  mozzo,  95 

£  che  piu  volte  v*  ha  cresciuta  doglia  ? 

•*0  outcasts  from  Heaven,,  race  despised," 
began  he  (standing)  upon  the  horrid  thresh- 
old, "Whence  is  this  excess  of  insolence 
called  forth  in  you  ?    Wherefore    kick  ye 

*  dispeiia :  "  contemptible,''  from  the  Latin  despectus, 

t  oltracotanza :  In  Inf,  viii,  124,  Virgil  says  of  the  Demons, 
"  Questa  lor  tracotanza  non  h  nuova.''  The  Angel  here  uses  a 
more  forcible  word. 

X  ^ alletta:  This  word  only  occurs  in  this  passage,  and  in 
Inf,  ii,  122.  Blanc  {Voc,  Dani,)  feels  very  positive  that  it  is 
derived  from  the  Latin  allectare  frequentative  of  aUicerty  to 
entice,  allure,  and  that  by  a  somewhat  bold  figure  Dante  puts 
it,  "  Whence  is  this  insolence  called  up  in  you  ?"  Many  derive 
the  word  from  letto^  in  the  sense  of "  to  find  a  bed,  to  lodge" 
Boccaccio  explains  it,  '*  Si  chiama  e  si  ritiene." 

II  A  cuiy  etc. :  compare  Rom,  ix,  19 :  ^  For  who  hath  resisted 
his  will  ?" 

U  2 


292  Riodif^  am  the  Infarmo.        Canto  n. 

against  that  V^  Whose  end  can  never  be 
hindered  {liL  mutilated),  and  whidi  (opposi- 
tion) has  many  a  time  increased  ywu  pain  ? 

Carlyle  remarks  that  the  Angel  avoids  using  die 
name  of  God  in  addressing  the  Demons ;  and  takes 
their  Fates,  and  their  knid  barking  Cerberus,  in  the 
verses  that  follow,  as  being  the  only  terms  fit  for  them. 

Che  giova  nelle  lata  dar  di  coao  ? 

Cerbero  *  vostro^  se  ben  vi  ricorda, 

Ne  porta  ancor  pdato  il  mento  e  il  gona" — 

What  boots  it  to  butt  against  the  Fates? 
Your  Cerbenui  if  you  wdl  remember,  still 
bean  for  it  (Aat  opposition)  his  chin  and 
throat  flayed.* 

Although  the  term  U  fata  is  used,  it  has  the 

double  meaning  here  of,  the  Fates  of  Heathen  My- 

tholc^y,  and  also,  the  Decrees  of  Grod. 

His  uncongenial  mission  accomplished,  the  Angel 

tarries  no  longer  on  the  loathsome  spot.    The  Poets 

move  on  to  the  gates. 

Poi  si  rivolse  per  la  strada  lorda,  loo 

£  non  fe*  motto  a  not :  ma  fe*  sembiante 
D'  uomo,  cut  altra  cura  stringa  e  morda, 

*  Cerbero:  Hercules  is  said  to  have  seized  Cerberus,  who 
wanted  to  oppose  his  entrance  into  Hell,  and  dragged  him  to 
the  upper  r^ons  with  a  chain  round  his  neck.  In  Virg.  jEn. 
vif  392-397i  Charon  relates  this,  mentioning  Theseus  and  Piri- 
thous  at  the  same  time : 

"  Nee  vero  Alciden  me  sum  laetatus  euntem 
Accepisse  lacu,  nee  Thesea  Pirithoumque : 
Dis  quamquam  geniti,  atque  invicti  viribus  essent 
Tartareum  ille  manu  custodem  in  vincla  petivit, 
Ipsios  a  solio  regis  traxitque  trementem  ; 
Hi  dominam  Ditis  thalamo  deducere  adorti." 


Canto  IX.        Readings  on  the  Inferno,  293 

Che  quella  di  colui  che  gli  h  davante 

£  noi  movemmo  i  piedi  in  ver  la  terra, 

Sicuri  appresso  le  parole  sante.  los 

Then  returned  he  along  the  miry  way,  and  to 
us  he  uttered  not  a  word :  but  bore  the 
semblance  of  a  man  whom  other  concerns 
constrain  and  harrass  (more)  than  those  of 
the  person  who  is  before  him.  And  we  moved 
our  feet  towards  the  city,  confident  (of  being 
admitted)  after  the  holy  words  (i.e.  spoken 
by  the  holy  Angel). 

Division  IV.  This  Division  marks  one  of  the 
great  periods  in  the  whole  Poem  of  the  Divina  Corn- 
media,  As  in  the  Purgatorio  we  find  the  first  nine 
cantos  have  dealt  with  the  Anti-Purgatorio,  the 
dominions  of  Cato,  in  which  are  chastised  with 
lighter  punishment  those  who  delayed  their  repen- 
tance till  death,  so  here  in  the  Inferno  the  first  nine 
cantos  have  dealt  with  the  lesser  sins  of  Incontinence, 
when  it  is  not  complicated  by  malice.  As  in  Purg. 
ix,  Dante  describes  his  admittance  within  the  Gate 
of  Purgatory,  so  in  Inf  ix,  does  he  describe  his  en- 
trance within  the  Gates  of  Dis,  or  Inner  Hell.  In 
general  terms  this  Inner  Hell  may  be  said  to  be 
divided  into  the  regions  for  the  punishment  of  Vio- 
lence, and  those  for  the  punishment  of  Fraud ;  but 
the  regions  of  Fraud  are  in  their  turn,  apart  from  all 
their  minor  sub-divisions,  divided  into  two  great  por- 
tions, wherein  are  punished : 

(A)  Ordinary    Fraud,  where    no  trust    has    been 
given,  and 


294  RmuUfiigs  an  the  InferM.        Canto  DL 

(b)  Aggravated  Fraud,  where  trust  has  been  given, 
and  which  therefore  is  Treachery. 

The  part  in  which  Dante  now  finds  himself  does 
not  really  belong  to  any  of  these  divisions  and  sub- 
divisions. It  would  seem  more  to  correspond  to  the 
r^on  set  apart  for  the  punishment  of  those  who  lived 
without  infamy  and  without  praise,  whom  Dante  saw 
just  inside  the  Vestibule  of  Outer  Hell.  So  here  in 
the  Vestibule  of  Inner  Hell  he  finds  the  Ardi- 
Heretics  lying  in  fiery  tombs.  It  is  after  he  has  left 
them»  that  he  will  really  descend  into  Nether  HelL 

Dentro  v*  entrammo  senia  alcuna  gnem : 

Ed  10^  ch'  avea  di  riguardar  disk) 

La  condizion  che  tal  fortezza  sena, 
Com'  10  fui  dentro,  1'  occhio  intorno  invio  ; 

E  veggio  ad  ogni  man  grande  campagna         i  lo 

Plena  di  duolo  e  di  tormento  ria 

We  entered  into  it  (the  city)  without  any 
opposition :  and  I,  who  had  the  wish  to 
examine  the  condition  (both  of  the  sinners 
and  their  torments)  which  so  (terrible)  a 
fortress  might  enclose,  as  soon  as  I  was 
inside,  cast  my  eye  round ;  and  on  either 
hand  I  see  a  wide  plain,  full  of  anguish  and 
evil  torment. 

On  ^entering  into  the  Gate  of  Purgatory,  Dante's 
ears  were  entranced  by  hearing  a  Te  Deum  which 
reminded  him  of  the  soft  cadences  of  an  organ,* 

*  Compare  Purg.  ix,  139-145  : 

^  lo  mi  rivolsi  attento  al  prime  tuono, 
E,  Te  Deum  laudamus^  mi  parea 
Udir  in  voce  mista  al  dolce  suono. 
Tale  imagine  apponto  mi  rendea 


Canto  IX.        Readings  on  the  Inferno,  295 

• 

and  further  on,  his  eyes  were  charmed  by  the  sight  of 
beautiful  sculptures.  Here,  the  first  thing  he  sees 
are  grim  looking  tombs  of  all  kinds  and  shapes, 
which  in  their  grotesque  variety  remind  him  of  those 
he  has  seen  in  the  cemeteries  of  Aries  and  Pola,  but 
with  the  difference,  that  in  the  latter  the  inmates 
were  in  their  sleep  of  death,  but  from  these  repulsive 
sepulchres  there  issue  cries  of  woe. 

S)  come  ad  Arli,*  ove  Rodano  stagna, 

Ci6  ch'  io  udiva,  qual  prender  si  suole 
Quando  a  cantar  con  organi  si  stea  : 
Che  or  s)  or  no  s'  intendon  le  parole." 
*  Arli:  The  ancient  cemetery  of  Aries,  now  partly  demolished 
to  make  way  for  the  Goods  Station  of  the  Lyons  and  Marseilles 
Railway,  goes  by  the  popular  name  of  Aliscdmps  or  ElUcamps 
(Camfii  Elysit).  In  it  stands  the  Church  of  St.  Trophimus. 
Benvenuto  relates  a  legend,  that,  after  a  battle  between  Charle- 
magne and  the  Saracens,  the  King,  unable  among  the  masses 
of  the  fallen  to  distinguish  the  Christians  (whom  he  wished  to 
bury  with  sacred  rites)  from  their  foes,  prayed  to  God  that  the 
power  of  distinction  might  be  given  to  him,  and  immediately  an 
inscription  appeared  on  the  forehead  of  every  Christian  soldier 
among  the  slain.  Buti  adds  to  this  story  that  a  vast  number  of 
sarcophagi,  corresponding  to  the  number  of  the  dead  Christians, 
appeared  on  the  morning  following  the  battle,  of  sizes  suit- 
able to  the  importance  and  grades  among  the  dead.  But 
Benvenuto  believes  the  story  to  be  a  mere  fable,  and  that  the 
tombs  were  constructed  because  in  every  country  it  is  the 
custom  to  bury  the  dead,  and  he  has  himself  seen  these  ceme- 
teries in  many  other  places,  though  not  in  such  great  numbers. 
But,  he  adds,  that  may  have  happened  because  Aries  is  a  very 
ancient  city,  and  at  one  time  a  capital,  as  Benvenuto  saw  for 
himself  in  the  time  of  Urban  V,  when  Charles  (IV)  the  Emperor 
came  there,  and  had  himself  crowned  King  of  Aries  {sicut  vidi 
tempore  Urbani  quinti^  quum  Carolus  modemus  imperator 
accessit  ad  istam  civitaiem^  et  fecit  se  coronari  rtgem  Arela- 


2g6  Readings  am  tkt  Infirm.        Canto  ixJ 

S)  com'  a  Pola*  pcesso  dd  Quaroaio^ 
Chit  lulia  chiode  e  tuoi  termini  bigm^ 

Fumo  i  sqpolcri  tulto  il  looo  vaio :  11$ 

Cod  fiicevan  quivi  d'  ogni  parte, 
Sahro  die  il  modo  v*  era  piik  amaro ; 

Ch^  traf  gli  avelli  fiamme  erano  sparte, 
Per  le  qoali  eran  d  dd  tutto  accesi, 
de  feno  piik  non  diiede  venm'  arte.  lao 

Even  as  at  Axles,  where  the  Rhone  is  stag- 
nant (i*  i.^  widens  out  into  a  lake),  and  as  at 
Pola  near  to  the  (Gulf  of)  Quamaip,  whidi 
shuts  in  Italy  and  bathes  its  confines,  the 
tombs  make  the  whole  place  uneven :  so  did 
they  here  on  every  dde,  save  that  here  the 
conditions  were  more  bitter;  for  within  the 

iensem  juxta  Rhodanum),    Compare  Ariosto,  OrL  Fur,  Canto 
xxxix,  St  72 : 

"  Delia  gran  mohitudine  ch'  uccisa 

Fu  da  ogni  parte  in  quest*  ultima  guerra, 

(Bench^  la  cosa  non  fu  ugual  divisa, 

Ch'  assai  piii  andlr  dei  Saracin  sotterra 

Per  man  di  Bradamante  e  di  Marfisa), 

Se  ne  vede  ancor  segno  in  quella  terra ; 

Che  presso  ad  Arli,  ove  il  Rodano  stagna, 

Piena  di  sepohure  h  la  campagna." 

*  Pola  presso  del  Qaamaro :  Pola  is  a  city  situated  on  the 
Gulf  of  Quamaro,  on  the  Adriatic,  on  the  confines  of  Italy. 
Benvenuto  says  that  this  Gulf  is  about  forty  miles  in  circum- 
ference, and  is  an  exceedingly  dangerous  spot.  He  adds  that 
near  there  are  to  be  seen  about  700  tombs  of  many  and  various 
forms.  It  is  said  that  they  formerly  contained  bodies  brought 
from  Sclavonia  into  I  stria,  to  be  buried  on  the  sea  shore. 

f  Ckt  tra:  Gelli  and  others  read  ch^eniro^  but  the  meaning  is 
the  same,  as  the  Voc,  della  Crusca  and  Blanc  agree  that  ira  can 
have  the  sense  of  dentro.  Buti,  however,  interprets,  ^  between 
one  tomb  and  the  other." 


Canto  IX.         Readings  on  the  Inferno.  297 

tombs  were  scattered  flames,  whereby  they 
were  so  heated  throughout,  that  iron  more 
(glowing)  no  handicraft  requires. 

Benvenuto  says  that  this  applies  to  any  human 
craftsmen  who  make  use  of  fire,  whether  to  work 
glass,  or  iron,  or  gold. 

Tutti  gli  lor  coperchi  *  eran  sospesi, 
£  fuor  n'  uscivan  s)  duri  lamenti, 
Che  ben  parean  di  miseri  e  d'  ofiesi. 

Ed  10  : — "  Maestro,  quai  son  quelle  gentt, 

Che  seppellite  dentro  da  quell'  arche  125 

Si  fan  sentir  con  gli  sospir  dolenti  ?" — 

All  their  lids  were  lifted  up,  and  from  them 
(i>.  the  tombs)  there  issued  lamentations  so 
piteous,  that  they  seemed  indeed  to  come 
from  people  suffering  and  tormented.  And 
I :  "  Master,  what  people  are  these,  who, 
interred  within  these  coffers,  make  themselves 
heard  with  their  sighs  of  agony?" 

Dante  is  unable  to  see  any  of  the  sinners  who 
are  wailing  inside  the  tombs.  Virgil  tells  him  who 
they  are : 

Ed  egli  a  me  : — "  Qui  son  gli  eresiarche  * 
Co'  lor  seguaci  d'  ogni  setta,  e  molto 
Piu  che  non  credi,  son  le  tombe  carchct 

*  Tuiti  gli  lor  coperchi^  etc.  :  In  the  next  canto  (x,  10-12) 
Virgil  tells  Dante  that  after  the  Day  of  Judgment  the  lids  of  the 
tombs  will  be  closed  down. 

t  Pii^  che  non  credi  son  le  tombe  carche:  compare  Inf,  x, 

1 18-120,  where  Farinata  tells  Dante  the  names  of  the  principal 

heretics  among  those  that  are  suffering  in  the  tomb  with  him. 

He  says  : 

" Qui  con  piu  di  mille  giaccio  : 

Qua  dentro  h  lo  secondo  Federico, 

E  il  Cardinale,  e  degli  altri  mi  taccio." 


agS  Riodiiiigs  an  tk§  Imfemo.        Canto  ix. 

Simile  qui  con  simile  h  sepoltss  ^y^ 

E  i  monimend  ion  piui  e  men  aJdL* — 

And  he  to  me:**  Here  are  the  Aich-Heredcs» 
with  their  foUowers,  of  every  sect,  and  much 
more  than  thou  thinkest  are  these  graves 
crowded.  Here  is  like  entombed  with  like^ 
and  the  monuments  are  more  and  less  hot" 

Virgil  means  that  the  heat  of  the  tombs  is  r^fulated 
in  proportion  to  the  offences  of  their  inmates. 

Benvenuto  remarks  that  the  Poets  now  enter  a 
narrow  way  such  as  is  commonly  to  be  found  in  cities 
between  the  walls  and  the  houses,  to  reach  which  path 
they  take  the  unusual  course  of  turning  to  their  right 
hand. 

£  poi  ch'  alia  man  destra  si  fii  volto, 
Passammo  tra  i  martin  e  gli  alti  spaldi. 

And  after  that  he  (Virgil)  had  turned  to  the 
right  hand,  we  passed  between  the  torments 
(i.  e,  the  fiery  tombs)  and  the  lofty  walls. 

Monsignor  Poletto  {Dizionario  Da$itesco^  Siena, 
1885 — 1887,  vol.  ii,  s.  V.  Destro)  says  that,  in  ascend- 
ing the  Mountain  of  Purgatory,  the  Poets  invariably 
turn  to  the  right,  while  in  Hell  they  as  regularly  turn 
to  the  left,  when  they  enter  each  cornice  of  the 
former,  and  each  circle  of  the  latter.  This  he  thinks 
certainly  arises  from  the  fundamental  idea  that,  on 
the  Day  of  Judgment,  the  Elect  will  stand  on  the 
right,  and  the  Doomed  on  the  left.  When,  however, 
the  Poets  enter  the  City  of  Dis  they  turn  to  the  right 
hand.  Why  is  this  ?  Monsignor  Poletto  thinks,  with 
Andreoli,  that,  as  they  had  to  fetch  a  wide  compass 
round  the  walls  {grande  aggirata)  before  disembark- 


Canto  IX.        Readings  on  tht  Inferno.  399 

ing  at  the  Gate  of  the  City,  when  they  did  pass  into 
it,  they  Tound  that,  in  their  circuit,  they  had  traversed 
a  much  greater  space  than  they  had  been  doing  in 
the  other  circles,  and  had  consequently  overshot  the 
mark  ;  so  that  to  get  to  the  spot  marked  for  their  de- 
scent into  the  next  circle,  instead  of  turning  as  usual 
to  the  left,  they  were  obliged  to  take  ground  to  their 
right  See  diagram,  subjoined,  of  the  Poets'  itinerary, 
which  is  adapted  from  one  in  a  beautiful  work  {La 
Materia  della  Divina  Commedia  di  Dante  Alligkieri 
dichiaraia  in  VI  iavoU,  Roma,  1872)  by  the  late  Duke 
of  Sermoneta. 

End  of  Canto  IX. 

ITINERARY  WITHIN  THE  CITY  OF  DIS. 


The  conclusion  o  saw  Dante  and 

Virgil,  having  gained  admittance  into  the  City  of  Dis, 
passing  between  the  city  walls,  and  the  Aery  tombs 
wherein  the  Arch-Heretics  are  tormented.  The 
present  Canto  deals  more  especially  with  the  Epicu- 
reans, who  maintained  that  the  soul  dies  with  the 
body. 

Benvenuto  divides  the  Canto  into  four  parts. 
In  Division  /.from  v.  i  to  v.  51,  the  shade  of  the 
great  GhibetUne  leader,  Farinata  degli  Uberti,  recog- 
nizing Dante  as  a  Florentine  by  his  Tuscan  idiom, 
addresses  him. 

In  Division  II,  from  v.  52  to  v.  72,  the  shade  of 
Cavalcante  dei  Cavalcanti  interrupts  the  conversation, 
to  ask  Dante  if  his  son  Guido,  Dante's  friend,  is  still 


In  Division  III,  from  v.  73  to  v.  1 14,  Farinata  re- 
sumes his  conversation  with  Dante,  and  predicts  his 
exile  from  Florence. 

In  Division  IV,  from  v.  1 1  s  to  v.  1 36,  Farinata, 


Canto  X.         Readings  on  the  Inferno.  301 

having  named  two  shades  of  great  distinction  who 
are  in  the  same  tomb  with  hfmself,  disappears,  and 
the  Poets  prepare  to  descend  into  the  next  Circle. 

Division  L    As  though  to  give  emphasis  to  what 

has  been  said  before,  the  Canto  opens  by  repeating, 

almost  in  the  same  words  as  those  which  concluded 

the  last  Canto,  that  the  Poets  took  their  way  between 

the  city  walls  and  the  sepulchres  of  the  tormented. 

Ora  sen  va  per  un  secreto  calle* 

Tra  il  muro  della  terra  e  li  martlri 
Lo  mio  Maestro,  ed  io  dopo  le  spalle. 

Along  a  retired  track  between  the  city-wall 
and  the  torments  (/.  e.  the  fiery  tombs)  my 
master  now  wends  his  way,  and  I  at  his  back 
(///.  after  his  shoulders). 

Gelli  draws  attention  to  the  art  with  which  Dante 
now  sounds  Virgil  as  to  whether  he  may  be  allowed 
to  see  some  of  these  shades,  who,  Gelli  asserts, 
Dante  knew  were  often  very  learned  men,  and  he 
probably  felt  an  intense   longing  to  converse  with 

*  calU:  Gelli  thinks  calle  is  here  equivalent  to  vioitoUf,  a 
retired,  half  hidden  lane.  He  says  ^^  Calle  in  our  [Tuscan] 
language  signifies  a  road,  large  or  small,  and  half  hidden,  which 
crosses  the  fields  or  woods,  and  which  is  more  used  by  wild 
beasts  than  by  men,  and  that  they  have  certain  nets  which  are 
set  in  these  colli  for  the  purpose  of  ensnaring  wild  beasts,  which 
are  called  callaiuoleP  And  from  the  path  that  the  Poets  took, 
winding  among  the  tombs,  Dante  calls  it  un  secreto  calle^  a 
retired  track.     Compare  Virg.  jEn,  vi,  442-444  : 

"  Hie,  quos  durus  amor  crudeli  tabe  peredit, 
Secreti  celant  calles,  et  myrtea  circum 
Sylva  tegit." 


302  Reading  on  the  Ittftnuf.  Canto  X. 

them.  Gelli  thinks  that  what  Dante  says  is  in  sub- 
stance as  follows :  "  Yon,  Virgil,  have  brought  me  here 
to  see  all  these  things,  to  show  them  tome  just  as  you 
like.  Now  these  tombs  are  all  open,  the  demons  are 
all  scattered  to  hide  from  the  Angel,  can  we  not  just 
look   in  ? "      H  '         '  uck    with   the  per- 

suasiveness  of  to   Virgil,   writes  : 

Mirahiliter  capt  n. 


Paria  ei  desiri. 

La  t'ente,  t  ce, 

Potrel  levati 

Tuiti  i  uardia  face."^ 

"O  thou  (filled  with)  the  most  exalled  virtue, 
who  an  making  me   lo  go  round   through 
these  circles  of  wickedness,"  I  began,  "  speak 
to  me  as  it  pleases  thee,  and  satisfy  my  de- 
sires.   These  people  that  lie  in  these  tombs, 
might  they  be  seen?     The  covers  are  all 
raised,  and  no  one  keeps  guard." 
Others  read  cAe  mi  volvi  come  a  U  piaee,  and  under- 
stand the  passage  to  mean  that  Dante  feels  he  is  being 
turned  to  the  right  or  to  the  left,  just  as  is  pleasing 
to  Virgil. 

In  replying  to  Dante,  Vii^il  first  remarks  that, 
although  the  tombstones  are  now  upraised,  they  will 
cease  to  be  so  after  the  Day  of  Judgment,  in  which 
statement  some  think  he  is  pointing  the  moral  that 
heretics,  when  once  they  have  formed  their  judgment 
as  to  their  heretical  opinions,  are  so  sealed  up  in  their 
obstinacy,  that  they  go  on  through  life  with  the  lire  of 
vain-glory  and  self-love  burning  within  them. 


J 


Canto  X.  Readings  on  tfte  Inferno.  303 

Ed  egli  a  me : — ''  Tutti  saran  serrati,  10 

Quando  di  Josaflfkl*  qui  tomeranno 
Coi  corpi  che  lassii  hanno  lasciati. 

And  he  to  me :  "  They  will  all  be  closed  up 
when  (their  inmates)  return  here  from  (the 
Valley  of)  Jehosaphat  with  the  bodies  they 
have  left  up  there. 

As  the  Poets  walk  forward  towards  the  right,  Virgil 
tells  Dante  that  in  this  particular  part  of  the  ceme- 
tery are  confined  Epicurus  and  his  followers.  Benve- 
nuto  thinks  that  the  chief  heretic  of  each  sect  had 
one  great  tomb  devoted  to  him  and  all  his  followers, 
and  that,  when  Farinata  shows  himself,  he  emerges 
from  the  sepulchre  of  Epicurus  {ideo  fingit  istum 
Farinatam  nunc  surgere  de  area  magna  Epicuri^  etc.)^ 
but  I  do  not  feel  that  Dante  could  have  intended  to 
convey  that  idea.  At  the  end  of  this  canto  he  asks 
the  haughty  Farinata  to  tell  him  what  spirits  were 
actually  being  tormented  in  the  same  tomb  with  him- 

*  JosaffdLt :  It  was  believed  that  the  place  of  the  Last  Judg- 
ment would  be  the  Valley  of  Jehosaphat.  See  Joel  iii,  2  :  "  I 
will  also  gather  all  nations,  and  will  bring  them  down  into  the 
valley  of  Jehosaphat."  And  verse  12  :  "  Let  the  heathen  be 
wakened,  and  come  up  to  the  valley  of  Jehosaphat :  for  there 
will  I  sit  to  judge  all  the  heathen  round  about"  Tasso  (Ger.  Lib, 
Canto  xi,  st.  x)  thus  describes  the  Valley  of  Jehosaphat 
"  Cos)  cantando,  il  popolo  devoto 

Con  larghi  giri  si  dispiega  e  stende, 

£  drizza  alP  Oliveto  il  lento  moto, 

Monte  che  dall'  olive  il  nome  prende, 

Monte  per  sacra  fama  al  mondo  noto, 

Ch'  oriental  contra  le  mura  ascende ; 

£  sol  da  quelle  il  parte  e  ne  '1  discosta 

La  cupa  Giosaf^  che  in  mezzo  h  posta." 


304  Readings  on  the  Inferno.         Canto  X. 

self.  Out  of  more  than  a  thousand  whom  Farinata 
tells  him  are  therein  (v.  1 19-120),  he  only  names  two, 
the  Eipperor  Frederick  II,  and  Cardinal  dcgli  Ubal- 
dini,  but  passes  over  the  rest  in  silence  as  unworthy 
of  his  notice.  Had  Epicurus  himself  been  in  that 
toinb,  he  would  *■ — -"■■  *• —  t--*-^  to  speak  of  him. 


Peril  ^lla 
Quin 
Ed  a 


i  taci."— 


In  this  pi  ture  with  Epi- 

curus all  .  make  the  soul 

die  with  the  body,     therefore  as  regards  the 
question  that  thou  putiest  to  me,  thou  shalt 
soon  be  satisfied  here  within  (i.e.  among  these 
tombs)  and   also   as  regards   the  wish    that 
thou  art  keeping  secret  from  me." 
This  unexpressed  desire  of  Dante  was  in  all  proba- 
bility that  of  seeing  and  conversing  with  Farinata,  or 
some  of  the  other  renowned  Florentines  about  whom 


*  Epicuro:  Danle  speaks  of  Epicurus  in  the  Convito,  tr.  iv, 
cap,  vi  :  "Altri  fAosad  furono,  che  videro  e  credettono  altro, 
che  costoro  ;  e  di  quesii  fu  ptimo  e  principe  uno  ttlosofb,  che  fii 
chiamato  Epicuro,  che  veggendo  che  ciascuno  anitnalc  tnilo 
ch'  k  nato  k  quasi  da  natura  diriiiato  nel  debito  tine,  che  fiigge 
dolore  e  domanda  allegreua,  disse  questo  nostro  fine  essere 
voluptate,...dc^  diletto  sania  dolore;  e  per6  tra '1  diletto  el 
dolore  nou  ponea  meuo  alcuno ;  dicea  che  voluptade  non  era 
aliro,  che  non  dolore  ;  siccome  pare  Tullio  recitare  nel  primo 
di  Fine  d£  Bern.  E  di  quesii,  che  da  Epicuro  sono  Epicurei 
>  nominaii,  fu  Torquato,  nobile  Romano,  disceso  del  &angue  del 
glorioso  Torquato,  del  quale  feci  menilone  di  sopra." 


Canto  X.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  305 

he  questioned  Ciacco  (vi,  79  et  seg.),  and  learned  from 
him  that  he  might  see  them  lower  down  in  Hell. 
Vii^l  promptly  reads  what  is  in  his  mind.* 

Dante  assures  Virgil  that  he  has  no  desire  to  con- 
ceal his  thoughts  from  him,  but  that  Virgil  had  him- 
self reproved  him,  before  they  reached  the  Acheron, 
for  being  importunatcf 

Ed  10 : — "  Buon  Duca,  non  tegno  riposto 

A  te  mio  cor,  se  non  per  dicer  poco ;  20 

*  We  again  find  Virgil  reading  Dante's  thoughts  in  canto 
xvi,  121-123  • 

"  £i  disse  a  me  :  '  Tosto  verrk  di  sopra 

Ci6  ch'  io  attendo,  e  che  il  tuo  pensier  sogna 
Tosto  convien  ch'  al  tuo  viso  si  scopra.' " 
and  xxiii,  25  et  seq. : 

"  £  quei :  '  S'  io  fossi  d'  impiombato  vetro, 
U  imagine  di  fuor  tua  non  trarrei 
Piii  tosto  a  me,  che  quella  d'  entro  impetro. 
Pur  mo  venian  li  tuoi  pensier  tra  i  miei 
Con  simile  atto  e  con  simile  faccia, 
S)  che  d'  intrambi  un  sol  consiglio  fei.' " 
So  also  Beatrice,  in  Par,  xvii,  7-12  : 

"  Per  che  mia  donna  :  *  Manda  fuor  la  vampa 
Del  tuo  disio,'  mi  disse, '  s)  ch'  ella  esca 
Segnata  bene  della  interna  stampa  ; 
Non  perch^  nostra  conoscenza  cresca 
Per  tuo  parlare,  ma  perch ^  t*  ausi 
A  dir  la  sete,  s)  che  \  uom  ti  mesca.' " 

t  Compare  Inf.  iii,  76  et  seg,  : 

'*  Ed  egli  a  me  :  '  Le  cose  ti  fien  conte, 
Quando  noi  fermerem  li  nostri  passi 
Sulla  trista  riviera  d'  Acheronte.' 
Allor  con  gli  occhi  vergognosi  e  bassi, 
Temendo  no  1  mio  dir  gli  fusse  grave, 
Infino  al  fiume  di  parlar  mi  trassi." 

X 


306  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  Canto  X. 

E  tu  m'  hai  non  pur  mp  a  ci6  disposlo.*"— 
And  I  :    "  Good  Leader,    I   only    keep   my 
hean  concealed  from  thee,  so  as  to  speak 
few  words ;  and  not  only  now  hast  thou  dis- 
posed me  thereto." 


We  now  lean 
speedy  fulfilmei 
an  opportunity 
among  the  Epit 
spirit  is  one  of 
desirous  of  mci 
shade  of  Farina 
use  of  the  Flo. 


ntses  to  Dante  find  a 
Dante  see,  and  have 
1,  one  of  the  spirits 
:  finds  also  that  this 
ines  whom  he  is  so 
:  assumed  that  the 
taring  Dante  make 
.  7»w,  dicer,  pur  mo. 


recc^nizcs  that  a  fellow  countryman  is  passing  by, 
and  rises  up  to  address  him. 

— "  O  Tosco,t  che  per  la  cittk  del  foco 

*  Nan  pur  mo,  Benvenutoremarks  that  Virgil  was  at  all  times 
an  admirer  and  an  inculcator  of  brevity  both  in  speaking  and 
writing,  and  was  ever  a  teacher  of  the  value  of  time.  Compare 
Georg.  Hi,  66 : 

*'  Optima  quEcque  dies  miseris  mortalibus  ccvi 
Prima  fugil." 
and  Georg.  iii,  384  : 

"Sed  fugit  interea,  fugit  irreparabile  tempus." 
and  /£n.  x.  467-8  : 

"  breve  et  irreparabile  tempus 
Omnibus  est  vitje." 
See  also  Horace,  Ars  Poetica,  33;  : 

"  Quicquid  pr^ecipies,  esto  brevis." 
+  0  Tosco:   In  canto  xxiii,  the  hypocrites  recognize  Dante 
as  a  Tuscan  either  by  his  pronunciation  or  his  phraseology  ; 
see  V.  76-77  ; 

"  Ed  un,  che  intese  la  parola  Tosca, 
Diretro  a  noi  grid6,  etc." 


Canto  X.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  307 

Vivo  ten  vai,  cosl  parlando  onesto,* 
Piacciati  di  restare  in  questo  loco. 
La  tua  loquelaf  ti  fa  manifesto  25 

Di  quella  nobil  patria  natio, 
Alia  qual  forse  io  fui  troppo  molesto.'* 

''  O  Tuscan,  who  alive  art  going  through  the 
city  of  fire,  speaking  with  so  much  modesty, 
may  it  please  thee  to  tarry  on  this  spot  Thy 
speech  clearly  reveals  thee  (to  be)  a  native 
of  that  noble  fatherland  (Florence),  on  which 
it  may  be  that  I  wrought  too  much  harm." 

These  words  are  spoken  by  the  shade  of  Farinata 
degli  Uberti,  the  most  renowned  of  the  Ghibelline 

and  at  V.  91,  one  of  the  Frati  Godenti  thus  addresses  him  : 

"  O  Tosco,  ch'  al  collegio 
Degl*  ipocriti  tristi  se*  venuto,  etc" 
and  at  v.  94,  Dante  replies  : 

"  Io  fui  nato  e  cresciuto 
Sopra  il  bel  fiume  d'  Amo  alia  gran  villa.'' 
In.  canto  xxxiii,  10-12,  Count  Ugolino  della  Gherardesca,  a 
Pisan,  at  once  distinguishes  him  as  a  Florentine  : 
*'  *  r  non  so  chi  tu  sei,  n^  per  che  modo 

Venuto  se'  quaggiii;  ma  Fiorentino 
Mi  sembri  veramente,  quand'  io  t*  odo.' " 
*  onesio :  There  is  a  considerable  preponderance  of  authority 
for  taking  the  word  to  mean  modestly  or  reverently  in  this 
passage.  Lombardi  says  :  "avverbio  per  onesiamente^  ma  qui 
per  modesiamenier  Bianchi  and  Fraticelli  *'  per  reverentemente^ 
come  pur  dianzi  Dante  faceva  parlando  a  Virgilio."  Gelli 
comments :  ''  parlando  cosl  onesto,  e  con  tanta  modestia." 
Scartazzini :  *'  awerbio  =  onestamente,  val  qui  modesta- 
menteP    Boccaccio  interprets  it  "  reverentementeP 

t  loquela :  compare  St,  Matt,  xxvi,  73  :  "  And  after  a  while 
came  unto  him  they  that  stood  by,  and  said  to  Peter,  Surely  thou 
also  art  one  of  them  ;  for  thy  speech  bewrayeth  thee."  Gelli 
thinks  loquela  means  the  pronunciation. 

X  2 


308  Readings  on  the  Infer 

leaders  of  Florence,  He  was  a  knight,  and  a  member 
of  the  noble  family  of  the  Uberti.  He  was  held  in 
the  greatest  favour  by  the  Emperor  Frederick  II 
(who  at  that  time  was  living  in  Tuscany,  and  was  the 
great  support  of  the  Ghibelline  party),  and  after  the 
Emperor's  deatt  inued  good  graces 

of  his  natural  soi  ta  was  able  to  keep 

the  Guelphs  in  (  n  Inf.  vi.  8i,  Dante 

speaks  of  him  as  ■  ""lorentines.c/wu  ben 

far  poser  gli  ingt  ijo,  with  the  greater 

number  of  the  s,  he  was  banished 

from  Florence,  b  emselves  to  Siena, 

where  Farinat^'s  was  the  means  of 

bringingthe  Sienese  to  join  his  forces.  Having  also 
obtained  considerable  reinforcements  from  Manfred, 
he  deluded  the  Florentine  Guelphs  into  the  belief 
that  if  they  marched  against  Siena,  one  of  its  gates 
should  be  given  up  to  them.  The  Florentines  fell 
into  the  snare,  and  commenced  their  march,  but  on  the 
4th  September,  1260,  on  the  river  Arbia,  they  were 
attacked  by  the  Ghibelline  army,  which  was  in  am- 
bush among  the  hills.  The  Guelphs  were  defeated, 
and  with  such  terrible  slaughter,  that  they  abandoned 
Florence,  and  among  those  who  fled  were  the  an- 
cestors^^of  Dante.  The  celebrated  Carocdo  or  war 
chariot,  on  which  was  carried  the  Bell  called  the 
Martinella,  was  captured  by  the  victors.  Ampire, 
in  his  Viaggio  Dantesco,  says  that  in  the  splendid 
Cathedral  of  Siena  may  still  be  seen  the  crucifix 
which  served  as  a  standard  to  the  Sienese,  as  well  as 
the  mast  that  was  fixed  to  the  Caroccio,  and  from 
which  the  banner  of  the  city  of  Florence  was  sus- 


Canto  X.  Readings  on  the  Inferno,  309 

pended..  The  leading  part  that  Farinata  had  taken 
in  the  war  against  Florence  was  never  forgotten  or 
forgiven.  When  the  Guelphs  recovered  the  ascend- 
ancy, the  palaces  of  the  Uberti  were  razed  to  the 
ground,  and  when  Arnolfo  di  Cambio  was  employed 
as  the  architect  to  build  the  Palazzio  Vecchio  della 
Signoria,  tradition  says  that  he  was  required  so  to 
build  it,  that  no  part  of  it  should  stand  on  ground 
that  had  been  desecrated  by  having  been  the  site  of 
the  Uberti  palaces ;  and  hence  the  irregular  shape  of 
the  building  as  it  now  stands.  The  tradition  is 
probably  not  historically  true,  but  it  serves  to  show 
the  fierce  vindictive  hate  that  was  felt  by  the  Guelphs 
against  him  who  had  been  their  chief  victorious 
adversary. 

Boccaccio  says  that  Farinata  followed  the  opinions 
of  Epicurus,  namely  that  the  soul  died  with  the  body ; 
and  that  the  happiness  of  men  consisted  in  corporal 
delights.  Farinata  was  no  glutton,  but  had  a  decided 
liking  for  refined  and  delicate  dishes. 

Observe  that  Farinata  only  says  forse^  as  to  his 
having  been  hurtful  to  Florence,  which  is  equivalent  to 
saying  that  he  does  not  himself  admit  that  he  was 
so,  but  is  only  quoting  the  fact  that  his  adversaries 
make  that  accusation. 

Gelli,  who  was  a  hosier  of  Florence,  relates  df  him- 
self, that  it  was  his  great  love  for  Dante  that  stimulated 
him  into  learning  all  that  he  afterwards  knew,  and 
which  rendered  him  worthy  of  receiving  from  Cosimo 
de'  Medici  the  appointment  of  permanent  lecturer  on 
Dante  at  Florence.  Gelli  writes  at  great  length  upon 
the  purity  and  beauty  of  the  Tuscan  language  and  pro- 


'310  Readmgs  on  iiu  Inferno.  Canto  X. 

nunciation,  and  more  especially  as  it  is  spoken  in 
Florence.  After  speaking  of  other  languages,  and 
how  they  can  never  be  so  learnt  by  foreigners  as  for 
their  speech  to  deceive  the  native  ear,  he  adds  that 
he  will  only  adduce  the  example  "  deila  nostra  fioren- 
tina."     He  sa>      '      ""'  have  always  tried  to 

avoid  the  vulg.  ;  sharp  E  of  Arezzo, 

the  blunt  Z  of  spleasing  accents  of 

Siena,  and  thai  of  such  refined  sen- 

sitiveness, that  the  smallest  accent 

or  expression  I  it.     The  Florentines 

have  moreovei  ;hoice  of  words,  and 

so  soft  a  prom  who  hear  it  resolve 

to  learn  and  adopt  u,  out  unless  they  are  cither  born 
or  bred  in  Florence  they  totally  fail  in  attaining  it. 
"  And  they  who  moved  by  envy,  have  attempted  to 
find  fault  with  our  way  of  speaking,  have  never  been 
able  really  to  find  anything  to  censure  except  certain 
words,  accents,  or  peculiarities  of  speech,  which  in  our 
language  are  only  used  by  plebeians  and  ignorant 
people ;  forgetting  that  when  one  wishes  to  learn  a 
language,  one  must  do  so  from  those  who  know  it  and 
talk  it  best,  as  for  instance  from  the  nobles  and  the  prin- 
cipal persons  of  the  country ;  for  they,  being  brought 
up  to  talk  of  affairs  of  State,  Government,  or  Sciences, 
naturally  learn  to  speak  well ;  whereas  the  plebeians, 
who,  having  no  other  idea  than  that  of  earning  their 
bread,  if  even  they  are  clever  enough  to  do  that,  have 
a  speech  so  debased  and  vile  that  it  must  not  be  taken 
into  account"  Gelli  concludes  by  saying  that  when 
one  considers  the  extreme  minuteness  of  sounds, 
accents,    pronunciation,    and    idiom,  cherished    by 


Canto  X.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  311 

Florentines,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  Messer 
Farinata  degli  Uberti,  a  most  distinguished  knight 
and  citizen  of  Florence,  on  hearing  Dante  speak, 
knew  by  his  first  words  that  he  was  a  Tuscan,  and  by 
his  pronunciation  a  Florentine. 

Dante  is  startled  at  hearing  Farinata's  voice,  but 
Virgil  somewhat  sharply  tells  him  to  collect  himself. 

Subitamente  questo  suono  uscio 

D'  una  deir  arche  :*  per6  m'  accostai, 
Temendo,  un  poco  piii  al  duca  mio.  30 

Ed  ci  mi  disse : — "  Volgiti :  che  fai  ? 
Vedi  W  Farinata  che  s*  h  dritto  :t 
Dalla  cintural  in  su  tutto  il  vedrai.'' — 

Suddenly  this  sound  issued  from  one  of  the 
tombs,  whereupon  in  fear  I  drew  a  little 
closer  to  my  Leader.     And  he  to  me  said  : 

*  arche :  from  arca^  a  coffer,  a  sarcophagus ;  not  from  arco^ 
a  vault,  an  arch. 

t  y  ^  dritto :  The  Voc,  delta  Crusca  explains  this  to  be  the 
same  as  rizzato  in  piedi^  standing  up  on  his  feet  Cavalcanti 
(1.  52)  only  sursCy  rose  up,  but  the  indomitable  Farinata  si  drissd. 
There  is  no  word  in  the  Italian  language  that  by  itself  mt^ns  to 
stand,  unless  in  combination  with  other  words.  Stare  has  not 
that  meaning,  except  when  followed  by  such  words  as  ritto^  or 
inpiedi.  For  instance,  in  Purg,  iv,  104,  Dante  speaks  olpersone 
che  sistavano  alV  ombra.  That  means  that  they  were  abiding 
in  the  shade  in  some  position  or  other.  Had  Dante  wished  to 
describe  them  as  standing,  he  would  have  said,  si  stavano  in 
piedi^  or  si  stavano  ritti. 

X  Dalla  cintura  in  su :  compare  Tasso  {Ger.  Liber,  canto  xi, 

St  27) : 

''  Dalla  cintola  in  su  sorge  il  Soldano." 

Many  editions  of  Dante  read  cintola  instead  of  cintura^  in  this 
passage. 


Readings  on  the  Inferno.  Canto  x. 

"Turn  [hee  about:  What  art  thou  doing? 
See  there  Karinata,  who  has  risen  up  erect : 
from  the  girdle  upwards  thou  wilt  see  him 
wholly." 


Vir^l  wishes  *" 
presence  of  the 
desirous  of  seeing, 

Dante  thus  ad 
great  Ghibelline, 
against  the  torme 

Viigil  leads  his 


"  that  he  is  in  the 
whom  he  was  so 
t  dismiss  his  fears, 
the  shade  of  the 
;meanour  is  proof 


I'  avea  gik  il  n^...^  ,.^^  nci  au.       o  ; 

Ed  ei  s'  ergea  col  pelto  e  colla  fronte,  35 

Come  avesse  io  inferno  in  gran  dispitto  :* 

E  1'  animose  man  del  duca  e  pronte 

*  dispitto :  altered  from  dispelto,  "contempt,"  for  the  sake  of 
the  rhyme.     Benvenuio,   commenling  on  dis^tto,  says  that 
Farinatawas  haughty  as  well  as  his  descendants,  and  he  quotes 
from  Par,  xvi,  109-1 10,  to  show  that  pride  will  have  a  fall : 
"  O  quali  io  vidi  quel  che  son  disfatti 
Per  lor  superbia  I  " 
And  in  P^rg.  x,  111,  et  seq.,  Dante  deprecates  pride  in  such 
insignificant  creatures  as  mortals  : 

"  O  superbi  Cristian,  miseri  lassi, 


Che,  della  vista  della  i 

nente  infermi, 

Fidania  avete  ne'  ritro 

si  passi ; 

Non  v*  accorgete  voi,  che  r 

loi  siam  vermi 

Nali  a  formar  1'  angeli 

ca  farfalla, 

Che  vola  alia  giuslizia 

senia  schemti  ? 

Di 

che  1'  animo  vosiro  in  a 

Ito  galia. 

Poi  sicte  quasi  entomala'  in  difetto, 

SI  come  vermo,  in  cui 

fonnaiion  falla  ?' 

Ji  antomata,  hii  Svo  tntemata. 


Canto  X.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  313 

Mi  pinser  tra  le  sepolture  a  lui, 

Dicendo  : — "  Lc  parole  tue  sicn  contc" — ♦ 

Already  (the  instant  I  heard  Virgil's  reproof) 
had  I  fixed  my  eyes  on  his  {i.e.  oh  Fari- 
nata's) ;  and  he  had  upreared  himself  with 
breast  and  brow,  as  though  he  held  Hell  in 
lofty  scorn.  And  the  fearless  and  ready 
hands  of  my  Leader  pushed  me  (forward) 
between  the  sepulchres  towards  him,  saying  : 
"  Let  thy  words  be  precise." 

Danielli  explains  that  Virgil  wishes  Dante  to  be 
very  clear  and  precise  in  his  language  in  conversing 
with  a  heretic,  in  order  that  there  might  be  no  am- 
biguity as  to  his  meaning. 

Farinata  prefaces  his  conversation  with  Dante  by 

haughtily  asking  him  for  the  name  of  his  family,  to 

find  out  whether  Dante  is  of  noble  descent,  and  as 

such,  worthy  of  his  notice. 

Com'  io  al  pi^  della  sua  tomba  fui,  40 

Guardommi  un  poco,  e  poi  quasi  sdegnoso 
Mi  dimand6  : — "  Chi  fur  li  maggior  tui  ?" — 

As  soon  as  I  was  at  the  foot  of  his  tomb,  he 
eyed  me  for  a  while,  and  then  almost  con- 
temptuously asked  me  :  "  Who  were  thine 
ancestors  ?  " 

Farinata*s  manner  of  addressing  Dante  is  of  a  piece 
with   the  way  in  which,  later  on  in  this   canto,  he 

*  cante :  from  cognitus^  such  as  can  be  known  at  once,  intelli- 
gible, clear,  precise.  Some  have  tried  to  derive  the  word  from 
contaie  with  the  meaning  :  "  Let  thy  words  be  counted,  f.  e.  be 
brief"    Compare  Inf.  xvii,  39-40,  where  Virgfil  tells  Dante  to 

lose  no  time  : 

"  Mi  disse, '  or  va/  e  vedi  la  lor  mena. 

Li  tuoi  ragionamenti  sian  Ik  corti.' " 


314  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  Canto  X. 

utterly  ignores  tlie  presence  of  Cavalcante  dei  Caval- 
canti,  the  father  of  his  own  daughter's  husband,  and 
the  scornful  silence  in  which  he  passes  over  the 
names  of  the  other  occupants  of  his  place  of  torment 
after  naming  an  emperor  and  a  cardinal. 

Virgil  had  be/  e  precise  answers 

to  anyquestions  to  him,  and  Dante 

now  bears  this  in  ita  is  not  pleased 

at  the  intelligence 
lo,  ch'  era  d' 

Nod  gli  I'  apersi : 

Ond'  ei ,  >  in  aoso ;  45 

Poi  disse ;—  -vcrsi 

A  me  ed  a'  miei  pnmi  ed  a  mia  pane, 

SI  die  per  due  fia.Ce  gli  dispersi." — 

I,  who  was  desirous  to  obey  (Virgil)  did  not 
conceal  it  (my  descent)  from  him,  but  detailed 
(A/,  opened)  them  all  to  him  :  on  which  he 
raised  his  eye-brows  a  little.     Then  he  said : 
"  They  were  fiercely  hostile  to  me,  and  to  my 
forefathers,  and  to  my  i^arty,  for  which  reason 
I  twice  scattered  them  (t'.«.,  drove  them  into    ' 
exile)." 
Benvenuto  and  Scartazzini  diHer  as  to  the  signifi- 
cation of  Farinata's  action   in   turning  up  his  eye- 
brows.    Scartazzini  thinks  that  he  did  so,  as  seeking 
to  recollect  something,  but  I  venture  to  suggest  that 
that   movement  would  be  accompanied   by  a  slight 
raising  of  the  head  simultaneously.     I   prefer  Ben- 
venuto's   interpretation,   namely   that    Farinata    ex- 
pressed  an  increase  of  displeasure  on  finding   that 
Dante's    ancestors    were    Guelphs,    and    Benvenuto 
thinks  that  Da:nte,  in  telliiig  Farinata  that  the  Alii- 


Canto  X.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  315 

ghieri  descended  froni  the  Eiisei,  did  so  for  the 
express  purpose  of  provoking  Farinata  into  a  retort. 
So  much  has  been  written  about  Dante's  political 
opinions,  some  maintaining  him  to  have  been  a 
Guelph  throughout  his  life,  though  displeased  with 
his  own  party,  others  contending  that  he  was  always 
a  Ghibelline  at  heart,  that  Benvenuto's  clear  account 
of  what  was  thought  on  the  subject  in  1375  may  not 
be  out  of  place  here.  "  And  hereby  note  that  Dante 
was  a  Guelph,  and  of  Guelph  parents,  although  many 
strive  to  assert,  and  do  affirm  the  contrary,  either  from 
ignorance,  or  from  enmity.  And  without  going  into 
other  arguments,  I  will  confine  myself  to  saying  that 
Dante  never  could  have  occupied  the  high  position 
that  he  did  at  Florence,  and  have  been  in  the  year 
1300  one  among  the  chiefs  and  rulers,  if  he  had  been 
a  Ghibelline  noble,  seeing  that  for  so  long  a  period 
before  that  time,  the  Ghibellines  had  been  driven  forth, 
and  banished  from  Florence.  Yet  our  author,  though 
originally  a  Guelph,  became  after  his  banishment  a 
Ghibelline,  and  a  very  strong  Ghibelline  {into  Ghi- 
belinissimus),  as  Boccaccio  de  Certaldo  distinctly 
asserts  in  his  little  book  concerning  Dante's  life  and 
habits ;  and  I  must  relate  an  amusing  story  about  a 
certain  Ghibelline  partisan,  who  hearing  this,  said  : 
*  In  truth,  this  man  could  never  have  written  so  great 
a  work,  unless  he  had  become  a  Ghibelline.'  " 

The  Guelphs,  among  whom  were  Dante's  ancestors, 
were  expelled  from  Florence  the  first  time  in  1248, 
when  the  Ghibellines,  re-inforced  by  1600  knights 
sent  to  their  assistance  by  Frederick  II,  drove  the 
Guelphs  out  of  the  city.    The  second  occasion  was 


3i6 


Readings  on  Ike  Inferno. 


Canto  X. 


after  the  Battle  of  Montaperti,  in  1260,  when  Dante's 
ancestor  Bellincione  was  one  of  the  fugitive  Guelphs. 
Benvenuto  here  mentions  having  seen  a  letter  written 
by  Frederick  II,  in  which  the  Emperor  exults  at  the 
expulsion  of  the  Guelphs  from  Florence  by  his  friends 
the  Ghibellines  ;  Frederick  took  cer- 

tain captured  G  1  him  into  Apulia, 

where  after  he  \\  put  out,  he  caused 

them  to  be  drot  In  consequence  of 

this,  when  Fredi  ent  occasion,  came 

to  hold  a  Court  :>ided  entering  into 

the  city,  having  istrologers  that  be 

would  die  at  FIc  iid  eventually  die 

at  another  Florence,  which  is  in  Apulia  {quod  mori- 
turus  erat  Florentus ;  sed  mortuus  est  tandem  in  aiia 
Florentia,  qua  est  in  Apulia).  Benvenuto  here  refers 
to  Castel  Fiorentino  in  Apulia. 

Dante  is   much  iritated  at  the  taunt  of  Farinata 
about  his  ancestors,  and  retorts  with  some  asperity. 
— "  S'  ei  ftir  cacciaii,  ei  tomar  d'  ogni  parte,"— 

Rispos'  io  lui,— "I'  una  c  1'  allra  fiata  ;  jo 

Ma  i  voscri  non  appreser  ben  quell'  arte." — 
"  If  they  were  driven   forth,  they  returned 
from  every  side,"  I  answered  him,  "  both  on 
the  first  and  on  the  second  occasion,   but 
your  people  have  not  learnt  that  art  aright" 
Dante  means,  "  My  party  managed  to  get  back  to 
Florence,  but  yours  have  by  no  means  learnt  the  art 
of   returning   from   banishment."     The  Guelphs   re- 
turned to  Florence  the  first  time  in  January,  1251, 
after    having  defeated  the   Ghibellines   in  October, 
1250.     Their  second  return  was  after  the  defeat  and 


Canto  X.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  317 

death  of  Manfred  at  the  battle  of  Benevento  in  1 266, 

which  battle  was  said  to  have  been  the  death  blow  to 

the  Ghibelline  cause  in  Italy ;  and  in  fact  from  that 

day  (says  Boccaccio)  by  no  strength  or  artifice  did 

the  party  ever  again  get  a  footing  in  Florence.    Gino 

Capponi  {Storia  della  Repubblica  di  Firense^  vol.  i, 

pp.  46,  47,  Firenze,  1875)  relates  how  after  the  Battle 

of  Montaperti  the  exultation  of  Cardinal  Ottaviano 

degli  Ubaldini  (who  is  alluded  to  in  verse  120  of  this 

canto)  was  checked   by  a  speech  of  the  Cardinal 

Bianco,  a  Guelph  and  an  astrologer,  who  proghecied 

the  ultimate  return  and  supremacy  of  the  Guelphs  in 

Florence.     The  old  chronicler  Ricordano  Malespini 

(Jstoria  Fiorentina^  cap.  clxix)  relates  the  story  as 

follows :  "  II  cardinale  Attaviano  degli  Ubaldini  ne 

fece  grande  festa ;    onde  ci6  veggendo  il  Cardinale 

Bianco,  il  quale  era  grande  istrolago,  e  negromante, 

disse:  '  Se  1  Cardinale  Attaviano  sapesse  il  frutto  di 

questa  giierra  de*  Fiorentini,  egli  non  farebbe  questa 

allegrezza.'     II  CoUegio  de'  Cardinali  il  pregarono  che 

dovesse  dichiarare  piii  aperto,  ed  egli  non  lo  volea  dire, 

perchi  '1  parlare  del  futuro  non  gli  parea  lecito  alia 

sua  dignity ;  ma  gli  Cardinali  feciono  col  Papa,  che 

gli  comand6  sotto  pena  d'  ubbidienza,  che  egli  il 

dicesse,  per  lo  quale  comandamento  disse  in  brieve 

sermone :  '  I  vinti  vittoriosamente  vinceranno,  e  in 

eterno  non  perderanno.' " 

Division  IL  Another  spirit  in  the  same  tomb  with 
Farinata  now  interposes  in  the  conversation.  This  is 
Cavalcante  dei  Cavalcanti,  a  Guelph  knight,  and 
father  of  the  poet  Guido  Cavalcanti,  Dante's  intimate 


3i8 


Readings  on  the  Inferno. 


Canto  X. 


friend.  Guido  was  moreover  married  to  Farinata's 
daughter.  Benvenuto  relates  of  Cavalcante  dd 
Cavalcanti  that  he  was  an  ardent  follower  of  Epi- 
curus, himself  (irmly  believing  and  persuading  others 
that  the  soul  dies  simultaneously  with  the  body  ;  and 
that  he  always  t  le  saying  of  Solo- 

mon :  "  For  tha  le  sons  of  men  be- 

falleth  beasts  ;  •  lleth  them  :  as  the 

one  dieth,  so  dii  they  have  all  one 

breath ;  so  that  .  -e-eminence  above 

a  beast"     {Eccl*  luto  calls  attention 

to  the  way  Dant  cureans,  the  one  a 

Ghibelline,  the  oi  ;ether  in  the  same 

place  of  punishment.  One  of  them  is  deserving  of  fame 
for  his  own  deeds,  the  other  by  the  merits  of  his  son. 
We  are  to  suppose  that  Cavalcante,  ignorant  of 
passing  events,  as  we  shall  read  in  verse  lOO  et  seq., 
has  been  listening  in  rapt  attention  to  Dante's  rela- 
tion of  the  state  of  parties  in  Florence,  and  has  heard 
with  delight  that  the  Guelphs  have  recovered  the 
supremacy  and  returned  to  Florence.  He  Has  pro- 
bably also  heard  with  gratified  malice  Dante's  retort 
upon  Farinata  that  the  GhibelUnes  have  not  been 
successful  in  their  attempts  to  return.  He  raises 
himself  up  in  the  most  unobtrusive  way,  barely 
showing  his  face. 

Allor  surse  alia  vista*  scoper^hiata 

Un  ombra  lungo  quests  iofino  al  memo  : 
Credo  che  s'  era  in  ginocchie  levala. 

•  vista:  Sometranslate  this  "discovered  to  theview,"  making 
scoperchiata  agree  with  omtra,  but  I  follow  Scartazzini  in  making 
it  agree  with  vista,  and  giving  to  vista  the  meaning  that  Dante 


Canto  X.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  319 

Then  there  rose  up  to  the  uncovered  mouth 
(of  the  tomb)  a  shade  by  the  side  of  this  one 
(Farinata)  down  to  the  chin :  I  think  it  had 
raised  itself  up  upon  its  knees. 

Landino  says  that  Dante  describes  Cavalcanti  as 
showing  less  of  himself  than  Farinata,  because  in  life 
he  was  much  less  prominent  as  an  Epicurean  than 
Farinata,  and  kept  his  opinions  much  more  in  the 
background.  Lombardi  holds  the  same  opinion,  but 
Biagioli  contends  that  the  difference  in  their  attitudes 
is  merely  due  to  the  difference  of  character  between 
the  two  men  ;  the  one  of  a  high-souled,  almost  heroic 
nature,  the  other  timorous,  unobtrusive,  and  of  a  poor 
spirit,  as  we  shall  presently  see  by  his  tears.  Farinata 
answers    to    the    Greek   firfak&jntxoi,    Cavalcanti    to 

D'  intomo  mi  guard6,  come  talento*  55 

gpves  to  it  in  Purg,  x,  67-69,  where  it  is  put  to  express  a  window, 
iogp'a,  or  balcony : 

"  D'  incontra  effigiata  ad  una  vista 

D'  un  gran  palaizo  Micol  ammirava, 
SI  come  donna  dispettosa  e  trista." 
Gary  translates  vtsta  as   meaning  the  mouth  of  the  tomb  in 
verses  52-53  : 

"  Then,  peering  forth  from  the  unclosed  jaw. 
Rose  from  his  side  a  shade,  high  as  the  chin." 

♦  taUnto  is  also  used  to  signify  "  wish,"  "will,"  in  Inf.  ii,  81 : 
"  Piu  non  f  h  uopo  aprirmi  il  too  talento." 
In  Inf,  v,  38-39  in  the  sense  of  appetite  : 

"  I  peccator  camali, 
Che  la  ragion  sommettono  al  talento." 
See  Littr^  {Dictionnatre  de  la  Langue  Francedse^  Paris,  1872, 
s.  V.  talent)  for  the  etymology  of  the  word,  and  how  it  came  to 


330  Rmiings  am  tki  Inferno.  Canto  3L 

Avtite  di  veder  iP  ahri  era  meoo ; 
Ma  poi  die  il  sospicar*  ^  Uitto  spentXH 
Piangendo  disse : — ^  Se  per  questo  deoot 
Caicere  vai  per  akena  d'  ingegiKS 
Mio  fis^  ov*  ^  e  perdi^  non  h  teco  ?* —  te 

He  looked  aioand  me,  as  though  he  had  a 
wish  to  see  if  some  one  else  (Guido  Csval- 
canti)  were  widi  me»  but  after  that  this  hope 
was  quite  extinguished,  weeping  he  sai^: 

mgniiy  desire.    He  compares  with  it  the  Wallooo  word  lUsn^ 

''d^rybescMiL" 

In  Jamiesoo's Efymdcgicmi DicHmuay  of  th§  S€oiiiskLm' 

gnagi^  Paisley,  1882,  voL  iv,  I  find  :  **  TaUmt    Desire^  indina- 

tion,  purpose.    See  Barbaui^s  Brua^  iii,  694,  MS. : 

'  Quhen  thai  war  boune,  to  saile,  thai  went, 

The  wynd  was  wele  to  thair  talent : 

Thai  raysyt  saile,  and  fiirth  thai  &r.' 

O.  TxJalent^  Hisp.  ItaL  talento^  Barbarous  Latin,  talentum^  animi 

decretum,  voluntas, ....  hence  French  nUakmti^  qui  aliquid 

agere  cupit     To  this  is  opposed  maltalent,  mala  voluntas." 

Compare  Chaucer,  The  Romaunt  of  the  Rose^  1.  274  : 

— "  Her  malice,  and  her  male  talent ^^ 
and  L  329-330 : 

"  As  she  that  had  it  all  to-rent 

•  For  anger  and  for  mate  talent** 

The  word  occurs  in  Walter  Scott,  Fair  Maid  of  Perth^  chap. 

vii :  ^  The  Bailie  also  interposed.    '  Neighbour  Henry/  said  he, 

'  we  came  here  to  consult,  and  not  to  quarrel    As  one  of  the 

fathers  of  the  ^r  city,  I  command  thee  to  forego  all  evil 

will  and  mal-talent  you  may  have  against  Master  Pottinger 

Dwining.'  ** 

*  susfiicar:  from  the  Latin  suspicari^  which  has  three  signi- 
fications, (i)  to  suspect ;  (2)  to  think  ;  (3)  to  hope.  The  third 
meaning  is  adopted  here. 

t  cieco  carcere  :  compare  Purg,  xxii,  103  : 

^  Nd  primo  dnghio  del  carcere  deco." 


Canto  X.  Readings  on  the  Inferno,  321 

"  If  by  loftiness  of  genius  thou  art  going 
through  this  dark  prison,  Where  is  my  Son  ? 
and  why  is  he  not  with  thee  ?  " 

Benvenuto  remarks  that  it  seemed  extremely  pro- 
bable to  Cavalcante  that  his  son  Guido  would  be  in 
Dante's  company,  for  they  were  the  two  shining  lights 
of  Florence,  friends,  philosophers,  both  poets,  and 
(when  Guido's  father  last  saw  them),  both  Guelphs. 

Of  Guido  Cavalcanti,  Poletto  writes  {s,  v.)  that  he 
was  the  first  and  best  loved  of  all  Dante's  friends, 
called  in  the  Vita  Nuova  §  3  :  "  quegli,  cui  io  chiamo 
primo  de'  miei  amici."  And  in  §  24  where  he  speaks 
of  Vanna,  a  lady  beloved  by  Guido,  "una  gentil 
donna,  la  quale  era  di  famosa  beltade,  e  fu  gii  molto 
donna  di  questo  mio  primo  amico."  In  the  Vulg. 
Eloq,^  I,  13,  Dante  speaks  in  praise  both  of  Guido's 
intimate  knowledge  of  the  perfect  vulgar  tongue,  and 
also  of  his  CanzonL  He  is  said  to  have  died  at  the 
end  of  the  year  1300.  G.  Villani  {Cronica  di  Gio- 
vanni  Villani^  Firenze,  1823,  Vill,42,)  describes  him  as 
being  "  of  a  philosophical  and  elegant  mind,  if  he  had 
not  been  too  touchy  and  irritable." 

The  next  three  lines  are  of  somewhat  doubtful  im- 
port, and  have  been  variously  interpreted. 

Ed  io  a  lui : — "  Da  me  stesso  non  vegno  : 
Colui,  che  attende  Ik,  per  qui  mi  mena, 
Forse  cui  Guido  vostro  ebbe  a  disdegno.'' — 

And  I  to  him  :  "  Of  mine  own  self  I  come 
not :  He,  who  awaits  me  yonder  (Virgil)  is 
leading  me  through  this  place,  whom  per- 
chance your  Guido  had  in  disdain.'' 

Benvenuto,  forgetting  Homer,  thinks  Dante  means 

Y 


322  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  Canto  X. 

that  not  he,  but  Vii^il,  was  the  inventor  of  a 
descent  into  Hell.  He  also  thinks  that  Guido  was 
more  of  a  philosopher  than  a  poet,  and  speaks  of 
him  as  having  written  only  one  love  sonnet,  which 
Bianchi  says  is  not  the  case,  as  Guido  was  a  lyric 
poet  of  great  di  ienvenuto  and  Lan- 

dino  understand  signify  that  Guido 

had  60  given  hi  sophy  that  he  took 

no  pleasure  in  rt 

Poletto  (s.  V.  (  points  out  that  in 

the  Vita  Nuova,  atcs  that  it  was  en- 

tirely through  G.  that  he  abandoned 

the  idea  of  wri  \iova  in  Latin,  but 

adopted  the  vulgar  tongue ;  and  observes  that  some 
people  explain  Dante's  remark  about  Guido  despising 
Vii^il,  by  Guido's  indifference  or  antipathy  to  Latin. 
Poletto  further  quotes  the  opinion  of  another  Dantist, 
ProC  Francesco  d'Ovidio,  who  holds  that  the  feeling 
of  religious  piety,  which  so  largely  inspired  the  Vir- 
gilian  poems,  was  far  less  appreciated  by  Guido  than 
by  Dante.  He  says  that  the  forse  is  not  the  expres- 
sion of  a  doubt,  but  is  said  from  motives  of  delicacy 
towards  the  father  by  Dante,  a  believer,  to  draw  a 
veil  as  far  as  possible  over  the  scepticism  of  the  son, 
which  in  Dante's  eyes  was  a  sin.  Of  Professor  Fran- 
cesco d'Ovidio,  Mgr.  Poletto  writes  :  "  The  illustrious 
writer  says  with  much  wisdom  that  the  circumstance 
of  Virgil  having  been  looked  upon  merely  as  a  poet 
more  than  anything  else,  turned  the  commentary  of 
the  Divina  Commedia  out  of  the  right  path  for  several 
centuries.  The  reason  of  that  is  that  the  commen- 
tators had  so  imperfect  a  knowledge  of  Dante's  Minor 


Canto  X.         Readings  on  the  Inferno.  323 

Works ;  for,  from*  the  Monarchia  alone,  they  could 
have  ascertained  the  large  amount  of  faith  that  Dante 
reposes  in  Virgil  as  a  philosopher,  as  a  politician,  as  a 
historian  ;  as  one,  in  short,  whose  authority  was  to  be 
received  with  the  greatest  respect,  even  in  the  most 
minute  and  intricate  points  of  law.  Let  those  come 
forward  who  do  not  confine  their  attention  to  the 
Divina  Commedia  alone,  but  look  upon  it  as  being, 
what  it  is,  a  ray  of  light  reflected  from  the  other 
works  of  Dante ;  and  a  full  and  true  commentary 
will  be  the  result." 

We  may  therefore  consider  that  Dante  is  endea- 
vouring in  his  answer  to  spare,  as  far  as  possible,  the 
father's  feelings,  while  he  puts  it,  as  delicately  as  he 
can,  that  Guido  as  a  sceptic  had  not  much  respect 
for  Virgil,  whose  writings  were  full  of  religious  belief. 
In  his  answer,  however,  he  uses  the  past  tense  ebbe. 
The  father  fastens  on  the  expression. 

Le  sue  parole  e  il  modo  della  pena 

M'  avevan  dt  costui  gik  letto*  il  nome  :  65 

Per6  fu  la  risposta  cosl  piena. 
Di  subito  drizzato  grid6  : — **  Come 

*  letio  is  used  here  in  the  sense  of  indicating  "  revealed. ** 
Compare  Purg,  xxvi,  85-86  : 

" per  noi  si  legge, 

Quando  partiamci,  il  nome  di  coki,  etc.'' 
and  Par,  xxvi,  16-18  : 

"  Lo  ben,  che  fa  contenta  questa  corte, 
Alfa  ed  O  ^  di  quanta  scrittura 
Mi  legge  Amore,  o  lievemente  o  forte." 
Cavalcante's  words  about  his  son  Guido,  and  the  fact  of  seeing 
him  undergoing  the  punishment  of  an  Epicurean,  had  sufficiently 
disclosed  his  identity  to  Dante. 

Y  2 


^^^^^^^^H^H^H 

324                   Readings  on  the  Inferno.          Canto  X.         ^^^| 

Dicesii :  egli  ebbe  ?  non  viv*  egli  ancora  ?                      ^^^^| 

Non  fiere  gli  occhi  suo 

lo  dolce  lomc  1"~~                     ^^^^^| 

His  words  and  the  manner  of  his   punish-                     ^^^^| 

ment  had  already  revealed 

to                              ^^^^H 

therefore  was  my  answer 

so             Instantly                    ^^^^| 

rising  erect " 

1st  thou    He                   ^^H 

had?  Isht 

the                             ^^^^1 

light  {of  tht 

1 

lis  eyes?"                             ^^ 

'   Dante  is  mud] 

questions.    He  was                     1 

under  the  impre: 

1 

:3  in  Hell  were  not                     1 

deprived  of  kno 

as  passing  in  the                     1 

world,  and  it  is 

:n  Farinata,  in  his                    I 

turn,  questions  1 

1 

x)rary  events,  that                    " 

any  doubt  enters  iniu  ma  mii 

lu,  and  then  he  obtains 

an  explanation  from  Farinata. 

But  when  Cavalcante 

first  asks  him  whether  his  son  is  still  alive,  astonish- 
ment makes  him  hesitate,  and  the  poor  father  sinks 
back  in  despair,  (earing  that  his  son  also  is  dead.* 

Quando  s'  accorse  d'  alcuna  dimora  70 

Ch'  lo  faceva  dinanti  alia  risposta, 
Supin  ricadde,  e  piu  non  parve  fuora. 
When  he  became  aware  of  some  delay  which 
I  made  before  (giving)  the  answer,  he  fell 
again  upon  his  back,  and  forth  appeared  no 
more. 
Scartazzini  thinks  that  when  Cavalcante  fell  back 
he  lost  all  consciousness,  because  when  Dante  has 

*  CavalcsLDte's  feelings  about  his  son  were  probably  like 
those  which  Dives  in  Hell  expressed  to  Abraham.  See  St. 
Luke,  xvi,  27-28  :  "Then  he  said,  I  pray  thee  Iberelbre,  father, 
that  thou  wouldest  send  him  [Latarus]  to  my  father's  house  : 
For  I  have  five  brethren ;  that  he  may  testify  unto  them,  lest 
they  also  come  into  this  place  of  tormeoi." 


Canto  X.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  325 

learned  from  Farinata  that  he  and  his  companions  are 
totally  ignorant  of  the  present*  and  gives  Farinata 
a  special  message  for  Cavalcante  about  his  son,  the 
father  does  not  seem  to  hear  or  to  give  heed  to  Dante's 
remarks. 

Division  III,  Farinata  has  taken  no  more  notice  of 
Cavalcante's  interruption  than  if  such  a  person  had 
never  existed.  One  reads  of  people  suddenly  losing 
consciousness  in  the  middle  of  a  sentence  which  they 
are  speaking,  and  on  recovering  their  senses,  perhaps 
hours  afterwards,  they  will  complete  the  sentence  as 
though  no  interval  of  time  had  elapsed  between.  So 
it  is  with  Farinata,  who,  just  before  Cavalcante  inter- 
posed in  the  conversation,  had  received  from  Dante  a 
smart  retort  to  the  effect  that  the  Ghibellines  had 
never  known  the  way  to  return  from  banishment.  No 
consideration  of  the  intervening  episode  has  checked 
his  train  of  thought. 

Ma  queir  altro  magnanimo,  a  cui  posta* 
Restate  m'  era,  non  mut6  aspetto, 
N^  mosse  collo,  n^  pieg6  sua  costa.  7$ 

— "  E  se," — continuando  al  primo  detto, 

— "  S*  egli  han  quell*  arte,"— disse,— "  male  appresa, 
Ci6  mi  tormenta  piu  che  questo  letto. 

But  that  other  great  soul  (Farinata)  at  whose 
command  I  had  remained,  changed  not  his 


♦  posta:  ^^ stare  a  posta  di  cdcunoi^  "to  be  under  the  com- 
mand of  any  one,"  Baretti's  Dictionary.  Another  out  of  many 
meanings  that  seems  to  be  suitable  to  this  passage  is  "  request, 
instance,  solicitation."  That  is  also  Benvenuto's  interpretation. 
Scartazzini  explains  it,  '*alla  cui  disposizione."  Others,  ''A 
beneplacito  del  quale." 


326 


Readings  oh  the  Inferno.  Canto  X. 


counlenance,  nor  turned  his  head  (/tV.  neck) 
nor  bent  his  side  (towards  Cavalcante). 
"And  if,"  he  said,  continuing  his  6rsl  dis- 
course, "  if  they  (the  Ghibellines)  have 
learned  amiss  .  that  ait  (of  returning  from 
banishment)  **""  "— «^  .«™.«tj  me  more 
than  this  cc 
Landino  obser  ndomitable  mind 

like  that  of  Farina  ts,  nor  even  death, 

would  be  so  rep  c  to  yield   to  an 

enemy.    To  this  arlnata  valued  his 

honour  and  that  <:  :  everything  else. 

And  now  Farin  for  Dante's  taunt 

that  the  Ghibellines  nao  not  learnt  the  art  of  return- 
ing from  banishment,  predicts  to  him  that,  within 
the  short  space  of  four  years,  he  will  have  a  similar 
experience. 

Ma  DOD  cinquanta  volte  5a  racce&a 

La  faccia*  della  donna  che  qui  regge,  So 

Cbc  tu  saprai  quanlo  cjucll'  arte  pesa. 


*  La  fatcia  della  dcnnacht  qui  regge:  Macaul^y  {Criluitmtim 
PriTtcipal  Italian  Writers'  Worts,  vol.  vii,  page  615)  remarks: 
"There  is  another  peculiarity  in  the  poem  of  Dame,  which,  I 
think,  deserves  notice.    Ancient  Mythology  has  hardly  ever 

been  successfully  interwoven  with  modem  poetry 

Dante  alone,  among  the  poets  of  later  times,  has  been  .  .  . 
neither  an  allegoiist  nor  an  imitator ;  and,  consequently,  he 
alone  has  introduced  the  ancient  Actions  with  effect.  His 
Minos,  his  Charon,  his  Pluio  [Plutus]  arc  absolutely  terrific. 
Nothing  can  be  more  beautiful  or  original  than  the  use  which 
he  has  made  of  the  river  of  Leihe.  He  has  never  assigned  to 
his  mythological  characters  any  functions  inconsistent  with  the 
creed  of  the  Catholic  Church.  He  has  related  nothing  con- 
cerning them  which  a  good  Christian  of  that  age  might  not 


Canto  X.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  327 

But  the  face  of  the  Lady  who  reigns  here 
shall  not  be  fifty  times  rekindled,  ere  thou 
shalt  know  how  heavy  is  that  art  (f.^.  of  re- 
turning when  banished). 

The  Lady  is  Proserpine,  Diana,  or  the  Moon,  and 
the  rekindling  of  her  face  refers  to  fifty  lunar  months 
from  the  date  of  the  vision  (April  1300)  which 
would  be  about  the  time  of  April,  1304.  When 
the  Bianchi^  among  whom  was  Dante,  were  attempt- 
ing to  get  things  smoothed  over  to  enable  them 
to  return  from  exile  to  Florence,  Dante  disagreed 
with  their  plans,  and  is  thought  then  to  have 
separated  from  them.*  They  made  the  attempt  in 
July,  but  it  failed. 

believe  possible.  On  this  account,  there  is  nothing  in  these 
passages  that  appears  puerile  or  pedantic.  On  the  contrary, 
this  singular  use  of  classical  names  suggests  to  the  mind  a 
vague  and  awful  idea  of  some  mysterious  revelation,  anterior  to 
all  recorded  history,  of  which  the  dispersed  fragments  might 
have  been  retained  amidst  the  impostures  and  superstitions  of 
later  religions.  Indeed,  the  mythology  of  the  Divine  Comedy 
is  of  the  elder  and  more  colossal  mould.  It  breathes  the  spirit 
of  Homer  and  iEschylus,  not  of  Ovid  and  Claudian." 

*  Cacciaguida  (Par,  xvii,  61  et  seg.)  foretells  to  Dante  the 
disgust  he  will  feel  for  his  fellow-exiles,  and  that  he  will  end  by 
standing  aloof  from  them  : 

"  £  quel  che  piu  ti  graver^  le  spalle 

Sark  la  compagnia  malvagia  e  scempia, 
Con  la  qual  tu  cadrai  in  questa  valle, 
Che  tutta  ingrata,  tutta  matta  ed  empia 
Si  fark  contro  a  te  ;  ma  poco  appresso 
Ella,  non  tu,  n'  avrk  rossa  la  tempia. 
Di  sua  bestial itate  il  suo  processo 
Fark  la  prova,  si  che  a  te  fia  hello 
L'  averti  fatta  parte  per  te  stesso.'* 


3»8 


Readings  on  the  In/erne.  Canto  X. 


Farinata  now  changes  the  subject,  and  asks  Dante 
a  question  regarding  his  own  family,  against  whom 
greater  animosity  was  being  shown  by  the  victorious 
and  vindictive  Guelphs  than  against  any  other  Ghi- 
belline  family,  except  perhaps  the  Lamberti  ;  and  to 
obtain  from  Da  n,  he  adjures  him 

by  all  his  hopes  le  world. 


Dinun 


t  si  einpio 


And  so  ma)  return  to  the 

sweet  world,  me,  why  that 

people  (of  ]  ideas  against 

my  kindred  in  all  lis  decrees  i"' 
Buti  considers  that  \ Farinata' s  reason  for  asking 
this  question  is,  that  at  that  time,  the  Uberti  were 


'  "ay'''  Of  ihis  word  Blanc  ( Voc.  Dant.  s.  v.  reddire)  says  ; 
"As  regards  the  passage  in  Inf.  x,  82,  where  several  interpreters 
wish  togivc  to  the  word  reggert\ht:  sense  of  ifumr^  "to  endure," 
we  think  that  rrgge  is  only  an  ancient  form  of  the  conjunctive 
mood  of  Ttdire,  as  a  poet  might  put  vtgge  from  vedert,-  the 
sense  then  would  be,  'if  ever  thou  retumest.'"  Nannucci 
{Manuaie,  ed.  s**-  vol.  ii,  page  315,  note  7),  quotes  the  follow- 
iiig  passage  from  Urunetto  Latini  1  "£  quella  disse  :  E  se  tu 
non  riedi  ?  E  que'  rispuose  ;  E  s'  io  non  reggio,  e'  ti  sodisfari 
il  successore  mio."  Nannucci  observes  that  some  commentators 
object  that  the  derivation  aireggcrc  from  redire  is  too  far-fetched, 
but  he  does  not  think  so;  for  if  from  fiM^i]  can  be  formed  caggio; 
from  vedo,  veggio;  from  fiedo,  feggio;  from  siedo,  seggio,  he 
does  not  see  why  from  riedo  should  not  be  formed  reggio. 
Nannucci  quotes  as  an  example  the  following  :  "  reggendo 
{rilomando)  in  prima  rec6  in  Occidente  le  reliquie  di  San 
Ste&no  martire,  etc."  {Popular  Translation  into  Italian  of  the 
Stories  of  P.  Orosius,  by  Bono  Giamboni,  lib.  i,  cap.  i). 


Canto  X.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  329 

always  specially  excluded  from  any  amnesty  to  the 
exiles  decreed  by  the  State,  and  always  specially 
included  in  any  decree  wherein  more  rigorous  mea- 
sures were  resolved  upon.  The  Florentines  (Buti 
thinks)  probably  inserted  as  the  preamble  to  any 
new  law :  "  To  the  honour  of  the  State,  and  for  the 
destruction  of  the  Uberti  and  their  followers."  ViU 
lani  confirms  this  statement 

Dante  tells  Farinata,  in  answer,  that  the  vindictive 
Florentines  have  never  forgiven  him,  the  Ghibelline 
general,  who  at  the  Battle  of  Montaperti,  humiliated 
their  army  to  the  very  dust  The  Martinella  (the 
war-bell)  and  the  standard  of  Florence  were  dragged 
along  the  ground,  and  4,000  Florentines  slain. 

Ond'  10  lui : — "  Lo  strazio  e  il  grande  scempio,  85 

Che  fece  V  Arbia  colorata  in  rosso. 
Tale  orazion  fa  far  nel  nostro  tempio.'' — 

Whereupon  I  to  him :  "  The  rout  and  the 
great  carnage,  which  (at  Montaperti)  dyed 
the  Arbia  with  crimson,  cause  orisons  of  that 
kind  to  be  made  in  our  place  of  worship  (lit 
temple)." 

There  is  here  a  touch  of  irony.  Farinata  recognized 
Dante  as  belonging^  to  a  Guelph  family,  biit  did  not 
know  that  the  Guelphs  were  themselves  split  up  into 
two  factions,  and  that  Dante  with  the  Whites  had  been 
banished  by  the  Blacks.  Dante  bitterly  alludes  to 
the  Church  of  San  Giovanni  (now  the  Baptistery) 
being  used  for  political  meetings.  Orazion  !  tempio  ! 
The  Churches  consecrated  to  God  were  debased  by 
the  vindictive  enactments  made  in  them  by  the 
ruling  powers  at  Florence  against  their  adversaries. 


330  Readings  on  tfie  Itifertto.  Canto  x. 

Bianchi  says  that  the  hatred  against  the  Uberti  was 
so  unmeasured,  that  before  the  Altar  of  God  the 
Florentine  people  dared  to  offer  up  the  following 
prayer:  "That  it  may  please  Thee  to  root  out  and 
disperse  the  family  of  the  Uberti !  " 

Farinata  sho  disappointment  at 

this  revelation.  hat  he  shakes  his 

head,  some  expl  [  agree  with  Scar- 

tazzini  that  in  denotes  a  mixture 

of  astonishment  :ias  much  to  say  in 

his  own  defence. 


Poic 


'ebh 


—*'  A  cia  1 

Senza  cagion  con  gJi  aim  sarei  mosso  :  90 

Ma  fu'  io  sol  col^,  dove  soffeno 

Fu  p«r  ciascun  di  toglier  via  Fiorenia, 

Colui  che  la  difesi  a  viso  aperto." — 

When  with  a  sigh  he  had  shaken  his  head, 

"  I  was  not  the  only  one  in  that,"  he  said, 

"and  certainly  should  not  have  stirred  with 

the  others  without  cause  (i.e.   I  wished  to 

return  to  my  home  from  exile).     But  I  was 

the  only  one  at   that  place  (Empoli),  who, 

when  it  had  been  agreed  by  every  one  to 

sweep  away  Florence,  defended  her  in  the 

face  of  all  {iil.  with  open  face)." 

After  the  Battle  of  Montaperti  there  was  a  Diet 

held  by  the  chiefs  of  the  GhibelUnes  at  Empoli,  a 

small  town  about  twenty  miles  from  Florence,  and 

by   a    nearly   unanimous   vote    it    was    resolved    to 

utterly  destroy  Florence  as  the  principal  stronghold 

of  the  Guelphs.     Thereupon,  FarJnata  degli  Uberti 

started  to  his  feet,  and  drawing  his  sword,  exclaimed 


Canto  X.  Readings  on  the  Inferno, 


331 


that  he  would  with  it  defend  Florence,  and  would  lay 
down  a  thousand  lives,  if  he  had  them,  against  those 
who  should  attempt  to  carry  out  so  unrighteous  a  de- 
cision, and  thereupon  in  great  anger  quitted  the  Diet. 
On  which  so  great  a  fear  entered  into  the  minds  of  all 
present,  lest  the  indignation  of  a  man  so  publicly 
esteemed  might  greatly  damage  the  cause  of  the 
Ghibellines,  that  there  was  no  further  thought  of  their 
resolution,  but  they  all  gdve  their  minds  to  allay  his 
displeasure. 

Dante  now  puts  a  question  in  his  turn  to  Farinata, 
interesting,  both  from  the  subject  on  which  he  asks 
information,  and  from  his  mode  of  address.  We  will 
consider  this  last  point  first.  Readers  may  have 
remarked  in  this  Canto  that,  for  the  first  time,  Dante 
uses  the  second  person  plural  voi  in  separately  ad- 
dressing both  Farinata  and  Cavalcante.  There  is 
only  one  other  individual  in  the  whole  of  the  Inferno 
to  whom  he  does  so,  and  that  is  his  old  teacher 
Brunetto  Latini,  in  canto  xv.  Without  counting 
those  spirits  whom  he  meets  in  pairs,  or  in  groups, 
we  find  he  addresses  seventeen  single  shades.  Of 
these,  the  three  we  have  mentioned  are  addressed 
with  voi,  and  the  fourteen    others  with  /«.*      That 

*  The  fourteen  shades  in  Hell  addressed  with  tu  are  : 


1.  Francesca  da  Rimini. 

2.  Ciacco. 

3.  Filippo  Argenti. 

4.  Caccianimico.   . 

5.  Alessio  Interminei.   . 

6.  Nicholas  III.    . 

7.  GuidodeMontefeltro. 

8.  Pier  da  Medicina. 


Canto  V,  73—142. 
Canto  VI,  38—93. 
Canto  VIII,  31—63. 
Canto  XVIII,  40—66. 
Canto  XVIII,  115— 126. 
Canto  XIX,  31—120. 
Canto  XXVII. 
Canto  XXVIII,  64— 9a 


333  Readings  oti  the  Inferno.  Canto  X. 

he  intends  to  show  great  respect  by  this  mode  of 
address  to  Farinata,  Cavalcante,  and  Ser  Brunetto, 
is  made  evident  by  the  episode  of  his  conversation 
with  the  good  Pope  Adrian  V,  in  Purg.  xix,* 
where  we  find  that  at  first,  not  knowing  to  whom  he 
was  speaking,  I  but  on  hearing  he 

had  been  Pope,  .     Ke  also  specially 

uses  voi   in   sp  it-great-grandfather 


9.  Mosca.  XVIII,  103— III. 

lOv  Griffoiina  XX,  34. 

11.  Maesiro  A  XX,  49 — 139. 

12.  Boccadcg  XXII,  85— III. 

13.  Count  Ugi  XXll,  133— 139- 

14.  Fia  Albcrigo.    .        .     Canto  XXXIII,  115—141. 

For  one  of  these,  Francesco,  of  ihe  great  family  of  Da  Polenta, 
among  whom  Dante  found  the  last  resting  place  during  his  life 
of  weary  exile,  he  evidently  felt  much  affection,  and  uses  tu  as 
a  term  of  endearment,  but  he  also  uses  the  expression  to  Bocck 
degli  Abaii,  the  base  betrayer  of  the  Florentine  arms  at  the 
Battle  of  Moniaperti,  and  for  whom,  of  all  the  spirits  in  Helt, 
he  seems  to  have  felt  the  most  loathing  contempt. 
*  See  Purg.  xix,  94,  et  seq.  Dante  begins  by  saying  : 
'"Chiy^it/i,  e  perchi  volti  avete  i  dossi 

A1  su,  mi  de,  e  se  1^01'  ch'  io  t'  irapetri 
Cosa  di  Ik  ond'  io  vivendo  mossi.' 
Ed  egli  a  me  :  '  Perch^  i  nostri  diretn 

Rivolga  il  cielo  a  si,  saprai  :  ma  prima, 
Sciat  quod  ego  fui  successor  Petri.'" 
On  hearing  this  Dante  kneels  down,  but  is  reproved. 
"  Io  m'  era  inginocchiaio,  e  volea  dire  ; 

Ma  com'  io  cominciai,  ed  ei  s'  accorse, 
Solo  ascoltando,  del  mio  nverire  : 
Qual  cagion',  disse, '  in  giii  cosi  li  torse  V 
Ed  io  a  lui :  '  I'er  vostra  dignilate 
Mia  coscienia  drilto  mi  rimorse.' " 


Canto  X.  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  333 

Cacciaguida,  in  Par,  canto  xvi.*  It  is  probable  that 
Dante  would  have  addressed  Guido  da  Montefeltro, 
the  great  Ghibelline  leader,  with  voi^  but  when  he  first 
spoke  to  him  he  did  not  know  who  he  was,  and  the 
shade  never  gave  him  another  opportunity,  but 
darted  oflf  at  the  conclusion  of  his  narrative  in  grie- 
vous torment,  dolorando. 

And  now  to  the  other  point  Dante  has  noticed 
that  while  Ciacco  was  able  to  predict  the  issue  of 
the  factions  at  Florence,  and  Farinata  could  foretell 
Dante's  own  exile,  yet  Cavalcante  is  ignorant  that 
his  son  is  still  alive,  and  Farinata  had  just  questioned 
him  about  present  matters  at  Florence.  Dante  is 
puzzled,  and  asks  Farinata  the  reason,  adjuring  him 
by  his  hopes  of  a  cessation  of  the  inveterate  hatred 
and  persecution  of  his  family. 

— "  Deh,  se  riposi  mai  vostra  semenza," — 

Prega*  10  lui, — "  solvetemi  quel  nodo,  95 

Che  qui  ha  inviluppata  mia  sentenza. 

£'  par  che  voi  veggiate,  se  ben  odo, 

Dinanzi  quel  che  il  tempo  seco  adduce, 
E  nel  presente  tenete  altro  modo." — 

"Ahl  so  may  your  seed  find  repose  (and 
return  to  Florence)  "  I  entreated  him,  "  loose 
for  me  that  knot  (/.  e.  doubt)  which  has  here 

♦  In  Par.  xvi,  10-12,  and  16-18  : 

**  Dal  Voi^  che  prima  Roma  sofTerie, 

In  che  la  sua  £uniglia  men  perse vra, 
Ricominciaron  le  parole  mie.** 

"  lo  cominciai :  '  Voi  siete  il  padre  mio, 
Voi  mi  date  a  parlar  tutta  baldezza, 
Voi  mi  levate  si,  ch*  io  son  piu  ch*  io.'  ** 


Readings  on  the  Inferno.  Can 

confused  my  judgment.  It  seein&  that  you 
(in  Hell),  if  I  rightly  hear,  see  beforehand 
thai  which  bme  brings  with  it,  and  as  regards 
'  the  present  have  another  mode  (/'.  *.  you  are 
ignorant  of  it)." 


The  answer 
remarkable.  1 1 
the  first  words 
lost  spirits  in  H 
passages  that  S' 
-  canto  vi,  Ciacco 
64 — 72,  but  in  1 
ma  turn  vi  sono 


3  to  Dante  is  very 
lered  to  imply  that 
n)  apply  to  all  the 
e  than  once  noticed 
A'ith  this  view.  In 
the  future  in  lines 
ds :  Giusti  son  dut, 
invidia  ed  avarisia 


sono,  etc.,  which  is  a  direct  allusion  to  the  present 
as  well  as  to  the  future.  Again  in  this  canto,  the 
question  that  Farinata  has  put  to  Dante  about  the 
persecution  of  his  kindred,  dimmi,  perclU  quel  popole  h 
si  empio  incontro  a'  miei,  in  lines  82 — 84,  would  almost 
seem  to  show  some  knowledge  of  what  was  passing  at 
Florence,  though  possibly  this  might  be  explained  by 
his  inferring  the  present  hostility  of  the  Florentines 
from  Dante  having  told  him  that  they  had  never 
been  able  to  return  from  exile.  Poletto  {Disionario 
Dantesco  s.  v.  CavalcantJ  [Cavalcante])  expresses  his 
conviction  that  by  not  is  not  to  be  understood  all  the 
lost  in  Hell,  but  only  the  Epicureans  in  this  Circle 
clu  t  anima  col  corpo  morta  fanno  (v,  15),  and  he 
thinks  that,  for  the  sin  of  denying  the  immortality  of 
the  soul,  they  have  to  undei^o  this  special  punishment. 
He  says  that  Dante  always  shows  a  marvellous  cor- 
respondence between   the  sin  and   its  punishment,* 


'  In /^xx,  37-39,  the  sooihsayer  Amphia 


s  represented 


Canto  .X.  Readings  on  the  Inferno,  335 

and  as  the  soothsayers,  from  wishing  to  peer  into 
futurity  are  condemned  to  look  behind  them,  why 
should  not  they  who  have  denied  the  immortality  of 
the  soul,  besides  undergoing  the  penalty  of  the  eternal 
fire,  have  the  additional  humiliation,  that  so  long  as 
time  lasts  they  will  have  to  admit  this  immortality  by 
being  permitted  to  see  into  the  future  ?  In  the  world 
these  Epicureans  lived  all  for  the  present,  and  igno- 
rantly  despised  the  future,  in  Hell  they  are  condemned 
to  behold  the  future  only,  and  to  remain  ignorant  of 
the  present. 

— ''  Noi  veggiam,  come  que!  ch'  ha  mala  luce,  100 

Le  cose,"— disse, — "che  ne  son  lontano ; 
Cotanto  ancor  ne  splende  il  sommo  Duce  : 
Quando  s'  appressano,  o  son,  tutto  ^  vano 

Nostro  intelletto ;  e  s'  altri  nol  ci  apporta. 
Nulla  sapem  di  vostro  stato  umano.  105 

''  We  view,  like  one  who  has  imperfect  sight, 
the  things,"  he  said,  that  are  remote  from  us 
(i.e.  the  past  and  the  future);    thus  much 


with  his  head  facing  behind  him,  because  he  presumptuously 
dared  to  look  too  forward. 

"  Mira,  che  ha  fatto  petto  delle  spalle  : 
Perch^  voile  veder  troppo  davante, 
Diretro  guarda,  e  fa  retroso  calle." 
And  all  the  other  soothsayers  are  thus  punished.    So,  also,  in 
Inf,  xix,  71,  72,  Pope  Nicholas  III  tells  Dante  that,  whereas  in 
the  world  he  had  been  successful  in  empouching  wealth,  he 
has  by  way  of  corresponding  punishment  in  Hell  got  himself 
into  the  pouch,  by  which  he  means  the  hot  oven  in  which  he 
is  fixed  feet  uppermost 

/*  Cupido  s),  per  avanzar  gli  orsatti, 
Che  su  V  avere,  e  qui  me  misi  in  borsa." 


336  Riodmgs  m  tkilnfima.        Canto  X, 


does  the  Supreme  Rakr  ftill  bestow 
upoo  us:  '^Wheo  Aey  dnw  near  or  are 
present  our  intellect  is  wholly  al  fiuilt ;  and  if 
otheis  bring  it  not  to  us  we  have  no  know- 
ledge of  your  human  state. 

By  the  words  coianio  ancor  Farinata  means  that  tiie 
knowledge  he  and  his  companions  are  vouchsafed,  is 
only  until  the  Judgment  E^y ;  after  that»  all  wiU  be 
to  them  a  sealed  book. 

Perb  comprender  paoi,  cfae  tutta  morta 
Fia  nostra  conoscenia  da  quel  piinto 
Che  del  fiituro  fia  chiusa  U  porta.*—* 

Therefore  thou  canst  understand,  that  our 
knowledge  will  become  wholly  dead  firom  that 
point,  when  the  portal  of  Futurity  shall  be 
dosed." 

Gelli  says  that  Dante,  having  received  from  Fari- 
nata the  above  courteous  explanation,  which  has 
made  clear  to  him  what  he  found  it  so  hard  to  under- 
stand, suddenly  becomes  conscious  of  his  own  recent 
seeming  discourtesy  towards  Cavalcante  dei  Caval- 
canti  in  not  at  once  satisfying  his  question  about  his 

*  quel punio  che  del ftUuro  fia   chiusa  la  porta:  compare 
Petrarch  {Trionfo  della  Divinitk)  61-69  : 

'*  O  mente  vaga,  al  fin  semprc  digiuna  ! 

A  che  tanti  pensieri  ?  un  era  sgombra 
Quel  che  in  molt'  anni  appena  si  raguna. 
Quel  che  1'  anima  nostra  preme  e'  ngombra, 
Dianzi,  adesso,  ier,  diman,  mattino  e  sera, 
Tutti  in  un  punto  passeran  com'  ombra. 
Non  avrk  loco/»,  sard^  nh  eroy 

Ma  h  solo,  in  presente,  e  ora  e  oggi^ 
£  sola  etemit^  raccolta  e'  ntera." 


Canto  X.  Readings  on  tlu  Inferno.  337 

son.  He  entreats  Farinata  to  convey- a  message  from 
him  to  make  amends.  Let  us  hope  that  Farinata 
so  far  overcame  his  contempt  for  Cavalcante  as  to 
comply. 

Allor,  come  di  mia  colpa  compunto, 

Dissi : — "  Or*  direte  dunque  'a  quel  caduto       1 10 
Che  il  duo  nato  ^  co'  vivi  ancor  congiunto. .     . 

£  s*  10  fui  innanzi  alia  risposta  muto, 

Fat'  ei  saper  che  il  fei,  perch^  pensava 
Gik  neir  error  che  m*  avete  soluto." — 

Then,  as  though  conscience-smitten  for  my 
fault,  I  said :  "  I  wish  then  you  would  say  to 
that  one  fallen  (back  into  the  tomb)  that  his 
son  is  still  joined  to  the  living.  And  if  just 
now  I  was  mute  in  (i.e.  abstained  from) 
answering,  let  him  know  that  it  was  because 
I  was  still  thinking  in  the  error  which  you 
have  solved  for  me." 

Division  IV,    By  way  of  bringing  this  long  con- 
versation to  an   end,  Dante  pictures  Virgil  as  in- 
terrupting it,  and  giving  him  the  signal  for  passing ' 
on  further. 

^4t      £  gik  il  Maestro  mio  mi  richiamava  :  115 

Perch'  io  pregai  lo  spirto  piu  avaccio 
Che  mi  dicesse  chi  con  lui  si  stava. 

And  already  my  Master  was  recalling  me : 

*  Or:  There  are  many  passages  in  the  Divina  Commedia 
where  the  £nglish  "  now  "  seems  a  very  unsatisfactory  rendering 
of  the  sense  oiora.  In  the  Vocabolario  delta  Lingua  Italiana 
gid  compUato  dagli  Accademici  delta  Crusca  corretto  ed  accres^ 
ciuto  dolt  Abate  Giuseppe  ManuMei^  Firenze,  1838,  I  find  one 
meaning  of  ora  out  of  many :  "  Sometimes  it  expresses  desire, 
in  the  sense  of  the  Latin  utinamJ* 

Z 


33^  Readings  am  tk$  Inftmo.  Canto  Z. 

wherefore  moie  hurriedly  I  begg^  the  qiirit 
to  tell  me  who  was  with  him. 

'  Farinata  answers  him  at  once,  and  true  to  his 
haughty  character,  mentions  an  Emperor  and  a  Car- 
dinal, while  passing  over  all  the  other  inmates  <A  the 
tomb  as  unworthy  of  notice. 

Dissemi : — ^  Qui  con  piik  di  mille  giacdo : 
Qoa  dentio  h  \o  secondo  Federico^* 
£  il  Csfdiiuilc,  e  degli  altri  mi  tacda*—  lao 

He  said  to  me  :'*  Vi^th  more  than  a  thousand 
I  lie  here :  herein  is  the  Second  F^rederick, 
and  the  Cardiiud,  and  of  the  others  I  am 


By  U  Cardifude,  Benvenuto  says  that  Dante  means 
Cardinal  Ottaviano  d^li  Ubaldini,  who  was  illustrious 
in  the  time  of  King  Manfred  and  Charles  I,  a  saga- 
cious and  bold  man,  hostile  to  the  Papal  Court,  and 
a  great  protector  of  the  Ghibellines.     He  was  called 

*  lo  sicamdo  Federico:  Frederick  II,  the  famous  grandson  of 
.  Frederick  Barbarossa,  reigned  as  Emperor  of  Germany  from 
1 220  to  125a  He  was  also  King  of  Naples  and  jSicily,  in  which 
countries  he  held  one  of  the  most  brilliant  courts  of  the  Middle 
Ages.  Giov.  Villani,  Cronica^  lib.  vi,  cap.  i,  thus  mentions  him: 
"  This  Frederick  reigned  thirty  years  as  Emperor,  and  was  a  man 
of  great  mark  and  great  worth,  learned  in  letters  and  of  natural 
ability,  universal  in  all  things ;  he  knew  the  Latin  language,  the 
Italian,  the  German,  French,  Greek  and  Arabic ;  was  copiously 
endowed  with  all  virtues,  liberal  and  courteous  in  giving,  valiant 
and  skilled  in  arms,  and  was  much  feared.  And  he  was  disso- 
lute and  voluptuous  in  many  ways,  and  had  many  concubines 
and  mamelukes,  after  the  Saracenic  fashion  ;  and  was  addicted 
to  all  sensual  delights,  and  led  an  Epicurean  life,  taking  no 
account  of  any  other ;  and  this  was  one  principal  reason  why 
he  was  an  enemy  to  the  clergy  and  the  Holy  Church." 


Canto  X.  Readings  on  the  Inferno,  339 

the  Cardinal,  Gelli  explains,  because  he  had  the 
greatest  power  and  influence  in  the  Papal  Court. 
Pietro  di  Dante  assigns  the  true  reason  for  his  being 
punished  here,  saying,  that  in  life  he  was  often  heard 
to  say  that  he  knew  not  if  he  had  a  soul  or  not, 
but  that  he  well  knew,  if  he  had,  that  he  had  lost 
it  many  times  over  on  account  of  his  excessive  love 
for  the  Ghibelline  party. 

Farinata  now  disappears,  and  Dante  proceeds  on 
his  way. 

Indi  s'  ascose  :  ed  10  in  ver  V  antico 
Poeta  volsi  i  passi,  ripensando 
A  quel  parlar  che  mi  parea  nimtco. 

He  then  hid  himself  (/.  e.  sank  down)  :  and  I 
turned  my  steps  towards  the  Poet  of  An- 
tiquity (Virgil),  pondering  over  that  saying 
which  seemed  hostile  to  me. 

The  evil  impending  over  Dante  was  his  exile,  pre- 
dicted to  him  by  Farinata  in  lines  79-81. 

Virgil  at  once  perceives  Dante's  preoccupation  and 
depression  of  spirits,  and  enquires  the  cause. 

Egli  si  mosse ;  e  poi  cosl  andando, 

Mi  disse  : — "  Perchfc  sci  tu  si  smarrito  ?" —       125 
Ed  io  li  satisfeci  al  suo  dimando. 

He  moved  on ;  and  then  (as  we  were)  thus 
going,  he  said  to  me :  ''  Why  art  thou  so  be- 
wildered?" And  I  satisfied  him  in  his  in- 
quiry. 

The  words  in  which  Virgil  goes  on  to  counsel 
Dante  may  be  taken  in  two  distinct  ways.  I  will  first 
give  the  one  that  I  follow.  Virgil  tells  Dante  to  store 
up  in  his  memory  what  Farinata  has  predicted  of  his 

z  2 


340  Rmdi$igs  am  tk$  Infimo.  Canto  jl 

coming  misfortunes,  and  that,  when  he  is  in  die 
presence  of  Beatrice,  he  will  be  told  by  her  what  dMjr 
will  be.  But  meanwhile  as  he  has  come  down  to 
Hell  to  learn  salutary  lessons  from  the  penalties  of 
the  wicked,  he  must  give  his  attention  to  the  spectacle 
before  his  eyes,  and  not  dwell  too  long  on  the  other 
matter  for  the  present  It  is  here  that  Virgil  raises 
his  finger,  to  accompany  the  word  with  the  gesture. 

The  other  interpretation  is  the  one  more  generally 
adopted,  namely,  that  AHrgil,  after  telling  Dante  to 
remember  what  had  been  said  s^;ainst  him,  says: 
**  And  now  listen  to  this,  ara  aitendi  qui!*  and  he 
points  with  his  finger  up  to  Heaven,  adding  that, 
when  Dante  should  be  on  his  journey  through  Para- 
dise, he  would  learn  from  Divine  Wisdom  all  that 
was  before  him. 

— **  La  mente  tua  conservi  quel  ch'  udito 

Hai  contra  te," — mi  comandb  quel  Saggio, 
— "  Ed  ora  attend!  qui : " — c  drizz6  il  dita 

— ^  Quando  sarai  dinanzi  a!  dolce  raggio  130 

Di  quella,  il  cui  bell*  occhio  tutto  vede, 
Da  lei  saprai  di  tua  vita  il  viaggio." — 

"Let  thy  memory  preserve  what  thou  hast 
heard  against  thee,"  that  Sage  commanded 
me,  "  and  meanwhile  give  thine  attention  (to 
what  is)  here  (before  thee) : "  and  he  raised 
his  finger.  '*  When  thou  shalt  be  in  presence 
of  the  sweet  radiance  of  her  (Beatrice,  1.  e. 
Sacred  Theology)  whose  lovely  eye  seeth  all, 
from  her  shalt  thou  learn  the  journey  of  thy 
Ufe.- 
Benvenuto  observes  that  Dante  hardly  seems  to  be 
quite  accurate  here,  seeing  that  it  was  not  from 


Canto  X.  Retulings  on  the  Inferno.  341 

Beatrice,  but  from  his  own  forefather  Cacciaguida  that 
he  received  the  explanation  of  what  was  causing  him 
so  much  doubt  and  anxiety.  But  if  the  whole  canto 
{Par.  XVII)  be  read,  \X  will  be  seen  that  Cacciaguida 
utters  his  prediction  in  answer  to  a  request  from  Dante 
to  do  so,  and  which  request  Dante  has  made  to  him 
by  the  express  command  of  Beatrice  herself.* 

And  now  the  canto  is  concluded  by  a  description 
of  the  departure  of  the  Poets  from  what  might  ahnost 
be  called  the  Street  of  the  Tombs,  which  they  had 
entered  when,  as  we  read  at  the  end  of  cantp  ix, 
they  turned  to  the  right  They  now  strike  across 
the  circle  to  their  left,  to  reach  the  edge  of  the  pre- 
cipitous descent  to  the  Circles  below. 

Appresso  volse  a  man  sinistra  il  piede : 

Lasciammo  il  muro,  e  gimmo  in  ver  lo  mezzo 
Per  un  sentier  ch'  ad  una  valle  fiede,  135 

Che  infin  lassii  facea  spiacer  suo  lezzo. 

Thereupon  he  turned  his  foot  to  the  left 
hand :  we  quitted  the  wall,  and  went  towards 
the  centre  (of  the  city)  by  a  path  that  strikes 
down  into  a  valley,  which  (valley)  made  its 
stench  unpleasant,  even  up  there. 

Scartazzini  here  remarks  that  most  commentators 
take  lassh  to  mean  the  high  precipice  above  Lower 

*  Par,  xvii,  7-12  : 

"  Per  che  mia  donna :  '  Manda  fuor  la  vampa 
Del  tuo  disio,'  mi  disse,  *  si  ch*  ella  esca 
Segnata  bene  della  interna  stampa  ; 
Non  perch^  nostra  conoscenza  cresca 
Per  tuo  parlare,  ma  perch^  t'  ausi 
A  dir  la  sete,  si  che  P  uom  ti  mesca." 


*  Why  should  not  Dante  be  referrin 
Hell,  and  also  to  the  high  precipice 
two  and  even  three  meanings. 


End  of  Canto 


Canto  XL         Readings  an  the  Inferno.  343 


CANTO    XL 


The  Sixth  Circle. 
Tomb  of  Anastasius. 
Description  of  the  Divisions  of 
THE  Infernal  City. 

In  this  canto  Virgil  gives  Dante  a  detailed  ex- 
planation of  those  parts  of  Hell,  inside  the  City  of 
DiSy  which  have  still  to  be  visited. 

Benvenuto  divides  the  canto  into  three  parts. 

In  the  First  Division,  from  v.  i  to  v,  15,  while 
taking  shelter  behind  a  tomb  from  the  foul  stench 
that  rises  from  nether  Hell,  Dante  asks  Virgil  to  give 
him  some  instruction,  which  the  latter  promises  to  do. 

In  the  Second  Division,  from  v.  16  to  v.  ^,  Virgil 
makes  Dante  clearly  to  understand  the  principles  on 
which  the  Circles  below  are  disposed  and  arranged. 

In  the  Third  Division,  from  v.  67  to  v.  115,  Virgil 
further  explains  why  the  Impure;  the  Gluttonous; 
the  Misers  and  Prodigals ;  the  Wrathful  and  Sullen ; 
are  not  punished  in  the  City  of  Dis ;  and  also  in 
what  way  Usury  offends  God. 

Division  I  Although  during  their  walk  among  the 
tombs  the  Poets  were  inside  the  walls  of  the  City  of 
Dis,  they  cannot  really  be  said  to  have  entered  the  city 
proper  until  the  time  (mentioned  in  canto  x,  134-5), 
when  they  quitted  the  track  that  ran  under  the  walls, 


344  Rmdimgs  M  tki  Infnmo.        Canto  XL 


and  turning  to  thdr  left,  struck  right  across  the  CIrdei 
which,  be  it  remembered,  was  the  Sixth.  They  now 
appear  before  us,  having  reached  the  edge  of  a  smaller 
concentric  ring,  which  borders  the  circular  abyss  down 
which  they  are  about  to  descend  into  the  Seventh 
Circle.  Here  the  odour  is  so  revolting  that  they  are 
obliged  to  stop. 

In  su  r  estremitk  d*  on  alta  rips,* 

Che  fiuxvmn  gran  pietre  rotte  in  oerdiio^ 
Venlnuno  sopra  fiiik  cnidele  stipa  :t 

£  qoivi,  per  V  orribile  soperthio 

Del  pano,  che  il  profondo  abisso  gltu^  s 

Ci  raccostammrit  dietro  ad  on  coperchio 

D*  on  grande  avello,  |  ov*  to  vidi  una  scritu 

*  ripa  :  Boccaccio  and  Gelli  both  say  that  ripa  only  means  a 
£stll  of  rocks  or  of  earth  from  one  place  down  to  another,  and  so 
sheer  and  abrupt,  that  one  cannot  walk  upon  it,  or  only  with 
the  greatest  difficulty. 

t  stipa :  Various  meanings  are  given  to  this  word.  I  take 
that  given  by  Benvenuto  and  adopted  by  Scartazzini. 

Benvenuto  says  :  ^  Note  that  stipa  is  sometimes  verhim 
literate^  and  is  the  same  as  claudit ;  sometimes  it  is  a  word  in 
the  dialect  of  Bologna  and  has  the  same  signification  as  [the 
Latin]  sit;  sometimes  it  is  a  noun,  and  has  various  meanings  ; 
sometimes  it  is  a  coop  or  cage  for  punishment  and  death,  so 
the  souls  here  are  in  a  prison  much  more  grievous  than  any  of 
those  above ;  therefore  by  stipa  understand  "  prison,"  and 
^  punishment"  Many  commentators  take  it  in  the  sense  of  a 
mass  of  things  packed  or  crowded  together,  from  stivare^  to 
pack  the  hold  of  a  vessel,  and  thus  understand  the  word  to  be 
used  here  to  express  the  vast  multitudes  that  were  crowded 
together  in  the  descending  circles  of  Lower  Hell 

X  ci  raccostammo :  The  ordinary  meaning  of  this  word  is 
to  draw  near,  but  Blanc  says  that  in  this  particular  passage  it 
has  the  signification  of  taking  shelter. 

I  dietf^ad  mm  coperchio  tP  mm  grande  avello  :  We  must  re- 


Canto  XI.      *  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  345 

Che  diceva  :  Anastasio*  papa  guardo^ 
Lo  qu€U  trasse  Fotin  della  via  dritta. 

Upon  the  extreme  edge  of  a  lofty  precipice, 
which  huge  shattered  rocks  formed  into  a 
circle,  we  came  above  a  still  more  cruel  prison. 
And  here,  by  reason  of  the  horrible  excess  of 
stench,  which  the  deep  abyss  throws  up,  we 
took  shelter  behind  the  lid  of  a  great  monu- 
ment, whereon  I  saw  a  writing  which  said : 
"  I  keep  Pope  Anastasius,  whom  Photinus 
drew  from  the  right  way." 

Benvcnuto  discusses  the  evil  odours  connected  with 


member  that  all  the  lids  of  the  tombs  were  raised,  and  stand- 
ing upright,  and  the  tomb  was  a  large  one,  grande  avello^  such 
as  would  contain  a  vast  number  of  Arians,  Sabellians,  etc  In 
the  Dittamondo^  lib.  iv.  cap.  xiv,  Fazio  degli  Uberti  writes  : 

" Fui  in  Cologna 

Dove  son  gli  tre  maghi  in  ricchi  avelli." 

*  Anastasio  papa :  Blanc  {Saggio  di  una  Interpretasnone 
Filologica  della  Divina  Commedia^  Versione  Italiana  di  Oc- 
cioni,  Trieste,  1865)  says  that  the  person  here  referred  to  is 
Pope  Anastasius  II,  though  some  commentators  have  tried  to 
prove  that  Dante  was  confusing  the  Pope  with  the  tmperor 
of  that  name.  This  Pope's  heresy  was  that  of  having  thrown 
doubts  on  the  validity  of  the  damnation  of  a  bishop,  Acacius, 
excommunicated  in  A.D.  484,  by  Pope  Felix  III,  and  having 
communicated  with  Photinus,  a  deacon  of  Thessalonica,  who 
was  not  only  on  terms  of  friendship  with  Acacius,  but  was 
also  himself  guilty  of  the  heresy  of  believing  that  the  Holy 
Ghost  did  not  proceed  from  the  Father,  and  that  the  Father 
was  greater  than  the  Son. 

Gelli  thinks  that,  while  the  names  of  ordinary  heretics  are 
unrecorded,  heresy  in  a  Pope  is  so  heinous  a  crime  as  to  neces- 
sitate his  name  being  held  up  to  perpetual  notoriety.  Heresy 
in  a  Pope  can  never  remain  unconcealed. 


346  Riodimgs  an  tki  Infirm.  '     Canto  XL 

the  various  torments  in  the  circles  and  subdivisions 
below,  with  realistic  minuteness ;  each,  he  says,  would 
give  forth  its  ovm  especial  stench,  and  that  is  why 
Virgil,  in  the  lines  that  foUow,  wishes  to  explain  that 
their  present  delay  and  subsequent  slow  progress  b 
fcMT  the  purpose  of  habituating  themsdves  to  the 
general  bad  smell  of  the  whole  abyss,  before  en- 
countering the  individual  stench  of  each  Circle  in  its 
turn.  And  Benvenuto  adds  that  the  course  pursued 
is  a  wi^  one ;  nature  abhors  sudden  changes,  (or  we 
may  see  by  experience  that  anyone  venturing  on  the 
sea  for  the  first  time  is  at  once  upset  and  provoked  to 
nausea ;  but  after  a  while  he  gets  inured  to  it,  and  has 
a  keener  appetite  than  before. 

— '*  Lo  nostro  scender  conviene  esser  tardo,  lo 

Si  che  8*  ausi  un  poco  prima  il  senso 
Al  tristo  fiato,  e  poi  non  fia  riguardo." — 

''Our  descent  must  needs  be  slow,  so  that 
sense  may  first  get  somewhat  accustomed  to 
the  sickening  blast,  and  then  will  there  not 
be  (any  need  for)  caution." 

Dante,  wishing  to  give  his  readers  a  detailed  plan 

of  the  regions  below,  represents  himself  as  asking 

Virgil  to  tell  him  anything  that  he  ought  to  know 

before  entering  them,  and  Virgil  answers  that  he  was 

just  on  the  point  of  doing  so. 

Cosl  il  Maestro  ;  ed  io  : — '*  Alcun  compenso," — 
Dissi  lui, — **  trova,  che  il  tempo*  non  passi 
Perduto ; " — ed  cgH : — "  Vedi  che  a  ci6  pensa        1 5 

Thus  the  Master ;  and  I  said  to  him  :  **  Find 

*  eke  il  tempo  nan  pussi perduto  :  compare  Purg,  iii,  78 : 
"  Ch^  perder  tempo  a  chi  piu  sa  piu  spiace." 


Canto  XL         Readings  on  the  Inferno.  *  347 

some  set  off  (against  this  delay),  that  the  time 
pass  not  idle  (///.  lost) ;"  and  he :  '*  Look  1  I 
am  thinking  of  that  (very  thing)  I 

Benvenuto  observes  that  the  following  explanation 
is  most  useful  and  necessary,  for  without  it  the  con- 
ception of  the  diflerent  parts  of  the  City  of  Dis  would 
have  been  very  confused. 

Division  II  is  very  long,  and  contains  full  details 
of  Lower  Hell. 

Dante  first  gives  the  three  main  divisions,  namely, 
the  Seventh,  the  Eighth,  and  the  Ninth  Circles. 

Figliuol  miO|  dentro  da  cotestt  sassi," — 

Cominci6  poi  a  dir, — "  son  tre  cerchietti* 
Di  grado  in  grado,  come  quei  che  lassi. 

Tutti  son  pien  di  spirti  maledetti : 

Ma  perch^  poi  ti  basti  pur  la  vista,  20 

Intendi  come,  e  perch^  son  costretti. 

My  son,  within  (the  circumference  of)  these 
rocks, *'  he  then  began  to  say,  "are  three 
lesser  circles   (descending)   from    grade  to 

*  cerchietti:  I  have  translated  this,  *Messer  circles."  I  do 
not  like  any  attempt  to  give  the  force  in  English  of  Italian 
diminutives  by  such  an  English  word  as  **  circlet,''  which  surely 
does  not  express  what  Dante  means  by  cerckietto.  These 
cerchietti  were  vast  spaces  in  the  heart  of  the  Earth,  ex- 
tending (according  to  the  computations  of.  such  eminent  geo- 
metricians as  Manetti,  Landino,  Giambullari,  and  Galileo)  to 
hundreds  of  miles,  but  only  called  by  the  diminutive  form  to 
show  that  they  were  of  less  circumference  in  each  successive 
grade,  than  the  still  more  vast  spaces  above.  The  word  ''  cir- 
clets" might  deceive  the  reader  into  thinking  that  the  subdivi- 
sions of  the  circles  (gironi  and  bolge)  were  being  referred  to. 


grade,  like  those  that  thou  art  leaving  {i.e. 

the    first  six).     They  are  all  full  of  spirits 

acctused  :  but  in  order  that  later  oti  the  sight 

(of  Ihem)  may  suffice  thee,  understand  how 

KoA  why  ihey  (the  spirits  below)  are  confined. 

Some  think  that  c^>siretti  refers  to  the  Circles,  and 

means,   why  one  set  of  circles   is  narrowed   inside 

anotiwr  set  of  circles. 

Vi^I  then  tells  Dante  that  there  is  one  broad 
two-fold  classification  to  be  applied  to  the  sins 
punished  in  Lower  Hell,  namely,  (i)  Sins  of  Violence, 
and  (2)  Sins  of  Fraud. 

D*  0£i>i  malizia,*  ch'  odio  in  cielo  acquista, 
Ingiuriat  i  il  fine,  ed  ogni  fin  CQtalc 
O  coQ  foiu  o  con  frode  altrui  Ci 


*  malitia  :  Poletto  {Dix.  D<mL  s.  v.)  says  that  the  moral  Hg- 
nification  of  maiiMia  is  vice,  wickedness.  Compare  Convito  iv,  1 : 
"  Ma  perocchi  ciascttoa  cosa  per  si  i  da  amare  e  nulla  h  da 
odiare,  se  non  per  soprmmemmento  di  mali*ia,  ragionevole  e 
onesto  i  non  le  cose  ma  le  maliiie  delle  cose  odiaie."  Miss 
Hillard  {Saitquel  of  DanU  AlligkUri,  London,  1889)  translates 
toptwvtnimento  di  mahxia,  "  superadded  wickedness,"  which 
seems  to  render  the  meaning  admirably.  See  also  Omt'.  iv,  15  : 
"£  sccondo  maliiia  [Miss  Hillard  translates  roil  diipoiiUuti 
owero  difclto  di  corpo,  pu6  essere  la  inente  non  sana."  In 
Inf.  XV,  78,  Bruneito  Latini  speaks  of  the  wickedness  that  has 
spnmg  up  ID  Florcntx  when  it 

"  Fu  fatto  nido  di  maliiia  tanta." 

t  Ingiuria:  Nearly  all  the  commentators  explain  this  as 
injustice,  or  intentional  wrong  done  to  anyone.  Blanc,  Poletto, 
Camerini,  Scartanini  thus  interpret  it ;  in  Barberi  {GraitDitio- 
mari4>  Itaiiano-Franaa,  Paris,  1839)  the  passage  is  translated  : 
"  V  mjostice  est  le  but  de  tonte  ro^chancet^  que  le  ciel  poursuit 
desahaine."   Gelli  comments  thus  on  i>i!^'«na.-"cioi,qualclM 


Canto  XI.         Readings  on  the  Inferno.  349 

Of  every  vice  that  incurs  hatred  in  Heaven, 
the  end  is  injury  (to  some  one),  and  every 
such  end  either  by  Violence  or  Fraud 
aggrieveth  others. 

But  Fraud  is  the  greater  sin  of  the  two,  because  it 

is  a  sin  specially  human.    Violence  is  common  both 

to  Man  and  to  other  animals,  but  Fraud  necessitates 

reasoning  powers. 

Ma  perch^  frode  k  delP  uom  proprio  male,  25 

Piu  spiace  a  Dio  ;  e  per6  stan  di  sutto* 
Gli  frodolenti,  e  piu  dolor  gli  assale. 

But  since  Fraud  is  an  evil-doing  peculiar  to 
Man,  it  more  displeases  God ;  and  therefore         • 
the   Fraudulent    are    placed    beneath,    and 
greater  affliction  assaileth  them. 

Gelli  points  out  that  the  reason  of  Fraud  being  a 
sin  so  peculiar  to  Man  is  that  it  is  an  operation  which 
never  shows  itself  as  what  it  really  is,  but  on  the  con- 
trary it  always,  while  wishing  to  wreak  evil,  assumes 
the  garb  of  wanting  to  do  good,  and  therefore 
it  can  only  be  used  by  Man,  who,  having  the  ad- 

operazione  e  qualche  effetto  contrario  alia  justizia ;  che  cosl 
significa  questa  parola  tngiuria,^*  And  he  adds  that  Aristotle 
in  his  Rhetoric  describes  ingiuria  as  being  those  wrong  doings 
and  offences  that  are  voluntarily  committed  against  order  and 
agrainst  justice. 

♦  stan  di  sutto  gli  frodolenti:  Compare  Cicero,  De  OfficiiSy 
lib.  I,  cap.  13 :  "  Meminerimus  autem,  etiam  adversus  infimos, 

justitiam  esse  servandam Cum  autem  duobus  modis,  id 

est,  aut  vi  aut  fraude,  fiat  injuria :  fraus,  quasi  vulpeculae,  vis, 
leonis  videtur  :  utrumque  homine  alienissimum :  sed  fraus  odio 
digna  majore.  Totius  autem  injustitiae  nulla  capitalior  est, 
quam  eorum,  qui,  cum  maxime  fallunt,  jd  agunt,  ut  viri  boni 
esse  videantur.^ 


350 

vanti^e  of  Reason,  can  by  it  craftily  conceal  his 
purposes,  and,  however  evil  they  may  be,  can  veil 
them  tinder  a  semblance  of  good.  On  the  other 
hand,  aoiinals  having  no  intelligence  but  that  of  the 
senses,  are  not  able  to  conceal  their  intentions  in 
the  same  manner.  Gelli  does  not  reckon  as  a  fraud 
the  mae  practised  by  the  cuttle-fish  of  emitting  a 
Uack  liquid  which,  by  troubling  the  water,  makes  the 
fish  invisible  to  its  natural  foes,  for  that  is  only  the 
power  of  defence  which  Nature  has  given  it  as  an 
instincts  Nor  is  fraud  the  craft  used  by  the  crab, 
who  introduces  a  small  stone  between  the  two  valves 
of  the  half-opened  oyster,  so  as  to  be  able  to  get  in 
his  nippers,  and  pull  the  oyster  out.  It  ts  only 
natural  instinct  In  the  same  way  one  cannot  call 
Art  the  knowledge  of  the  swallows  in  building  their 
nests  with  such  marvellous  precision,  and  all  exactly 
alike.  Therefore,  since  Man  is  inferior  to  many 
animals  in  strength,  whereas  none  of  them  can  rival 
him  in  fraud,  nor  even  have  the  knowledge  or  the 
power  to  imitate  him,  it  may  be  concluded  that 
fraud  is  peculiar  to  Man,  and  is  consequently  more 
displeasing  to  God  than  Violence.  For  God  has 
given  to  Man  bis  intellect  and  reasoning  powers 
in  order  that  he  may  surpass  and  excel  all  other 
animals  in  perfection,  and,  if  Man  makes  use  of  his 
speech  and  his  reason  for  purposes  of  fraud,  it  is 
greatly  displeasing  to  God  that  he  should  use,  to  the 
oflence  and  detriment  of  himself  and  others,  such 
noble  powers,  given  to  him  for  the  purpose  of  doing 
good. 
Virgil  having  now  briefly  touched  upon  Fraud, 


Canto  XL         Readings  on  the  Inferno.  35 1 

to  the  varieties  of  which,  and  their  respective  punish- 
ments, he  will  return  later,  goes  on  to  explain  in 
detail  the  different  kinds  of  violence  punished  in 
the  respective  sub-divisions  of  the  next  Circle,  into 
which  they  are  descending. 

De'  violenti  il  primo  cerchio  ^  tutto  : 
Ma  perch^  si  fa  forza  a  tre  perisone. 
In  tre  gironi  h  distinto  e  costnitto.  30 

A  Dio,  a  s^  ai  prossimo  si  puone 

Far  forza,  dico  in  loro  ed  in  lor  cose. 
Come  udirai  con  aperta  ragione. 

The  first  Circle  (of  these  three  below)  is 
wholly  of  the  Violent :  but  as  Violence  can 
be  wrought  against  three  persons,  it  (the 
Circle)  is  divided  and  constructed  in  three 
Rounds.  Against  God,  against  themselves, 
against  their  neighbour,  can  Violence  be 
wrought.  I  say  against  themselves  (f.  e,  their 
persons),  and  against  their  property,  as  thou 
shalt  hear  by  clear  demonstration. 

Benvenuto  says  that  he  wishes  his  hearers  to 
understand  and  mark  well  that  the  above-mentioned 
three-fold  violence  can  be  done  in  two  ways  {pradicta 
triplex  violentia  potest  fieri  dupliciter). 

The  first  Round  or  subdivision  of  the  Circle  of  the 

Violent  and  its  inmates  is  next  described. 

Morte  per  forza  e  ferute  dogiiose 

Nel  prossimo  si  danno,  e  nel  suo  avere  35 

Ruine,  incendi  e  toilette  *  dannose  : 

*  tolUtte :  Both  Gelli  and  Scartazzini  give  the  same  interpre- 
tation, "  ruberie  e  rapine,'*  and  the  former  says  that  the  word  was 
in  constant  use  in  the  time  of  Dante,  and  is  to  be  found  in  Viilani. 
Both  Poletto  and  Blanc  agree  that  the  words  toilette  dannose 


353  Riodmgs  am  thi  Inffm0.        Canto  XL 

Onde  omidde  e  dascun  che  mal  fioti 
Guastatori  e  predoo,  tutti  tormeiita 
Lo  giron  primo  per  diverae  schieie. 

Death  by  VtoleDce,  and  painful  woundSi  are 
perpetrated  agiunst  (the  person  oQ  one's 
ndghbour;  and  against  his  substance  (are 
wrought)  destructions^  arsons,  and  r^Mcious 
exactions.  Hence  homicides,  and  eveiy  one 
who  smites  unjustly,  spoilers  and  robbers,  all 
of  these  does  the  first  Round  torment  in 
separate  bands. 

are  the  same  as  the  mediaeval  expressions,  maUoUikum^  mmU" 
MUUum^  maMolta^  and  wuUeiota^  and  fsom  which  comes  the 
old  French  mal  Me^  from  tolUrt  to  rob,  and  signifying  extra- 
ordinary imposts,  extortionate  taxation,  unjust  and  ruinous 
burdens. 

Some  read  collette^  ''collections."  Scartazzini  says  that  both 
colUtU  and  toUettt  mean  tribute^  impost^  or  even  a  public  loan, 
and  that,  if  there  be  any  difference  between  the  two,  it  would  be 
that  tolletU  is  derived  from  the  Celtic  T^^c^/fs^imposition,  public 
burden,  and  that  Collette  would  be  a  public  loan  or  tax  that  had 
to  be  paid  into  the  hand  of  collectors,  especially  in  time  of  war. 
But  Scartazzini  thinks  the  context  shows  clearly  that  the  right 
reading  is  tolUtte^  and  that  it  signifies  robbery,  rapine,  and  not 
a  public  burden.  If  the  onddde  in  v.  37  are  those  who  in  v.  34, 
morte  per  forza  ml prossimo  danno;  if  those  who  in  v.  37  mal 
fiedano  are  the  same  that  in  v.  34  ferute  dogliose  ml  prossimo 
danno;  if  ih^  guastatori  of  v.  38  are  the  same  as  those  who  do 
violence  to  their  neighbour's  goods  with  mine  and  incendi^ 
v.  36 ;  then  those  who  do  violence  to  their  neighbour's  goods 
with  toilette  dannose^  in  v.  36,  must  of  necessity  be  the  predon 
oi  V.  38,  who  are  punished  in  the  first  girone.  Now  these 
predom^  adds  Scartazzini,  are  the  very  persons  alluded  to  in 
Inf.  xii,  138,  cA^  fecero  guerra  aUe  strode^  in  fact,  freebooters. 
Gelli  follows  the  same  line  of  argument  Benvenuto  says  it  is 
violent  extortion  and  rapine. 


Canto  XI.        Readings  an  the  Inferno.  353 

The  next  point  touched  upon  is  the  Second  Round 
or  subdivision  of  the  Seventh  Circle,  in  which  are 
the  Violent  against  themselves  and  their  own  goods. 

Puote  uomo  avere  in  s^  man  violenta  40 

£  ne*  suoi  beni :  e  per6  nel  secondo 
Giron  convien  che  senza  pro  si  penta 

Qualunque  priva  s^  del  vostro  mondo, 
Biscazza*  e  fonde  la  sua  facuitade,  f 
£  pi'ange  Ik  dove  esser  dee  giocondo.  45 

Man  can  lay  violent  hands  upon  himself  and 

upon  his  possessions:  and  therefore  in  the 

second  Round  has  to  repent  without  avail 

{Le.  without  hope  of  redemption)  everyone 

who  deprives  himself  of  your  world  {ue,  the 

Suicide),  who  gambles  away  and  dissipates  his 

*  Biscazsa  is  literally,  to  gamble  at  the  iiscasgaf  zlso  bisca^ 
a  place  where  hazard  was  publicly  played.  Gelli  draws  a  marked 
distinction  between  baraiterie,  where  he  says  anyone  that  liked 
might  go,  whether  ignorant  of  the  game,  or  unknown  to  the 
players  ;  but  he  says  that  biscasza  in  "  our  "  (the  Tuscan)  lan- 
guage is  a  place  where  play  goes  on,  but  not  so  publicly  as  in 
the  bamtterie;  and  to  the  bische  there  only  go  those  who  are 
known  and  are  experienced  players  ;  they  moreover  go  there 
with  a  certain  regard  to  decorum  and  respect,  which  is  not  the 
case  in  the  baratterie,  Gelli  says  some  people  find  fault  with 
Dante  for  writing  biscasza  e  fonde  instead  of  the  simpler  words 
consuma  e  sperde,  but  they  are  evidently  ignorant  of  the  beau- 
ties of  the  Tuscan  diction,  nor  understand  the  art  and  the  force 
of  the  words,  which  Dante  so  well  understood  himself  Gelli  is 
very  severe  on  certain  commentators,  especially  Bembo,  for 
attempting,  "  in  a  language  which  was  not  his  native  tongue," 
to  criticize  Dante,  a  bom  Tuscan. 

\Jacultade  :  Riches,  income,  fortune,  substance,  not  faculties, 
as  we  understand  thex||.  Compare  Boccaccio,  Giom,  iii. 
Nov.   x: 

"  Avendo  in  cortesia  tutte  le  sue  facoltk  spese." 

AA 


354 


Rea£t^  am  tiit  Imftnto.  Canto  XI. 


prapeitf ,  and  weeps  there  afaere  he  oogfat  to 

becbeetfiiL 

This  means  that  possessions,  whkfa  ought  to  be  a 

source  <A  joy,  and,  if  rightly  employed,  a  means  of 

attaining    everlastii^  happiness,  when  ciilsased,  arc 

the  cause  of  pei  -      -  -  ^^^ 

Scartazzini  p  ce  between  these 

dissipatcMrs  of  th  le  it  away  bodily, 

and  the  Prodig  fcIc  whose  sin  is 

that  of  spendJDi  (see  vii,  5S).* 

The  Third   Rt.  1  of  the  Seventh 

Circle  comes  nei  :d  the  third  kind 

of  Vit^ence,  but  i  understood  that 

this  third  kiod   is  m  itself  threefold,  and   is  further 
sobdivided  into 

(a\  Violence  against  God, 
IP).  Violence  against  Nature,  and 
{cy  Violence  against  Art. 
Pnossi  fiu  fona  nella  Ddtade, 

Col  cor  ncsanda  e  beaemmiando  quella, 
E  spregiaDdo  naRua  e  suaf  bontade  : 
E  pert  lo  nunor  gtioii  si^gcllaj 

*         '  Mai  dare  e  mal  tener  lo  nioado  pukro 

Ha  tollo  loro,  e  posti  a  quesa  ni&' 
t  tprtgiando  natura  t  tua  tamlaiit:  It  is  eridcat  ban  letae 
9S  that  the  bounty  here  lefened  to  is  God's,  not  Nature's ;  see 
w.  94-96: 

" '  Ancora  un  poco  indietro  ti  rivolvi,' 

Diss^  io,  U  dove  di'  che  usura  oflende 
La  divina  bontade,  e  il  groppo  solvi." 
X  tmggtlla:  Compare  Rev.  xiv,  9-10  : 

"  If  any  man  worship  the  beast  and  his  image,  and  receive 
his  mai^  in  bis  forehead,  or  in  his  band.  The  same  shall  drink 
of  the  wine  of  the  wtath  of  God,  which  is  poured  out  without 


Canto  XI.         Readings  on  the  Inferno.  355 

Del  segno  suo  e  Sodoma  e  Caorsa,*  50 

£  chi,  spregiando  Dio,  col  cor  favella. 

Violence  can  be  committed  against  the  Deity, 
by  denying  and  blaspheming  Him  in  the 
heart,  and  by  despising  Nature  {i,e,  by  being 
guilty  of  unnatural  crimes),  and  His  (God's) 
bounty.  And  therefore  the  (innermost  and 
consequently)  smallest  Round  stamps  with 
its  seal  both  Sodom  and  Cahors,  and  all  such 
as  speaks  disdainfully  of  God  in  their  hearts. 

By  Sodom  every  kind  of  offence  against  Nature 
is  meant.  Cahors  (the  ancient  Divona  CadurcorunC) 
is  the  chef 'lieu  of  the  D^partement  du  Lot  In  the 
time  of  Dante  it  was  ill-famed  for  usurers,  therefore 
the  above  three  lines  mean  that  in  the  innermost 
Round  are  punished  Unnatural  Crime,  Usury,  and 
Blasphemy.     Gelli  says  that  both  Nature  and  Art 

mixture  into  the  cup  of  his  indignation  ;  and  he  shall  be  tor- 
mented with  fire  and  brimstone  in  the  presence  of  the  holy 
angels,  and  in  the  presence  of  the  Lamb." 

*  Caorsa :  Ducange  (Giossanum  Media  ei  InfinuB  LatinaHs^ 
Paris,  1842)  quotes  an  edict  of  St  Louis,  in  Jany.  1268,  against 
the  usurers  of  Cahors ;  another  of  Philippe  le  Hardi  to  the 
same  effect,  and  a  third  (Statuta  EccUHa  MeldensiSy  ann. 
circiter  1346,  inter  Instrum,  Hist  Meld,  tom.  2,  page  492) : 
"  Inhibentes  ne  quis  in  domibus,  vel  in  locis,  aut  in  terns  Eccle- 
siarum  Lombardos,  aut  alios  advenas,  qui  vulgariter  Caorcini 
dicuntur,  usurarios  manifeste  receptare  praesumat"  Ducange 
also  gives  the  following  quotation  from  Guignevil  {PeregrinaHo 
humana  gentisy  MS.)  ubi  de  Concupiscentia  : 
''  Li  Sathanas  m'  i  engenra, 

£t  de  illume  il  m'  aporta 

A  Chaourse,  ou  on  me  nourri, 

Dont  Chaoursi^re  dite  sui : 

Aucun  me  nomment  convoitise." 

AA  2 


356 


Readings  tm  the  Infemo.  Canto  XI. 


proceed  from  God,  and  that  Art  is  said  by  Dante 
(v.  los)  to  be  as  it  were  His  grandchild.  I  cannot 
omit  quoting  what  he  goes  on  to  say,  but  do  so  in 
the  original :  "  Contro  a  le  quali  due  cose  dice  il 
Poeta  che  si  pu6  usar  violenza  in  questi  modi :  contro 
a  la   Natura,  co  nerazione   umaoa, 

sfogando  quel  pi  :h'ella  ha  dato  aJI' 

uomo  perch'  ei  t  nerazione,  in  modi 

ch'  ei  non  ne  ab  eSetto ;  e  contra 

a  r  arte,  cercand  ere,  di  accrescerlo 

con  modi  contrari<  >me  voler  far  mul- 

tipHcar  per  tor  si  i  che  non    posson 

farlo,  come  Tanno  ^..  i." 

By  the  words  Del  segno  sua  Dante  means  the  rain  of 
fire  which  falls  on  the  sinners  in  the  Third  Girone, 
as  will  be  seen  in  cantos  xiv  and  xv. 

Having  now  explained  the  first  of  the  two  classes 
of  sins  by  which  Man  can  do  wrong  to  his  neighbour, 
namely  Violence,  Virgil  passes  on  to  the  second  great 
class,  which  is  Fraud.  Now  Fraud  is  again  sub- 
divided into,  (a)  Ordinary  Fraud  where  no  trust  has 
been  given  ;  and  (*)  Aggravated  Fraud,  where  trust 
has  been  given. 

Benvenuto  says  of  tAe  first  of  these,  that  it  is  of  a 
general  kind,  which  bursts  the  ordinary  bond  of 
Nature ;  that  every  man  is  naturally  a  friend  to  his 
fellow,  and  that  we  are  bound  to  do  unto  others  as 
we  would  have  them  do  unto  us,  and  so  keep  faith 
with  every  one.  But  the  second  kind  of  Fraud  is  that 
which  violates  any  other  special  tie,  as  for  instance, 
he  who  commits  fraud  against  his  master,  his  parents, 
hu  neighbour,  his  friend,  or  his  comrade  ;  in  this  way 


Canto  XI.         Readings  on  the  Inferno.  357 

the  second  kind  of  Fraud  is  far  worse,  and  therefore 
traitors  are  punished  in  the  very  bottom  of  Hell. 

We  shall  find  that  Ordinary  Fraud  (a)  is  punished 
in  Circle  VIII,  which  is  called  Malebolge^  and  is  sub- 
divided into  ten  separate  Bolge^  or  pits  {Jit  pouches). 
It  is  dealt  with  in  Cantos  xviii  to  xxx  inclusive. 

Aggravated   Fraud  {V)  is  punished  in  Circle  IX, 

wherein  are  four  different  classes  of  Traitors.    This 

circle  is  described  in  Cantos  xxxi  to  xxxiv  inclusive. 

La  frode,  ond'  ogni  coscienza  ^  morsa,* 

Pu6  V  uomo  usare  in  colui  che  'n  lui  fida, 
Ed  in  quei  che  fidanza  non  imborsa. 

Fraud,  for  which  every  conscience  is  gnawed 
(with  remorse),  a  man  can  practice  upon  those 
who  trust  him,  and  upon  those  who  repose 
{lit  imburse)  no  confidence  (in  him). 
Vii^il  now  describes  Ordinary  Fraud  (a),  stating 
what  classes  of  sinners  come  under  this  category,  and 
where  they  are  punished.     This  fraud  was  the  last 
mentioned  in  the  preceding  lines,  and  it  is  therefore 
spoken  of  as  the  latter  kind  of  the  two. 

Questo  modo  di  retro  par  che  uccida  55 

Pur  lo  vinco  d'  amor  che  fa  natura ; 
Onde  nel  cerchio  secondo  s'  annida 
Ipocrisia,  lusinghe  e  chi  affattura, 
Falsitk,  ladroneccio  e  simonia, 
Ruffian,  baratti  e  simile  lordura.  60 

This  latter  mode  {i.e.  Fraud  that  has  not 
violated  trust)  would  only  appear  to  destroy 
the   link   of  affection   that  Nature  makes; 

*  morsa :  Tommas^o  thinks  this  either  means  that  Fraud  is 
so  great  a  crime  that  even  the  most  obdurate  consciences  feel 
remorse  for  it ;  or,  that  Virgil  is  wishing  to  censure  Dante's  con- 
temporaries as  being  more  especially-guilty  of  that  particular  sin. 


e|tf*tGi9 


.«f  Asftetf 


OMKarftt.  _,. 


KE<a^CjKfc<M.*' 


rf  r»iMrt,i|ij,  Ac  Evife  «»  n  :ta  coCKCf  Ac  t-'iJ  eni, 

EttAmd^  1^  ataie  (tf  :te  ^Aoes  t^ok  w^k  ]h|iilI  m 
MCJdt  iL  Is  ^K-  zxziE,  a-x^  Sc  ftiniMil.  H  kB  ho^riM 
pnjm  ■•  Ac  Vs^iK.  ipcab  ctf  Tluma  as  harg^  omm  fcaM  Ac 

-  Or  9MM1.  cfe  AtlF  n^  ban 

Lc  ne  ifirxvt  ad  ssa  kd  ib>.  OC* 

'cfac  BOB  ti  gsxrdi 

I>aiF  i^BO  loco,  ore  loou  to  araL* 
la  C0w9ttf,  m,  J,  Daace  pm  Ac  oac  dcMon  ^  Ac 


Canto  XI.         Readings  en  the  Inferno.  359 

Qualunque  trade*  in  etemo  h  consunto." — 
By  the  other  mode  (/.  e.  Treachery,  both)  that 
love  is  forgotten  which  Nature  begets,  and 
that  which  is  afterwards  added,  from  which 
special  trust  is  created :  Wherefore  in  the 
smallest  Circle,  where  is  the  centre  of  the 
Universe,  upon  which  Dis  (Lucifer)  is  seated, 
whoever  betrays  is  consumed  to  all  eternity." 

By  the  smallest  Circle  must  be  understood  the  third 
Circle  of  the  City  of  Dis,  but  the  ninth  of  Hell. 

Division  III.  Dante  has  listened  closely  to  Virgil's 
explanation,  but  there  are  two  points  which  are  not 
clear  to  him,  and  he  now  confesses  to  Virgil  his  diffi- 
culty about  the  first  of  them ;  namely,  why  are  not 
all  the  sinners  in  Hell  punished  inside  the  City  of 
Dis  ?  Why  are  those  that  he  saw  in  the  Second,  Third, 
Fourth  and  Fifth  Circles  dealt  with  differently  ? 

Ed  io : — "  Maestro,  assai  chiaro  precede 
La  tua  ragione,  ed  assai  ben  distingue 

system  as  then  believed.   "  Basta sapere  che  questa  terra 

h  fissa  e  non  si  gira^  e  che  essa  col  mare  h  centro  del  cielo.  Questo 
cielo  si  gira  intomo  a  questo  centro  continovamente.''    In  the 
Quttesiio  de  Aqua  et  Terra^  §  iii,  Dante  says  :  ''Quum  centrum 
terras  sit  centrum  universi,  ut  ab  omnibus  confirmatur.'' 
*  Qualunque  trade:  Compare  Virg.  J£n.  vi,  608-614  : 
"  Hie,  quibus  invisi  fratres,  dum  vita  manebat, 
Pulsatusve  parens,  et  fraus  innexa  clienti ; 
Aut  qui  divitiis  soli  incubuere  repertis, 
Nee  partem  posuere  suis  :  quae  maxima  turba  est : 
Quique  ob  adulterium  coesi ;  quique  arma  secuti 
Impia,  nee  veriti  dominonim  &llere  dextras, 
Indus!  poenam  exspectant" 


1  sn:   ■*'T^  ■ 


tmm. 


l> 


Canto  XL         Readings  on  the  Inferno.  361 

(with  fire),  if  God  has  them  in  anger  ?  and  if 
not,  why  are  they  in  such  a  plight  (as  to  be 
tormented  at  all)  ?  " 
Virgil  reproves  Dante  for  not  seeing  for  himself  the 
true  solution  of  the  problem  that  he  proposes,  and  he 
asks  him,  in  terms  of  disapproval,  why,  when  he  has 
been  used  hitherto  to  show  great  acumen  in  enquiring 
into  matters  of  difficulty,  he  should  now  give  impor- 
tance to  merely  trivial  questions.     He  reminds  Dante 
that  he  has  made  the  Ethics  of  Aristotle  his  own  {tua 
Ettca\  by  mastering  their  intricacies,  and  in  them  he 
will  find  his  answer. 

Ed  egli  a  me : — "  Perch^  tanto  delira  V — 

Disse, — ''  lo  ingegno  tuo  da  quel  che  suole  ? 
Ower  la  mente  dove  altrove  mira  ? 

Non  ti  rimembra  di  quelle  parole, 

Colle  quai  la  tua  Eticaf  pertratta  80 

Le  tre  disposizion  che  il  ciel  non  vuole : 


*  delira :  Buti  explains  this  :  "  Tanto  delira,  cio^  esce  del 
solco,  cio^  si  svia."  The  Voc,  della  Crusca  says  it  is  to  be  beside 
oneself,  to  have  lost  the  thread  of  one's  ideas,  to  be  frantic,  and 
derives  the  word  from  Xiypcir,  to  be  foolish.  Others  derive  it 
from  de  lirciy  to  go  out  of  the  furrow,  to  deviate  from  a  straijg^ht 
line,  to  be  deranged.  The  VoA  further  explains,  ''  Delirare  h  dal 
solco  della  veritk  uscire,  come  esce  lo  hue  del  solco,  quando 
impazza,  e  non  h  obbediente  al  giogo."  Compare  Tasso,  Ger, 
Liberata^  xiv,  st  17  : 

"  £  bench'  or  lunge  il  giovine  delira, 
E  vaneggia  nelP  ozio  e  nelF  amore, 
Non  dubitar  per6,  etc" 

t  la  tua  Etica :  The  passage  here  referred  to  is  in  Aristotle's 
Ethics,  book  vii,  ch.  i  : 

1i$fl  ^vKT&p  rpla  i<rr\p  cl8i|,  Koitta  iucp€urla  ffiypi^nff.'* 

"  After  what  has  been  already  said,  we  must  make  another 


362  Readings  on  the  Inferno.         Canto  XL 

Incontinenza,  malizia  e  la  matta 

Bestialitade  ?  e  come  incontinenza 

Men  Dio  offende  e  men  biasimo  accatta  ? 

Se  tu  riguardi  ben  questa  sentenza,  8$ 

£  rechiti  alia  mente,  chi  son  qaelli, 
Che  su  di  faor  sostengon  penitenza, 

Tu  vedrai  ben,  perch^  da  questi  felli 

Sien  dipartiti,  e  perch^  men  crucciata 

La  divina  vendetta  gli  martelli." —  90 

And  he  to  me : — "  Why  wanders  thy  mind," 
said  he,  "so  far  beyond  its  wont?  or  is 
thy  memory  looking  elsewhere  ?  Dost  thou 
not  remember  those  words  with  which  thine 
Ethics  treat  at  great  length  the  three  disposi- 
tions (of  the  mind)  which  Heaven  wills  not : 
Incontinence,  Vice,  and  mad  Bnitishness? 
and  how  Incontinence  offends  God  least,  and 
incurs  less  blame?  If  thou  rightly  re- 
gardest  this  conclusion,  and  callest  to  mind 
who  are  those,  who  (in  the  Circles)  up  above 
outside  (this  city),  are  suffering  chastisement, 
thou  wilt  well  discern,  why  they  are  separated 
from  these  guilty  wretches  (in  the  Circles 
below),  and  why  Divine  Justice  strikes  them 
down  with  less  wrath." 

Dante  having  had  a  full  reply  to  his  first  question, 
now  puts  before  Virgil  his  second  doubt,  as  to  why 
Usury  has  been  mentioned  by  Virgil  as  one  of  the 
sins  of  Violence  against  God's  goodness  (spregiando 
sua  bontade,  v.  48),    whereas  it  would  rather 

beginning,  and  state,  that  there  are  three  forms  of  things  to  be 
avoided  in  morals — vice,  incontinence,  brutality."  Browne's 
Translation. 


Canto  XI.        Readings  on  the  Inferno,  363 

seem  to  Dante  that  it  is  a  sin  of  offending  one's 

neighbour.    He  asks  for  an  explanation  of  this. 

— "  O  Sol*  che  sani  ogni  vista  turbata, 

Tu  mi  content!  s),  quando  tu  solvi, 
Che,  non  men  che  saper,  dubbiar  m'  aggrata. 
Ancora  un  poco  indi^tro  ti  rivolvi/' — 

Diss*  io, — "  Ikf  dove  di*  che  usura  offende  95 

La  divina  bontade,  e  il  groppo  solvi." — 

"  O  Sun  (/.d  Virgil)  that  healest  all  troubled 

sight,  thou  so  contentest  me  when  thou  solvest 

(my  doubts),  that  doubting  is  not  less  pleasing 

to  me  than  knowing.     Turn  back  yet  again 

somewhat,''  I  said,  ''to  where  thou  sayest 

that  Usury  offends  Divine  Goodness,  and 

solve  the  knotty  point." 

Virgil  now  replies,  and  the  Ottimo  thus  explains 

his  answer:    "Virgil    solves  the  proposed  question, 

and  proceeds  in  this  way :  Nature  takes  its  course 

from  God  ;  therefore  she  is  an  art  from  God,|  that  is. 

His  natural  order  and  procession  ;   and  that  which 

proceeds  from  Nature,  and  follows  it,  we  may  say  is 

a  child  of  Nature :  natural  art  proceeds  from  Nature, 

and  follows  it  as  a  pupil  does  a  master  ;  so  that  this 

♦  O  Sol:  compare  Inf,  i,  82  : 

"  O  degli  altri  poeti  onore  e  lume,  etc" 
The  Ananimo,Fiorenttno  says  that  as  the  natural  Sun  drives 
away  the  darkness  of  night,  and  dissipates  the  clouds  and  thick 
mists,  so  Virgil  dissipates  in  Dante  the  blindness  of  ignorance, 
and  therefore  Dante  addresses  him  as  Sun. 
t  Id  dove  dP  :  Dante  refers  to  VirgiFs  words  at  verse  46-48  : 
"  Puossi  far  forza  nella  Deitade, 

Col  cor  negando  e  bestemmiando  quella, 
£  spregiando  natura  e  sua  bontade." 
\  "  Nature  is  the  art  of  God."    Browne  {Religio  Medici^  pt  i, 
sect,  xvi.) 


364  Readings  on  the  In/emo.        Canto  XI. 

art  is  nearly  a  grand-child  of  God.    And  from  these 

two,  that  is,  from  Nature  and  art,  man  must  take  his 

life  and  progress  in  it    And  whereas  the  Usurer  does 

not  follow  Nature  or  natural  art,  but  holds  another 

road  separate  from  this  one ;  therefore  he  despises 

Nature  the  daughter  of  God,  and  natural  art,  which 

is  the  grand-daughter  of  God  ;  and  places  his  hope 

in  other  things,  namely,  in  worldly  possessions." 

— "  Filosofia," — mi  disse, — "  a  chi  la  intende, 
Nota  non  pure  in  ana  sola  parte, 
Come  natura  lo  suo  corso  prende 
Dal  divino  intelletto  e  da  sua  arte ;  100 

£  se  tu  ben  la  tua  Fisica*  note, 
Tu  troverai  non  dopo  molte  carte, 

♦  /a  tua  Fisica:   Poletto  (Dizionario  Dantesco  s.  v.  Fisica) 
points  out  that  in  the  works  of  Dante  we  have  abundant  and 
certain  demonstrations  of  his  knowledge  of  Physical  Science. 
Dante  speaks  of  Nature  and   the   formation  of  snow. — Par. 

xxvii,  67. 
Of  the  thawing  of  snow. — Purg.  xxx,  85-90  ;  Par.  ii,  106-107  ; 

Par.  xxxiii,  64. 
Of  rain. — Purg.  v,  109  ;  Conv.  iv,  18. 
Of  mists.— //i/  xxxi,  34-37  ;  Purg.  xvii,  1-9. 
Of  earthquakes  and  winds.— //i/  iii,  130- '33  ;    ix,  64-69;   Inf. 

xxxiii,  103-105  ;  Purg.  xxi,  34-60  ;  Par.  viii,  22. 
Of  thunder,  and  where  formed.— /«/  iv,  1-3  ;  Purg.  xiv,  134. 
Of  lightning. — Purg.  xxxii,  109  ;  Par.  xxiii,  40-42. 
Of  waters  and  streams. — Purg.  xxviii,  97  and  121  ;  Par.  xii,  99. 
Of  the  ebb  and  flow  of  the  sea.— //i/  xv,  5  ;  Par.  xvi,  82. 
Of  the  magnetic  needle. — Par.  xii,  29. 
Of  the  rainbow,  of  which  he  had  ascertained  the  cause  long 

before  Antonio  de  Dominis  had  made  it  known. — Purg. 

XXV,  91-93. 
Of  the  double  rainbow. — Par.  xii,  la 
Of  the  parhelia  or  halos. — Par.  xxvi,  106. 
Of  falling  stars —-P«r^.  v,  37  ;  Par.  xv,  13. 


Canto  XI.         Readings  on  the  Inferno,  365 

Che  V  arte  vostia  quella,  quanto  puote, 
Segue,  come  il  maestro  fa  il  discente, 
SI  che  vostr*  arte  a  Dio  quasi  h  nipote.  105 

"  Philosophy,"  said  he  to  me,  "  to  those  who 
understand  it,  points  out,  not  in  one  part 
alone,  how  Nature  takes  her  course  from  the 
Divine  Intellect  and  from  its  art;  and  if 
thou  notest  well  thy  physics,  thou  wilt  find 
after  (searching)  not  many  pages,  that  your 
art  follows  her  (Nature)  as  much  as  it  can, 
as  the  pupil  does  his  master,  so  that  your  art 
is,  as  it  were,  a  grand-child  to  God. 

Of  universal  attraction  (long  before  the  days  of  Newton  and 

Kepler). — Inf.  xxxiv,  i  la 
Of  the  great  cataclysms  of  the  earth. — Inf,  xii,  41. 
And  Mgr.  Poletto  says  that  it  is  perfectly  clear  that  Dante  was 
acquainted  with  the  theory  of  the  upheavals  and  subsi- 
dences of  the  earth,  which  is  usually  thought  to  be  a  dis- 
covery of  modem  geological  science. — Inf  xxxiv,  122-126  ; 
and  Quasi,  Aq,  et  Terr,  §  21. 
The  celebrated  geologist,  Antonio  Stoppani  {JLaquestione  deW 
Acqua  e  della  Terra  di  Dante  Alighieri  in  Op,  Lat,  di  Dante^ 
ed,  Giuliani^  vol.  ii),  speaking  of  the  scientific  value  of  Dante's 
Treatise,  Quastio  de  Aqua  et  Terra,  remarks :  "What  astonishes 
me  in  this  dissertation,  as  well  as  in  TAe  Divine  Comedy,  is, 
that  Dante,  in  dealing  with  natural  laws  or  facts,  does  not  go  in 
search  of  proofs  to  the  abstractions  of  Aristotelian  principles, 
which  in  those  times  had  been  converted  into  so  many  dogmas, 
to  the  transcendental  abstrusities  of  metaphysics  or  theology,  or 
to  the  Cabala,  so  much  in  vogue  in  the  Middle  Ages,  but  to  the 
laws  of  nature,  ascertained,  as  well  as  was  then  possible,  by 
observation  and  experience,  or  demonstrated  by  mathematics.** 
(Quoted  from  Davidson's  Translation  of  ScartaMsinfs  Hand- 
book to  Dante,    Boston,    1887.) 

Buti  quotes  from  a  Latin  translation  of  Aristotle  {Physic,  lib. 
iii)  :  "  Ars  imitatur  naturam  in  quantum  potest." 


366  Ra£mgi  mt  Om  Imftrm.        Canto  XL 

Up  to  this  poiat  Vugfl  lus  been  deanng  away  the 
doubts  in  Dante's  mmd  by  Reason  and  the  authflcky^ 
of  pbilosopby  or  natural  xieaat.  He  oov  passes 
on  to  pfovc  bis  statement  by  the  aothority  of  Holy 
Scnpturc. 

GelH  rcmar"^  -■ —  '"' — ^  ''""og  been  specially 
sent  by  Beatn  [y.  to  lift  Dante  out 

of  error,  takes  it  many  theoloetsas 

do  «^  are  v  sdeace,  namely,   of 

proving  that  ;  1  respects  ia  perfect 

cooibrmity  wiL  'cnoto  says  that  the 

vonls  which  "^  •   mean  briefly  this, 

that  man  owes  hi  c,  but  his  well-being 

to  Art,  and  thai  uoa  mst  said  to  him,  **  Be  fruitful 
and  multiply,"  and  secondly,  '  In  the  sweat  of  diy 
boe  shalt  thoo  cat  bread,  ftc."     Gat,  iu,  19. 
Da  qocste  doe,  tc  tn  ti  redii  a  wta/at 
Lo  Gcnesi  dal  priDdpio^  coanenc 
PieodcT  soa  nia  ed  avamar  h  senle.* 
From  these  two  (i>.  Nature  and  Art)  if  tboa 
wilt  call  to  Diind  the  Genesis  at  tfae  begin- 

*  mvmmtar  la  gemU  :  Sditani&i,  o 
aj%  ikernKaB  ibat  people  n 
craaie  ifaeir  woridlr  goods  br  the  help  <d  Nanire,  and  abo  bf 
the  help  of  Alt,  tbai  is,  by  agricnldne,  manubctnres,  oxninerc^ 
etc  Bmi  commepa  :  **  £  se  tu  rccbi  a  mente  nabn'  «  aw>- 
m^ria,  cmutJeri  lo  Geoesi  da)  ntl  prindpio  m*,  trovtrai  dit  da 
<}iicsu  due  dot  lii/^  witera  (  dU?  «r)K  conviene  fai  gcnte  loMRM 
prcadeu  i)u  rUavi  la  sn  vita  di  th£  gU  i  mtusiaria  alia  *itm, 
ed  awtfiuf  eit  ti  amuUaggi  na  Urrim  atqiUstL*  In  a  note 
OQ  La  Ctntti,  Biiti  adds  ;  **  lievt  si  font  queita  semlaua  :  *  opor- 
Itttt  ab  initio  sxculi  hninanDiii  genus  snmere  vitam  et  ezcedeie 
mmii  ^jiun  p^  Damram  et  aites.' " 


Canto  XI.         Readings  on  the  Inferno.  367 

ning,   human  beings  must  gain  their  liveli- 
hood, and  increase  (their  possessions). 

Gelli  remarks  that  Landino  has  made  a  mistake 
in  his  commentary  on  this  passage,  in  saying  that  in 
the  b^inning  of  the  Book  of  Genesis  it  is  thus 
written  :  "  Oportuit  ab  initio  saeculi  humanum  genus 
sumere  vitam  et  excedere  unum  alium  per  naturam 
et  artes."  Gelli  says  that  it  is  not  possible  for  any 
words  to  express  better  the  meaning  of  Dante  in  the 
passage  we  are  discussing,  but  as  a  matter  of  fact  the 
words  do  not  occur  in  Genesis  at  all,  and  Gelli  thinks 
they  are  to  be  found  in  the  works  of  Lactantius. 
There  must  be  here,  then,  a  slip  either  of  Landino's 
pen,  or  of  his  memory  ;  a  slip  of  the  pen,  if  he  wrote 
"  Genesis  "  by  mistake  instead  of  "  Lactantius,"  or  a 
slip  of  his  memory  in  thinking  the  words  were  to  be 
found  in  the  one,  whereas  they  were  in  the  other. 

Virgil  concludes  his  discussion  of  usury  by  show- 
ing from  what  he  has  said,  that  the  usurer  offends 
against  the  goodness  of  God,  because  he  offends 
Nature  in  offending  against  art. 

Ma  perch^  V  usuriere  altra  via  tiene, 

Per  s^  natura,*  e  per  la  sua  seguace  no 

Dispregia,  poich^  in  altro  pon  la  spene. 

But  as  the  Usurer  take9  another  way  he  de- 
spises Nature  (both)  for  herself,  and  for  her 

♦  Per  s^  naiura^  etc. :  Tommas^o,  commenting  on  this  pas- 
sage, remarks  that  the  scathing  contempt  which  Dante  mani- 
fests for  the  usurers  proves  what  is  recorded  in  the  chronicles 
of  the  century,  of  the  immense  mischief  that  usury  was  doing 
at  that  time.  Usury  does  not  cultivate  Nature  in  following  agri- 
culture, and  seeking  out  the  natural  fruits  of  the  earth,  but  tills 
the  ground  to  bring  out  metals,  which  are  not  its  natural  fruit 


368  Readings  on  (he  Infenut.  Canto  XI. 

follower  (Alt),  since  he  places  hb  hope  ebe- 
wbere  fi>.,  ia  the  credulity  ai  others). 

Cacy  explains  this  as  follows :  "  The  Usurer,  trusting 
in  the  produce  of  his  wealth  lent  out  on  usury,  despises 
Nature  directly,  because  he  does  not  avail  himself  of 

her  means  forir"""'' iching  himself ;  and 

indirectly,  beca  ivail  himself  of  the 

means  which  A  d  imitator  of  Natuie 

would  atTord  him  rposes." 

We  must  ren  ing  the  above  pro- 

longed conver^a  have  been  standing 

still  behind  the  of  Pope  Anastasius, 

in  order  to  witt  them    Ives  a  little  from  the 

noxious  vapours  that   rise  from   the   depths   below. 
Virgil  will   not  delay   any  longer,  and   he  explains 
to    Dante  what   the    time    is    on    the   Earth.      AH 
through    the   Divina    Commtdia    the    references    to 
time   are  most   definite  and  precise.     We  may  re- 
member that  we  considered   Dante  to  have  entered 
into  Hell  at  nightfall  on  Good  Friday,  which  in  the 
year  1300  was  on  the  8th  of  April.     The  two  Poets 
approached  the  Styx  at  midnight  (canto  vii,  98).    It 
is  now  the  early  morning  of  Saturday,  Easter  Eve, 
probably  about  4  a.m.,  and  Virgil  defines  the  hour  by  a 
description  of  movements  in  the  5kics,which,  during  the 
Poets' subterranean  journey,  are  hidden  from  their  view. 
Ma  seguimi  oramai,  che  il  gir  mi  piace  : 
Chi  i  Pcsci  guinan  su  per  I'  orinonta,* 
E  il  Cantt  tutto  sopra  il  Coro  t  giace, 
E  ii  balio  via  I&  oltra  si  dismonta." —  Ii; 

•  orriionta  for  oriatontt. 

t  il  Coro :  Prof.  G.  DelU  Valle  (//  Sente  Geographi^o-Asln- 


Canto  XI.         Readings  an  the  Inferno,  369 

But  now  follow  me,  as  it  pleases  me  to  go 
on :  for  the  Fishes  are  quivering  {Le.  rising) 
up  on  the  horizon,  and  the  Wain  (of  Bootes, 
U€,  the  Great  Bear)  lies  wholly  over  the 
Caurus  (meaning  the  North-West)  and  yonder 
far  onwards  we  must  descend  the  steep. 

Dr.  Moore  (  Time  References  in  the  Divina  Commedia^ 
London,  1887,  page  43)  writes  of  the  Pisces :  "The 
rising  of  this  Constellation,  covering,  of  course,  several 
d^^es  of  celestial  space,  commenced  about  3  a.m., 
and  ended  about  5  a.m.  We  may  suppose  that  the 
time  indicated,  therefore,  is  roughly  about  4  to  5  a.m. 
The  reference  in  the  next  line  to  Ursa  Major  lying 
right  upon  the  north-west  line  {futto  savra  Cora)  will 
be  found,  I  believe,  precisely  accurate  in  conjunction 
with  the  other  phenomenon.  [Carlyle  points  out  that 
the  Constellation  of  the  Fishes  is  that  which  imme- 
diately precedes  Aries,  and  as  the  Sun  was  in  Aries, 
as  we  saw  in  canto  i,  the  time  indicated  here  would 
be  some  two  hours  before  sunrise.]  Antonelli  (Studi 
Specia/i,  Firenze,  1871^  page  86)  says  that  when  the 

namico  dei  Luoghi  della  Divina  Commedia^  Faenza,  1869),  says 
that  il  Coro^  in  Latin  either  Caurus  or  Carus^  was  a  wind  that 
blew  from  between  the  North  and  West,  the  popular  name  for 
which  in  Italy  is  Ponente- Maestro,  When  the  Sign  of  Pisces 
falls  upon  the  Elastem  horizon,  the  Wain  or  Great  Bear  lies  pre- 
cisely in  the  direction  of  this  wind.  Della  Valle  points  out  that 
there  is  usually  a  definite  meaning  in  every  word  Dante  uses, 
and  that  when  he  says  that  il  Carro  giace  Xntio  sovra  il  C&ro^ 
he  means  that  the  centre  of  the  constellation  is  in  the  direction 
of  the  Caurus  ;  for  the  Wain  occupies  a  certain  expanse  of  the 
heavens,  and  if  the  whole  of  it  lies  over  the  North- West,  its 
centre  must  be  the  part  that  points  chiefly  in  that  direction. 

BB 


^370 


Rmdaiigs  0m  ike  Ittfemo.        Canto  XL 


Constellation  Pisces  is  rising  in  a  north  latitiide 
of  32^  Ursa  Major  will  be  "^tum  in  qud  lata), 
Testrema  del  timone  distante  circa  40^  dd  Pola" 

The  two  Poets  are  now  supposed  to  move  fcMrwnid, 
and  at  the  opening  of  the  next  canto  we  shall  find 
them  standing  on  the  brink  of  the  abyss*  leading 
down  to  the  Seventh  Circle. 

•  *  This  abyss  most  not  be  coiifoimded  with  the  Gmt  Abfss 
descrihedm  cantos  zvi  and  xvli,  which,  starting  fiom  the  centra 
of  the  inneraiost  Round  of  the  Circle  of  Violence,  Grde  vi^ 
Iilunges  down  into  the  lower  depths  of  Hell,  and  is  so  ins- 
inacticable^  that  the  Poets  have  to  be  carried  down  .by  Getyoa 
who  lands  them  in  MtMo^ 


End  of  Canto  XL 


Canto  XII.        Readings  on  the  Inferno,  371 


CANTO  XII. 


The  First  Round  of  the  Seventh  Circle. 

The  Minotaur. 
The  Violent  against  their  Neighbour. 

The  Tyrants. 

The  Centaurs. 

Chiron  and  Nessus. 

EZZELINO — OPIZZO  DA  ESTE. 
GUIDO  DA  MONFORTE. 

In  the  last  Canto  we  saw  in  how  precise  and  definite 
a  manner  the  disposition  of  the  Circles  of  Hell  that 
are  inside  the  City  of  Dis  was  described.  In  this 
Canto  we  shall  find  the  Poets  about  to  enter  the  first 
of  the  three  Rounds  or  rings  of  the  Seventh  Circle, 
in  which  are  tormented  the  souls  of  the  Violent 
against  their  neighbours,  and  among  them  the  most 
noted  tyrants  in  history. 

Benvenuto  divides  the  canto  into  four  parts. 

In  Division  /,  from  v.  i  to  v.  30,  Dante  describes 
how  the  Minotaur,  a  type  of  unnatural  passions,  at- 
tempts in  vain  to  arrest  the  progress  of  the  Poets. 

In  Division  II,  from  v.  31  to  v.  57,  after  a  con- 
versation about  the  extraordinary  chaos  of  fallen 
rocks  of  which  the  precipice  is  formed,  the  Poets 
approach  the  river  of  boiling  blood  in  which  the 
Violent  are  immersed. 

In  Division  III,  from  v.  58  to  v.  99,  their  recep- 

BB  2 


372  Readings  on  the  Inferno.       Canto  Xll. 

tion  by  the  Centaurs  is  related,  and  how  Chiron,  the 
chief,  appoints  Nessus  to  guide  them  along  the  river, 
and  to  carry  Dante  over  the  ford. 

In  Division  IV^  from  v.  lOO  to  v.  139,  Nessus, 
after  pointing  out  the  most  notorious  of  the  tormented 
sinners,  transports  Dante  to  the  other  shore,  and  then 
retires. 

Division  I.  We  left  Dante  and  Virgil  directing 
their  steps  to  the  brink  of  the  precipice,  down  which 
they  are  to  descend  into  the  Seventh  Circle,  and  we 
now  find  them  hesitating,  not  only  at  the  difficulties 
of  the  rocky  steep,  but  also  at  the  unexpected  sight 
of  a  monster  lying  on  its  summit.  "  Im'agine  your- 
self," says  Benvenuto,  **  crossing  one  of  the  Alps,  and 
at  a  spot  that  is  exceedingly  rugged  and  dangerous, 
encountering  a  fierce  wild  beast  such  as  a  bear  or  a 
wild  boar.  Your  danger  would  at  once  appear  to  you 
double  as  great.  Picture  to  yourself  then  Dante's 
terrors  at  the  sight  of  the  Minotaur,  in  addition  to 
the  fear  of  the  tremendous  chasm  below  him." 

Era  lo  loco,  ove  a  scender  la  riva 

Venimmo,  alpestro,*  e  per  quel  ch'  ivi  er^  anco, 
Tal,  ch'  ogni  vista  ne  sarebbe  schiva. 

♦  loco  . . .  aipestro  :  Mr.  Ruskin's  remarks  {Modern  Painters^ 
iii,  243)  on  this  passage  tend  to  show  that  Dante  was  notably 
a  bad  climber,  and  that  his  ideas  of  rocks  and  mountains  were 
neither  very  elevated  nor  very  correct.  This  opinion  is  strongly 
combated  by  two  eminent  members  of  the  English  and  Italian 
Alpine  Clubs.  In  the  BoUettino  del  Club  Aipino  di  Torino^  1886, 
vol.  XX,  Na  53,  page  12,  there  is  an  elaborate  article  by  Ottone 
Brentari  {Sestone  di  yicenza),  entitled  Danle  Aipinista.  In  the 
Alpine  Journal^  vol.  x,  no.  75,  page  400,  Mr.  Douglas  W. 
Freshfield   supplies  a  most   interesting  contribution  on    The 


Canto  XII.        Readings  on  tlu  Inferno.  373 

Mountains  of  Dante.     Referring  to  the  above-mentioned  re- 
marks of  Mr.  Ruskin,  he  says  that  he  rises  from  its  re-perusal 
with  a  strong  sense  that  Dante's  feeling  for  Alpine  scenery — 
in  the  broad  and  proper  sense  of  the  word  Alpine,  which  in  a 
note  he  explains  to  be  a  generally  accepted  name  for  all  the 
rounded  hill-tops  in  the  upper  portions  of  the  Tuscan  ApennineSi 
where  the  flocks  and  herds  find  pasturage — has  been  done 
injustice  to.    Without  being  tempted  into  one  of  those  extra- 
vagances which  employ  and  entertain  bookworms;  without 
endeavouring  to  prove — as  some  would  endeavour  to  prove 
Shakespeare  to  have  been  an  attorney's  clerk  or  an  apothecary's 
boy — that  Dante  was  what  his  countrymen  now  call  an  alpinista^ 
Mr.  Freshfield  contends  that  it  may  be  shown  from  his  works 
that  he  knew  and  loved  mountains  better  than  Mr.  Ruskin  was 
at  one  time  disposed  to  allow.    It  is  to  be  noticed  that  when 
Dante  wanted  a  beautiful  background  for  stately  figures,  a 
place  of  sojourn  for  poets  or  princes  (see  Purg,  vii),  he  chose, 
not  with  the  bourgeois  Boccaccio  the  likeness  of  a  Florentine 
garden,  or  a  Val  d'Amo  olive-yard,  but  high  ground,  a  mountain 
valley  or  meadow ;  that  his  references  to  mountains  are  by  no 
means  of  a  depreciatory  nature ;  and,  further,  that  while  few 
poets  have  talked  of  climbing  so  much  as  Dante  has,  none  has 
shown  so  thorough  a  practical  knowledge  of  the  right  way  to 
set  about  it 

The  broad  assertion  that  Dante  ''  never  alludes  to  the  Alps 
except  in  bad  weather  or  snow,"  may  be  contradicted  without 
going  beyond  Mr.  Ruskin's  own  quotations,  put  before  his 
readers  to  prove  the  contrary.  The  point  of  comparison  be- 
tween the  fogs  of  Purgatory  and  an  Alpine  mist,  is  surely  not 
only  the  ugliness  of  the  mists,  but  also  the  glorious  effect  of  the 
sun  bursting  through  them  about  sunset,  when  the  plains  below 
are  already  dead,  and  the  light  fidls  only  on  the  mountain  sides. 

Virgil's  first  question  to  Dante  is  (Inf.  i,  77-8) : 
"  Perch^  non  sali  il  dilettoso  monte, 
Ch'  h  principio  e  cagion  di  tutta  gioia  ?  " 

In  Inf.  xiv,  97-98,  Dante  speaks  of  the  Cretan  Ida  as  lieta  tP 
acqua  e  difronde. 
In  No.  69  of  the  same  journal,  page  72,  Mr.  Freshfield  also 


V4 


Readings  on  the  Inferno.        Canto  xit.  1 


Tile  place,  (o  which  we  came  to  pass  down 
OT^T  (he  brink,  was  Alpine,  and  such,  by  reason 
of  what  was  there  besides  (t.«.  the  Minotaur), 
tint  any  eye  would  recoil  from  it, 
Daate  compares  the  precipitous  nature  of  the  spot  | 
to  the  Slavini*  di    Marco   on   the   Adige   between  I 
Trent  and  Verona.     Benvenuto  considers  the  com- 
puison  highly  appropriate ;  for  the  cliff  there,  before 
the  great  landslip  occurred,  was  as  sheer  and  abrupt  . 
as  the  wall  of  a  house,  and  no  one  could  by  any  pos-  | 
'  .aibility  have  got  down   it.     Afterwards,  however,  the  I 
,'  great  mountain-slip  made  it  more  easy  of  descent.! 
'    And  this  is  supposed  to  have  been  the  case  with  tbel 
predpice  above  Lower    Hell,      We  shall  sec  thatT 
Vii^  had  visited  the   place  on  a  former  occasion 
when  it  was  impracticable  to  human  feet. 
Qual  i  quella  niina,  cbe  net  Ganco 

Di  qua  da  Trento  I'  Adice  percosse 
0  per  tiemuoto  o  per  sostegno  manco  \ 
Chi  da  cima  del  monle,  onde  si  roosse, 
AI  pioDO  i  ■)  la  roccia  discOKesa, 
Cb'  alcuna  via  darebbe  a  cbi  su  fosse ; 


alludes  to  tbe  beauties  of  the  mouniMn-meadom  in  the  Val 
d*  India  and  tbe  gorgeous  masses  of  variegated  colour  to 
be  seen  in  them,  and  thinks  that  it  must  have  been  from 
personal  experience  of  them  that  Dante  described,  in  sudi 
glowing  terms,  the  Valley  of  the  Princes  {Purg.  vii),  and  the 
sweet  giades  where  Matelda  gathered  flowers  in  the  Dhrina 
Fonsta  (Ptirg.  nvii). 

*  Slavim  di  Marco :  Poletto(i^miMMri0)  informs  his  readers 
that  among  his  own  native  mountains  both  Lavina  and  Slavina 
are  lenns  used  to  express  an  avalanche,  and  every  one  can  well 
•ee  irtkat  a  dose  analogy  there  is  between  such  a  p 
and  tbe  rmima  to  tiiiicfa  Dante  refers. 


Canto  XII.       Readings  on  the  Inferno,  375 

Cotal  di  quel  burrato  era  la  scesa :  lo 

E  in  su  la  punta  della  rotta  lacca* 

L'  infamia  di  Creti  t  era  distesa, 
Che  fu  concetta  nella  falsa  vacca : 

'*  Icicca  :  According  to  Poletto  lacca  would  seem  to  be  a  part 
of  the  body  used  for  a  part  of  a  mountain,  in  the  same  way  that 
one  says  '4he  shoulder"  or  ''the  foot"  of  a  mountain,  and 
therefore  here  its  literal  meaning  of  "  thigh  "  or  "  flank "  must 
be  taken  to  signify  the  side,  or  the  slope  of  the  mountain,  all 
broken  up  into  stones  or  rocks.  Lachetta  di  castrone  is  a  leg  of 
lamb  ;  but  lachetta  is  also  used  to  signify  racket  or  bat  used  at 
games  of  ball. 

t  P  infamia  di  Creti:  Gelli  thinks  the  Minotaur  is  placed 
here  by  Dante  on  the  ridge  preceding  the  descent  to  the  Circle 
of  the  Violent,  just  in  the  same  way  that  he  has  placed  other 
monsters  of  ancient  mythology  to  guard  those  punished  for  the 
sins  of  which  they  present  the  attributes ;  such  as  Cerberus  of 
Gluttony  ;  Plutus  of  Avarice  ;  and  so  on.  The  circumstances 
related  of  the  Minotaur's  infamous  birth,  and  his  unnatural 
shape,  are  an  emblem  of  Violence  against  the  laws  of  Nature, 
and  are  meant  to  show  that  they  who  allow  their  bestial  and 
unbridled  passions  to  lead  them  into  crimes  of  Violence  against 
God,  against  themselves,  against  their  neighbour,  atid  against 
Art,  become  monsters  that  only  retain  the  partial  semblance  of 
a  man,  and  that  their  other  parts  become  savage  and  bestial 
The  very  fact  of  the  Minotaur  turning  his  teeth  against  his  own 
flesh  is  an  instance  of  this,  for  it  is  in  direct  contradiction  to  the 
laws  of  Nature  for  a  man  to  injure  his  own  self. 

The  story  of  the  Minotaur,  and  of  the  infiunous  passion  of  his 
mother  Pasiphafi  can  be  read  in  any  classical  dictionary,  and  is 
too  well  known  to  be  retold  here.  Pietro  di  Dante  refers  his 
readers  to  Virg.  iEn,  vi,  24-30 : 

"  Hie  cnidelis  amor  tauri,  suppostaque  furto 

PasiphaS,  mixtumque  genus,  prol^sque  biformis  1 

Minotaurus  inest.  Veneris  monumenta  nefiandse. 

Hie  labor  ille  domus,  et  inextricabilis  error ; 

Magnum  reginae  sed  enim  miseratus  amorem 


37^  Readings  en  the  Inferno.        Canto  J 

E  quando  vide  noi,  si  stesso  morse* 

S)  come  quei,  cui  I'  ira  dentro  (iacca. 

As  in  that  landslip,  which  on  this  (the  Italian) 

■ide  of  Trent  struck  the  Adtge  on  its  bank 

either  by  reason  of  an  earthquake  oi  from 

lack  of  .'Hiririnrt  •    im  from    rhe  mountain  top 


where  fro » 
the  cliff 


Even  suci 


o  the  plain,  is 
t  might  afford 
10  was  above; 
ito  that  chasm  i 

igeaque  resolvit, 


Daedalus, 
Czcatei 
Compare  also  C  ^        lv,  55-58: 

"  Juppiter  Europen  (pnma  esi  ea  gentis  origo) 
Dilexil,  tauro  dissimulante  Deum. 
Pasiphae  mater,  dccepio  subdica  tauro, 
Enixa  est  utero  crimen  onusque  sua' 
Id  Purg.  xxvi,  this  is  twice  alluded  to  ; 
V.  4t :  " .  .  .  .  Nella  vacca  entra  Pasife, 

Perchi  il  lorello  a  sua  lussuria  corra." 
and  85-S7 : 

"  In  obbrobrio  di  noi,  per  noi  si  l^ge, 

Quando  parliamci,  il  nome  di  colci 
Che  s'  imbesti6  neli'  imbestiate  schegge." 
*  si  xitiio  meru  t\  come  quei,  cui  F  ira  denirc  jSaeca ;  It  ii 
not  unlikely  that  Dante  is  here  again  alluding  in  derision  to 
the  state  of  degradation  in  which  he  has  represented  Filippo 
Argenti  [Jn/.  viii,  6a,  63) : 

"El  Fiorentino  tpirito  binarro 
In  st  medesmo  si  volgea  co'  denti." 
The  description  of  his  insensate  rage  being  compared  10  that 
of  "the  Infamy  of  cVete"  would  assuredly,  as  perhaps  Dante 
wished,  add  greatly  !□  the  irritation  which  Filippo's  arrogant 
kinsmen,  the  Adimari,  roust  have  felt  on  reading  the  ridiculous 
account  of  him  in  canto  viii. 


Canto  XII.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  377 

and  on  the  summit  of  the  nigged  declivity 
was  lying  outstretched  (the  Minotaur)  the 
infamy  of  Crete,  which  was  conceived  in  the 
fictive  cow:  and  when  he  saw  us,  he  bit 
himself  like  unto  him  whom  anger  consumes 
within. 

This  wild  spot  is  described  by  the  Rev.  John  Eustace 
{A  Classical  Tour  in  Italy  in  1 802.  Fourth  Edition, 
vol.  i,  ch.  ii,  pages  108- 109,  and  note);  The  descent 
"becomes  more  rapid  between  Roveredo  and  Ala; 
the  river  which  glided  gently  through  the  valley  of 
Trent,  assumes  the  roughness  of  a  torrent ;  the  defiles 
become  narrower ;  and  the  mountains  break  into 
rocks  and  precipices,  which  occasionally  approach 
the  road,  sometimes  rise  perpendicular  from  it,  and  now 
and  then  hang  over  it  in  terrible  majesty.  .  .  .  Amid 
these  wilds  the  traveller  cannot  fail  to  notice  a  vast 
tract  called  the  Slavini  di  Marco^  covered  with  frag- 
ments of  rock  torn  from  the  sides  of  the  neighbouring 
mountains  by  an  earthquake,  or  perhaps  by  their 
own  unsupported  weight,  and  hurled  down  into  the 
plains  below.  They  spread  over  the  whole  valley, 
and  in  some  places  contract  the  road  to  a  very  narrow 
space.  A  few  firs  and  cypresses  scattered  in  the  in- 
tervals, or  sometimes  rising  out  of  the  crevices  of  the 
rocks,  cast  a  partial  and  melancholy  shade  amid  the 
surrounding  desolation.  This  scene  of  ruin  seems  to 
have  made  a  deep  impression  upon  the  wild  imagina- 
tion of  Dante,  as  he  has  introduced  it  into  the  twelfth 

f 

canto  of  the  Inferno^  in  order  to  give  the  reader  an 
adequate  idea  of  one  of  his  infernal  ramparts.''  * 

*  Poletto  remarks  that,  besides  the  Slavini  diMarco^  there  is 


ifi  Readings  on  the  Inftmo.       Canto  xn. 

The  Minotaur  would  now  seem  to  be  gathering 
himiiflf  up  for  a  violent  onslaught  upon  Dante, 
against  whom  Benvenuto  thinks  his  rage  would  be 
kindled  from  the  knowledge  that  Dante  would  be 
able  to  rdate  in  the  World  what  is  the  punishment 
of  the  Violent,  and  so  deter  many  from  incurring  the 
penalties  of  such  sins. 

Dante  now  relates  the  artifice  by  which  Virgil 
gave  anoUier  direction  to  the  frenzy  of  the  Mi- 
notaur,  by  irritating  him  with  a  pointed  insult  In 
the  quaint  words  of  Benvenuto  :  Et  subdit  auctor 
^UlSttr  Virgilius  magnijice  sedaverit  tram  Minotauri. 
Lo  ssvio  mio  inver  lui  grido  : — "  Forse 

Tu  credi  che  yui  sia  il  duca  •  A'  Aieoe, 
Che  su  nd  mondo  la  morte  ti  porse  ? 

another  great  down&U  of  rocks  (recorded  by  Ambrosi,  in  his 
Come^Uo  on  this  canto,  Rovereto,  1864),  near  Callisno,  opponte 
the  Castello  della  Pietra,  on  the  old  road  between  Trent  and 
Roveredo,  and  he  says  that  it  is  recorded  by  Petrarch,  lite 
passage  b  in  Petrarch's  Epiitole  Poelicie,  lib.  li,  in  the  Epistle 
to  Gnlielmo  Veronensi  Oralori  : 

"  Vidi  et  terrificam  solido  de  monte  ruinam ; 

Atque  indignantes  pracduso  tramile  Nymphas 

Vertere  iter,  dextramque  vadis  impel  lere  ripam.' 

But  Tti»m(Ialonioalla  distora  di  Dante  al  catttllo  £LitMamti, 

Rovereto,  1834)  feels  certain  that  these  lines  of  Petrarch's  refiBr 

to  the  Slavimdi  Marco. 

*  duca  (T  Aient :  duca  is  here  used  for  dui,  a  leader,  and  is 
freely  used  both  in  old  English  and  in  old  Italian  to  express  a 
sovereign  or  ruler.  Compare  Shakespeare,  Midsummer  Nigkft 
Dream,  act  i,  scene  i : 

"  Happy  be  Theseus,  our  renowned  Duke  I" 
also  Chaucer,  TMt  Kmgklds  Tale,  opening  lines  : 
"  Whilom,  as  olde  stories  tellen  us, 
Ther  was  a  dtik  that  highte  Theseus. 


Canto  XII.        Readings  on  the  Inferno.  379 

Partiti,  bestia,  ch^  questi  non  vicne 

Ammaestrato  dalla  tua  sorella,  20 

Ma  vassi  per  vcder  le  vostre  penc." — . 

My  sage  cried  towards  him  :  ''  Perchance 
thou  thinkest  that  the  Duke  of  Athens  {i.e, 
Theseus)  is  here,  who  in  the  world  above 
gave  thee  thy  death.  Begone  monster  1  for 
this  one  (Dante)  comes  not  tutored  by  thy 
sister  (Ariadne),  but  is  passing  by  to  look 
upon  your  punishments  {Le,  both  of  the 
violent  and  of  thyself)." 

Virgil  means  that  Dante  has  not  come  to  slay  the 
Minotaur  over  again,  assisted  by  the  subtle  arts  of  a 
woman,  but  comes  to  witness  the  torments  of  the 
Violent,  in  order  that  he  may  warn  his  fellow  men 
from  incurring  them. 

The  Minotaur  is  represented  as  giving  way  to  the 
blind  violence  of  an  insane  man,  combined  with  all 
the  movements  of  an  infuriated  bull ;  and  Buti  sees 
in  each  of  his  actions  one  of  the  several  kinds  of 
violence  that  have  been  enumerated  in  the  last  canto. 

Qual  h  quel  tore  che  si  slaccia  *  in  quella 
Che  ha  ricevuto  gik  '1  colpo  mortale, 
Che  gir  non  sa,  ma  qua  e  Ik  saltella, 

Vid*  io  lo  Minotauro  far  cotale.  25 

Of  Athenes  he  was  lord  and  govemour. 
And  in  his  time  swiche  a  conquerour,  etc** 

Compare  also  *'  the  dukes  of  Edom, ''  Gen,  xxxvi,  40-43. 

*  Quel  toro  che  si  slaccia :  Compare  Virgil,  jEn,  ii,  222-224  : 
'*  Clamores  simul  horrendos  ad  sidera  tollit : 
Quales  mugitus,  fugit  cum  saucius  aram 
Taurus,  et  incertam  excussit  cervice  securum." 


3«0 


RiadtHgi  on  l/u  Inferno.        Canto  Xll. 


Af  is  that  bull,  who  at  the  moment  he  has 
jiHt  received  his  death-blow,  bieats  his  halter, 
•ad  who  cannot  go,  but  plunges  (ram  side  to 
-  adc,  (so)  did  I  see  the  Minotaur  do  the  like. 
\nrgil  perceiving  that  the  moment  is  favourable 
for  paaring  onward,  white  the  Monster's  attention  is 
withdiawn,   promptly  seizes    the    opportunity,   and 
hurries  Dante  over  the  brink  of  the  precipice. 
E  quegli  accorlo  giid6  ; — "  Corn  al  varco  j 
Menlre  ch'  h  in  furia,  h  buon  che  tu  ti  cale." — 
And  he  (VirgiH  perceiving  this,  cried  :  "  Run 
to  Ac  passage ;  whilst  he  is  in  his  frenzy,  it  is 
mSX  that  thou  get  down  (the  steep)." 
Dante  and  Virgil  now  descend,  the  former  observing 
that  the  stones,  as  he  walks,  are  for  the  first  time  set 
in  motion  by  a  human  foot 

Cos)  prcndemino  via  gifi  per  lo  scarco 

Di  qncUe  pictre,  che  spesso  inovieiui* 
Soito  i  miei  piedi  per  lo  onovo  carco.  30 

Thus  we  took  qui  way  down  those  loose  rocks 
(Jit.  unloading  of  stones),  which  often  moved 
under  my  feet  by  reason  of  the  unaccustomed 
weight. 


DtvisioM  II.  Again  we  find  Virgil  divining  Dante's 
thoughts,  and  anticipating  his  possible  inquiry,  by 
giving  him  some  account  of  the  fall  of  rocks  down 

*  qtttUt pittn,elu tpaso  moviensi Sollo i miii pUM:  InlLSo^ 
81,  we  shall  sec  that,  when  the  Poets  approach  the  Centanre,  this 
nnnsoal  phenomcDon  at  once  attracts  the  attention  of  Chiron, 
who  thercnpon  says  to  his  comrades  : 
"  Sicte  vtu  accorti, 
Che  qnel  di  retro  move  ci6  ch>  ei  tocca?" 


Canto  XII.       Readings  on  tlu  Inferno,  381 

which  they  are  making  their  way  to  the  valley  of  the 
river  of  blood.  He.  tells  them  that  it  occurred  during 
the  earthquake  at  the  time  of  the  Crucifixion  of  Jesus 
Christ  The  first  descent  of  Virgil  into  Lower  Hell 
took  place  before  the  death  of  Our  Lord.  His  re- 
marks carry  them  on  until  they  reach  the  valley, 
where  they  encounter  the  Centaurs. 

lo  g)a*  pensando ;  e  qaei  disse : — ^  Tu  pensi 
Forse  a  questa  rovina,  ch'  h  guardata 
Da  qaeir  ira  bestial  ch'  io  ora  spensi. 

Or  vuo'  che  sappi,  che  \  altra  fiataf 

Ch'  io  discesi  quaggiu  nel  basso  infemo,  35 

Questa  roccia  non  era  ancor  cascata. 

I  went  on  pondering ;  and  he  said  :  "  Thou 
art  perchance  thinking  of  this  ruined  de- 
clivity, which  is  guarded  by  that  brutish  rage 
which  I  quelled  just  now.  Now  I  would 
have  thee  know  that  the  other  time  I  came 
down  this  way  into  nether  Hell|  this  cliff  had 
not  yet  fallen." 

In  the  Ckicse  Anonime  alia  Prima  Cantica  della 
D.  C.  di  un  Contemporaneo  del  Poeta^  published  in 
1865,  at  Turin,  by  Francesco  Selmi,  this  passage  is 
thus  discussed. 

"  Virgil  died  a  short  time  before  Christ ;  and  after 

*  gia :  from  the  verb  gire  to  go.    It  is  seldom  used  except 
in  poetry. 

t  P  altra  Jiaia :  This  refers  to  what  Virgil  told  Dante  in 
canto  ix,  22-30 : 

"  Ver  h  ch'  altra  fiata  quaggiu  fui, 

Ben  so  il  cammin  :  per6  ti  fa  sicuro." 


38s  Readings  on  tkt  Inferno.        Canto  XIL 

Us  deadv  hy  the  incantations  of  a  great  master  in  tbe 
nuglc  art;  he  was  compelled  to  descend  into  the  dark- 
nesa  of  Hell,  and  at  that  time  this  cliff  had  not  yet 
fidlen.  Subsequently,  as  the  text  says,  when  Christ 
died,  tike  whole  eartli  trembled,  and  many  walls  and 
rodcs  fell,  because  of  His  death.  And  shortly  after- 
wards Christ  descended  into  Limbo,  and  despoiled  it 
of  all  the  holy  fathers,  and  good  and  holy  men,  and 
canied  them  off  in  spite  of  the  Devil,  and  that  is  why 
Dante  qieaks  of  the  great  booty  He  (Christ)  carried 
<iS  from  Dis  out  of  the  highest  circle." 
Vllgil  continues : 

Ha  certo  poco  pria,  s'  io  ben  discemo, 
Che  venisse  Colui,  die  la  ^ran  preda 
Levi  a  Dile  del  cerchio  snperoo. 
Da  tutte  parti  1'  alta  valle  feda  4D 

Tremft  s),  ch'  io  pensai  cbc  1'  nniveno 
SentiMe  amor,  per  Io  quale  t  chi  creda 
Piu  volte  il  mondo  in  Caos  conveno* : 

Ed  in  quel  punto  questa  vccchia  rocda 
Qui  ed  altiove  lal  fece  riverso.  4$ 

But  ceiuinly,  if  I  well  discern,  not  long  before 
He  (Jesus  Christ)  came,  Who  carried  off  from 
Dis  the  mighty  booty  from  the  highest  circle 
{Le.  the  souls  in  Limio),  the  deep  and  loath- 
some valley  so  trembled  in  all  its  bounds, 
that  I  imagined  the  Universe  was  thrilling 
with  love,  through  which  there  are  some  who 

*  ii momla in  Caos  converse:  Pietro  di  Dante  quotes  in  iUos- 
tration  of  this  iswa  Ovid,  Mtlam.  i,  5  : 

''Ante,  mare  et  lellus,  et  quod  tcgil  omnia,  coelam, 
Unas  eiat  toio  Natune  vultus  in  orbe, 
Quem  dixere  Chaos  ;  rudis  indigestaque  moles." 


Canto  XII.       Readings  on  the  Infirm.  383 

believe  that  the  world  hath  many  a  time  been 
turned  into  chaos.  And  at  that  moment  (of 
our  Lord's  death)  both  here,  and  in  another 
place  (i.e.  in  the  Sixth  Bclgia  of  the  Eighth 
Circle)  this  ancient  rock  rolled  down  like  this 
{iit  made  such  overthrow). 

Allusion  is  here  made  to  the  opinion  of  Empedocles, 
who  laid  down  that  the  world  was  formed  of  six 
principles  or  natural  forces,  namely,  the  four  elements 
and  love  and  hatred ;  and  this  formation  he  attributed 
to  discord  between  the  elements  and  the  motions  of 
heaven,  that  is  to  say,  by  homc^eneous  matter  sepa- 
rating itself  from  homogeneous,  to  unite  itself  with 
heterogeneous  matter ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  when, 
after  a  certain  interval  of  time,  the  elements  and  the 
motions  of  heaven  were  in  agreement,  love  was  gene- 
rated, meaning,  the  tendency  among  substances  for 
like  to  unite  itself  to  like,  and  thus  the  world  was 
dissolved  into  chaos,  or,  a  confused  mass  of  matter. 
And  as  such  a  disjunction  cannot  take  place  without 
a  tremendous  convulsion  to  the  world,  therefore  Virgil, 
feeling  the  whole  cavity  of  Hell  tremble,  and  not 
knowing  the  reason  why,  thought  that  the  opinion  of 
Empedocles  must  be  correct,  namely,  that  by  force  of 
that  natural  love,  the  linking  forces  had  been  broken, 
the  heterogeneous  parts  dispersed  to  re-unite  with 
the  homogeneous  ones,  and  that  the  Universe  had 
again  resolved  itself  into  chaos. 

We  shall  read  in  canto  xxiii,  133-138,  how,  when 
the  Poets  reach  the  Bolgia  of  the  Hypocrites,  they 
find  that  the  causeways  which  bridge  over  the  whole 
ten  rings  of  the  MaUbolge  (Evil-Pouches),  wherein 


384  RmHiigs  am  Hk  Infirm.       Canto  zn. 

^^  • 

Fraud  is  punished,  are  also  broken  down  in  those  parts 

wheretheycross  die  i9a(fM  of  die  Hypocrites.  Itisto 

die  downfall  of  this  causeway  that  Viigil  is  alliidin|^ 

in  line45,  when  ^^xfsxqmedaliravttalfiunmrm. 

Rossetti  points  out  that  our  Lord's  death  was  due  to 

violence,  and  still  more  to  fraud,  and  therefore  Dante 

has  imagined  that,  in  the  earthquake  whidi  tooic  place 

at  that  time,  part  of  this  outside  bulwark  of  the  Ciide 

of  the  Violent,  and  each  of  the  bridges  over  the  JBtufpia 

of  the  H)fpocrites,  fell  into  ruins.    Dante  intended  to 

show  that,  as  the  awful  crime  had  been  perpetrated 

through  the  instrumentality  of  these  two  sins,  Nature^ 

in  horror  and  in  fear,  threw  down  into  ruin  die  two 

identical  spots  where  those  two  classes  of  sinners  are 

pdnished :    as  though  to   place  before  their  eyes  a 

perpetual  reminder  of  an  event  so  terrible. 

During  these  weighty  observations  the  Poets  have 

been  gradually  descending  the  broken  face  of  the  cliff, 

and,  as  they  draw  near  to  the  foot  of  it,  Virgil  directs 

the  attention  of  Dante  to  the  river  of  blood  in  the 

valley  below  them,  stretching  as  far  as  the  eye  can 

reach.* 

Ma  ficca  gli  occhi  a  valle  ;f  ch^  s'  approccial 

*  As  to  the  valley  stretching  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach, 
see  the  supposed  extent  of  the  divisions  and  spaces  in  Hell  in 
the  Preliminary  Chapter. 

f  ficca  gli  occhi  a  valle :  the  same  as  avallare  gli  occki^  to 
lower  the  eyes.     In  Purg.  xxviii»  55-57,  Dante  uses  avallan  to 
describe  a  modest  maiden  casting  down  her  eyes  : 
**  Volsesi  in  sui  vermigli  ed  in  sui  gialli 
Fioretti  verso  me,  non  altrimenti 
Che  vergine,  che  gli  occhi  onesti  avvalli." 
X  ^approccia  for  x*  afpressa:  Blanc  thinks  this   is  derived 


Canto  XII.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  385 

La  riviera  cTel  sangue,*  in  la  qaal  bollef 
Qual  che  per  violenza  in  altnii  noccia."— - 

But  fix  thine  eyes  below  there  :  for  the  river 
of  blood  is  nigh  at  hand,  in  which  are  seeth- 
ing all  they  who  by  violence  injure  others." 

This  is  the  Phlegethon,  the  third  of  the  four  rivers 
in  Hell.  Dante  does  not  know  the  name  of  it  until 
he  is  in  the  third  Round,  on  the  burning  sand,  when,  in 
a  conversation  with  Virgil  about  the  rivers  of  Hell, 
he  asks  him  where  is  the  Phlegethon,  and  Vii^il  tells 
him  that  the  boiling  of  the  red  river  might  have 
rendered  his  question  needless.  Then  only  does 
Dante  rcah'ze  that  he  has  already  seen  the  Phlegethon. 
We  may  notice  moreover,  in  line  1 14  of  this  canto, 
that  when  Dante  turns  to  Virgil  for  information 
about  the  tyrants  immersed  in  the  blood,  Virgil  tells 
him  that  the  Centaur  Nessus,  who  is  guiding  them^ 
must  be  his  principal  informant ;  though  as  a  matter 
of  fact  Nessus  does  not  instruct  him  as  to  the  name 
of  the  river. 

Dante  now,  thinking  over  Virgil's  concluding  words 
regarding  the  punishment  of  those  who  have  done 
violence  either  to  the  person  of  their  neighbour,  or  to 
his  substance,  breaks  out  into  an  apostrophe  to 
Cupidity,  as  the  primary  cause  of  all  violence,  since 
it  is  only  by  giving  way  to  their  unchecked  passions 

from  the  Latin  ad-proximarey  and  is  an  ancient  form  nearly  akin 
to  the  French  ^approcher^  like  many  other  forms  in  old  Italian. 
*  la  riviera  del  sangue :  sec  canto  xiv,  130-135. 
t  in  la  qual  bolle  :  Compare  Purg,  xii,  55-57  : 

" il  crudo  scempio 

Che  fe'  Tamiri,  quando  disse  a  Ciro  : 
Sangue  sitisti,  ed  io  di  sangue  t*  empio." 

CC 


386  Rioimgs  am  thg  Infamo.       Canto  XII. 

that  men  lose  their  reason,  and  that  is  why  he  calls 

Cupidity  blind. 

O  deca  cnpidigia,  e  ria  e  IbDe, 

Che  d  d  sproni  neUa  vita  corta,  Jo 

£  ndP  etema.pol  d  mal  cf  immolle  1 

O  Cupiditjr,  blind,  and  goilty  and  instne^ 
whidi  so  goadest  us  in  our  short  life^^'and  in 
the  etenud  (life)  dost  so  miseraUy  steep  us 
(£/.  in  the  boiling  blood)  1 

Rossetti  explains  this  to  mean  that  concupiscenoe 
and  irascibility,  when  not  kept  under  due  control, 
urge  us  on  to  crime  in  our  short  human  life^  and  in 
the  eternal  life  bring  us  to  the  miserable  conditkm 
here  described  But  he  is  commenting  on  a  different 
reading,  which  gives  o  ira  foUe,  instead  of  e  ria  e 
foUe,  which  is  Witte's  reading.  Rossetti  adds  that 
blind  cupidity  makes  men  seize  upon  the  property 
of  others,  and  insane  wrath  makes  us  slay  or  wound 
them. 

Dante  now  gives  a  description  of  the  river  of  blood 
which  was  just  coming  into  view,  but  he  is  only  able 
to  do  so  partially.  He  is  still  at  a  considerable  eleva- 
tion above  the  plain,  and  sees  the  Valley  of  the  River 
of  Blood  stretching  for  miles  and  miles  below  him, 
until  it  recedes  from  view.  Most  of  the  commenta- 
tors are  careful  to  explain  that  the  lines  that  follow 
are  to  be  understood  in  the  sense,  "  that  of  that  par- 
ticular Round  Dante  could  only  see  a  small  s^ment, 
since  the  remainder  stretched  beyond  his  visual 
powers,  by  reason  of  its  great  extent" 

lo  vidi  un'  ampia  fossa  in  arco  torta, 

Come  quella  che  tutto  il  piano  abbraccia, 
Secondo  ch'  avea  detto  la  mia  scoria  : 


Canto  XII.        ReaeUngs  an  the  Inferno.  387 

I  saw  a  wide  fosse  curved  like  a  bow,  being 
such  that  it  encircles  all  the  flat  country,  in 
accordance  with  what  my  Guide  had  said. 

Virgil  had  spoken  to  Dante  about  the  lesser  circles 
in  canto  xi,  16 — 18. 

The  Poets  now  catch  sight  of  the  mytholc^ical 
guardians  of  this  Round,  namely,  the  Centaurs,  half 
men  and  half  horses.  According  to  Boccaccio  they 
typify  the  men-at-arms,  with  whom  the  tyrants  were 
wont  to  keep  their  peoples  in  subjection. 

E  tra  il  pi^  della  ripa  ed  essa,  in  traccia  55 

Correan  Centauri*  armati  di  saette. 
Come  solean  nel  mondo  andare  a  caccia. 

And  between  the  foot  of  the  precipice  and  it 
(the  fosse).  Centaurs  were  running  in  single 
file,  armed  with  arrows,  as  in  the  world  they 
were  wont  to  go  to  the  chase. 

In  the  Preliminary  Chapter  we  have  discussed  the 
supposed  dimensions  of  Hell.  It  will  be  seen  that 
Alessandro  Vellutello,  whose  mensurations  we  have 
adopted,  estimates  the  total  width  of  the  seventh 
circle  as  \y\  miles,  and  that  of  each  of  the  three 
Rounds  at  5*83  mileis: 

Benvenuto,  alluding  to  the  Centaurs  galloping  about 
armed  with  arrows,  says  that  in  his  day  the  Hun- 
garians in  Italy  used  to  do  so  (sicut  rectefcuiunt  hodie 
Hungari  in  Italia). 

*  The  Centaurs  are  referred  to  in  Purg,  xxiv,  121-123 : 
"  *  Ricordivi,*  dicea,  *  dei  maledetti 
Nei  nuvoli  formati,  che  satolii 
Teseo  combatt^r  coi  doppi  petti." 

CO  2 


388  Rioimgs  am  ih$  Infirm.       CuitD  XIL 


Divisum  II L    The  approach  of  die  Poets  b 
observed  by  the  Centaurs. 

Vedendod  cslar  dascun  ristettei* 

E  della  scfaiera  tre  si  dipaitiro 

Coo  archi  ed  asticdoolc  prima  dette :  6b 

£  P  un  grid6  da  langi : — ^**  A  qaal  maitiio 

Venite  yoi,  die  scendele  la  costa? 

Ditd  oosdndyt  se  ncm,  P  arco  tinx* — 

Seeing  us  descend  the]r  all  stopped  shorty  and 
from  the  band  three  detached  themsdves» 
(armed)  with  bows  and  long  arrows  (which 
they  had)  previoudy  sdected.  And  from  afiur 
one  (of  them,  Nessus)  cried  out :  ^  To  what 
tonnent  come  ye,  who  are  descending  the 
diff-side  ?  Tell  it  from  there,  if  not,  I  draw 
the  bow." 

The  three  Centaurs,  as  we  shall  see,  are  Chiron  the 

*  Vedendod calar  ,  ,  .  se  non^  P  arco  tiro:  In  these  six  lines 
Scartazzini  remarks  that  we  have  a  complete  photograph  of  a 
similar  passage  in  Virgil,  jEn,  vi,  384-389  : 

**  Ergo  iter  inceptum  peragunt,  fluvioque  propin^uant 
Navita  quos  jam  inde  ut  Stygia  prospexit  ab  unda 
Per  tacitum  nemus  ire,  pedemque  advertere  ripae ; 
Sic  prior  aggreditur  dictis,  atque  increpat  ultro  : 
'  Quisqais  es,  armatus  qui  nostra  ad  flumina  tendis, 
Fare  age,  quid  venias  ;  jam  istinc  et  comprime  gressmn.'" 

t  Dittl  costind^  etc  :  Compare  the  words,  and  contrast  the 
demeanour  of  this  demon  guardian  of  Heil  with  that  of  the 
Angel  Porter  at  the  Gate  of  Purgatory.    See  Purg,  ix,  85-87 : 
^ '  Dite  costinci,  che  volete  voi  ? ' 

Cominci6  egli  a  dire  :  '  ov '  ^  la  scorta  ? 
Guardate  che  il  venir  su  non  vi  noi ! ' " 
In  both  instances  the  interposed  answers  of  Virgil  are  very 
similar. 


Canto  XII.       ^Readings  an  the  Inferno,  389 

captain,  with  Nessus  and  Fholus  his  lieutenants.  Buti 
says  that  Dante  intends  these  three  to  repreisent  three 
specimens  of  violence,  since  Nessus,  who  died  by  the 
hand  of  Hercules  for  an  attempted  -outrage  upon  \  \ 
Dei'aneira,  personates  violence  against  one's  neighbour ;  y 
Chiron,  who  injured  himself  nearly  to  death  from 
dropping  one  of  the  arrows  of  Hercules  on  his  foot, 
figures  violence  against  oneself;  Pholus,  who  is  said 
to  have  been  a  blasphemer  of  the  gods,  symbolises 
violence  against  God ;  while  all  of  them,  as  being 
supposed  to  be  the  progeny  of  man  and  beast,  may 
be  taken  as  symbols  of  unnatural  crime. 

Chiron,  who  passed  for  the  wisest  and  most  tem- 
perate of  the  Centaurs,  is,  Benvenuto  thinks,  rightly 
depicted  as  their  chief  in  Hell. 

Virgil  answers. 

Lo  mio  Maestro  disse  : — "  La  risposta 

Farem  not  a  Chiron  costk  di  presso :  65 

Mai  fu  ia  voglia  tua  sempre  si  tosta." — 

My  Master  said  :  "  Our  answer  we  will  make 
to  Chiron  (when  we  get)  near  (you)  there : 
III  (for  thyself)  was  thy  will  ever  so  head- 
strong." 
He  then  tells  Dante  the  names  of  the  three  Centaurs. 

Poi  mi  tentb,  c  disse : — "  Quegli  h  Nesso, 
Che  morl  per  ia  bella  Deianira, 
£  fe*  di  s^  la  vendetta  egli  stesso  : 

Then  he  touched  me,  and  said:   "That  is 
Nessus,  who  died  for  (assaulting)  the  beau- 
tiful Dei'aneira,  and  wrought  for  himself  ven- 
geance by  himself. 
Nessus,  when  dying  from  the  poisoned  arrows  of 
Hercules,  gave  Delaneira  the  shirt  bathed  in  his  blood> 


390 


Readings  on  the  Inferno.  •       Canto  XI!. 


with  which  he  told  her  she  could  bring  back  the  love 
of  Hercules  if  ever  he  grew  cold  to  her.  Some  time 
afterwards  Delaneira,  hearing  that  Hercules  had  de- 
serted her  for'Iole,  sent  the  shirt  to  him.  Hercules 
put  it  on,  and  immediately  found  himself  in  the  most 


excruciatmg  t 
shirt  off,  he  1 
burnt  himself 
his  death  by  I 
Having  desi 
with  some  com 
to  Chiron  in  t 
that  he  was  a  u 


unable  to  take  the 
m  Mount  Ida,  and 
liat  Nessus  revenged 


he  evidently  regards 
s  Dante's  attention 
ue  to  the  tradition 

I,  sKiiif the  use  of  herbs,  a 

physician,  an  astronomer,  a  seer,  and  a  musician. 

Gelli,  speaking  of  Chiron  as  being  a  most  excellent 
physician,  says  that,  according  to  Paul  of  Egina,  he 
discovered  the  mode  of  curing  certain  abscesses,  which 
have  ever  since  been  popularly  called  Chironic 
abscesses  (aficstemastoni  CAinmic/ie).* 

£  quel  di  mczio,  che  at  petto  si  mira,  70 

E  il  gran  Chirone,t  il  qual  nudii  Achillc  : 
Quell'  altTO  t  FoIo,t  che  fu  s)  pien  d'  ira. 
*  ContCAtrornKf,  "old  term  for  a  malignant  ulcer"— Mayne*s 
Expotitmy  Lexicon,  1860^  p.  19a 

t  ilgran  Ckirone,  ilqual  nudri  Achilte:  Compare  Purg.  ix, 
34-39: 

"  Non  altrimenti  Achille  si  riscosse, 

Gli  occhi  svegliati  rivolgendo  in  giro, 
E  non  sappiendo  U  dove  si  fosse, 
Quando  la  madre  da  Chiron  a  Schiro 

Trafugb  lui  domiendo,  in  le  sue  braccia, 
U  onde  poi  11  Greci  il  dipartiro." 
X  Foto:  The  death  of  Pholus  by  the  hand  of  Hercules  is 
mentioned  twice  by  Virgil.     Georg.  ii,  455-57: 


Canto  XII.        Readings  an  the  Inferno.  391 

D'  intomo  al  fosso  vanno  a  mille  a  mille, 
Saettando  quale  anima  si  svelle 
Del  sangue  piik,  che  sua  colpa  sortille." —  75 

And  that  one  in  the  middle,  who  is  looking  at 

his  breast,  is  the  great  Chiron,  who  brought 

up  Achilles ;  that  other  is  Pholus,  who  was 

so  full  of  rage;    Round  about  the  fosse  they 

go  in  thousands  and  thousands,  directing  then- 

shafts  at  any  spirit  that  raises  itself  out  of 

the  blood  further  than  its  crime  has  allotted 

to  it."  ^ 

Gelli  thinks  it  is  a  well  devised  allegory  for  Dante 

to  represent  the  three  Centaurs  coming  against  him      ;i; 

the  instant  he  comes  into  view ;  by  which  he  means      ^^ 

to  show  that    there    are  three   principal    passions  v\ 

which  Man  has  to  encounter,  that  urge  him  to  use 

violence  against  his  neighbour.     The  first  of  these   ^^ 

passions  is  Lust,  which  led  Nessus  to  his  death  for 

the  beautiful  Delaneira ;  the  second  is  Wrath,  figured      ^^ 

by  Dante  in  Fholus ;  the  third  is  Ambition,  as  seen 

in  Chiron.      Of  these  three,   Lust  and   Wrath   are 

always  reprehensible.     But  Ambition,  or  the  love  of 

dominion,  can  sometimes  be  meritorious  when  sought      V 

after  with  a  wish  to  profit  the  world,  and  not  for 

'' .  .  .  ille  furentes 
Centauros  letho  domuit,  Rhoetumque  Phoiumque 
£t  magtio  Hylxum  Lapithis  cratere  minantem." 
In  jEn,  viii,  293-295,  Hercules  is  thus  addressed  : 
" .  .  .  .  Tu  nubigenas,  invicte,  bimembres 

Hylaeumque  Phoiumque  manu,  tu  Cressia  mactas 
Prodigia,  et  vastum  Nemea  sub  rupe  leonem." 
Jacopo  della  Lana  calls  Pholus  a  soldier  and  a  man  of  war, 
who,  more  than  others,  was  overcome  by  rage  ;  the  Poets  have 
therefore  depicted  him  as  a  furious  Centaur. 


392 


J\ 


Readings  en  tie  Inftmo.        Canto  KII. 


personal  objects  ;  hence  St,  Paul  (i  Tim.  iii,  i)  writes : 
"This  is  a  true  saying.  If  a  man  desire  the  office  of  a 
bishop,  he  desireth  a  good  work,"  Gelli  thinks 
ChiroD  is  intended  here  to  represent  honourable 
ambition,  tr//'  ei  nudri  AchilU  ;  showing  that  the  man 
who  does  goo  a  worthy  man,  and 

moreover,  in  ;  at  si  mirava  al petto, 

Dante  evident  be  a  grave  reflective 

personage,  wh  3  go  with  downcast 

eyes   and     me.  ossetti    also    writes 

that  he   canni  to  think  of  Chiron 

as    a   demon  Minotaur,    Nessus 

and  Pholus,  sei  >■.  ..wn.  ...,i  remotest  antiquity 

he   has  always   been   presented  to   our  eyes  as  an 
eminently  wise  and  good  man,  and  the  sage  instructor 
of  heroiES.    And  although  his  pupil  Achilles  turned 
out  covetous  and  headstrong,  that  was  not  on  account 
of,  but  in  spite  of  Chiron's  bringing  up  of  htm.     But 
Rossetti  thinks  Dante  wished  to  depict  a  figure  of  the 
soul,  and  heeded  not  that,  by  placing  Chiron  as  a 
devil  in  Hell,  he  was  giving  an  entirely  false  impres- 
sion of  his  character.     In  making  Chiron  obey  the 
exalted  mandate  announced  to  him  by  Virgil,  Dante 
represented  him  as  good  for  those  few  moments,  and 
indicated  him  as  turning  to  the  right  (v.  97)  to  give 
orders  to  Nessus  In  compliance  with  Virgil's  request 
The  Poets  advance  to  meet  the  three  Centaurs. 
Noi  ci  appressammo  a  quelle  fiere  snclle  : 
Chiron  prese  uno  slrale,  e  con  la  cocca* 
Fece  la  barba  indietro  alle  mascelle. 

*  toceti :    The    Vxaholario    dilla    Cruica    gives    "  notch  * 
as  the   primary  signification  of  the  word,  and   quotes  this 


Canto  XII.        Readings  an  the  Inferno.  393 

Quando  s'  ebbe  scoperta  la  gran  bocca, 

Disse  ai  compagni : — "  Sietc  voi  accorti,,;         80 
Che  quel  di  retro  move  ♦  ci6  ch*  ei  tocca  ? 

Cos)  non  soglion  fare  i  pi^  de'  morti." — 

We  approached  those  fleet  monsters :  (where- 
upon) Chiron  took  an  arrow,  and  with  the 
notch-end  combed  (///.  made)  his  beard  back 
behind  his  jaws:  When  he  had  thus  un- 
covered his  huge  mouth,  he  said  to  his  com- 
panions :  "  Have  ye  noticed  that  the  one  be- 
hind {j.e,  Dante)  moves  whatever  he  touches  ? 
*  Thus  are  not  wont  to  do  the  feet  of  the 

dead." 

Gelli  observes  that  Vellutello,  who  is  usually  an 
obsequious  follower  of  Landino,  does  not  agree  with 
him  here  in  thinking  that  Chiron  put  his  beard  back 
in  the  act  of  drawing  his  bow  to  its  full  stretch,  but 

passage  as  indicating  that  part  of  the  arrow  on  which  are 
the  feathers.  It  is  also  used  to  signify  the  arrow  itself.  See 
Inf,  xvii,  135-136  : 

'*  £,  disca'rcate  le  nostre  persone. 
Si  dilegub,  come  da  corda  cocoa." 
and  Par,  viii,  104-5  • 

'*  Disposto  cade  a  provveduto  fine, 

SI  come  \  ^^Q^^  [  in  suo  segno  diretta." 

This  last  passage  I  quote  because  it  is  cited  in  the  Vactibolario 
delta  Crusca^  and  also  by  Benvenuto,  with  the  reading  cocca. 
But  all  the  four  first  editions,  Lana,  as  well  as  Witte  and  Scar- 
tazzini,  read  cosa  instead  ot  cocca, 

*  move  cib  cH  ei  tocca  :  see  verses  29-30  of  this  canto  : 
"  quelle  pietre,  che  spesso  moviensi 
Sotto  i  miei  piedi  per  lo  nuovo  carco.** 


394  Readings  an  the  Infemo.        Canto  XII. 

rather  that  Chiron  put  back  his  beard  from  his 
mouth  with  his  arrow,  that  he  might  speak  with 
greater  ease ;  and  Gelli  begs  his  hearers  to  notice  how 
often  one  may  see  the  same  thing  done  by  men  with 
Jong  beards,  and  that  we  ought  to  learn  this  lesson 
from  it,  that  when  we  have  to  make  a  speech,  we 
should  as  much  prepare  ourselves  in  all  the  external 
instruments  that  are  requisite,  as  in  our  conceptions 
and  internal  thoughts. 

Virgil  here  interposing,  replies  to  Chiron  for  Dante, 
and  we  get  an  idea  of  the  gigantic  stature  of  il  gran 
Chirane^  by  hearing  up  to  what  point  only  of  his  two- 
fold body  Virgil  reaches. 

£  il  mio  buon  Duca,  che  gik  gli  era  al  petto 
Dove  le  duo  nature  *  son  consorti, 
Rispose  : — "  Ben  h  vivo,  e  si  soletto  8$ 

Mostrarii  mi  convien  la  valle  buia  : 
Necessity  '1  d  induce,  e  non  diletto. 

And  my  good  Leader,  who  was  now  (stand- 
ing) up  to  his  breast  (at  the  height)  where 
the  two  natures  (the  equine  and  the  human) 
are  conjoined,  answered :  **  He  is  indeed 
alive,  and  thus  alone  have  I  to  show  him  the 
dark  valley  (Hell) :  Necessity  brings  him  to 
it,  and  not  pleasure. 

Dante's  necessity  was  that  of  finding  the  salvation 
of  his  soul,  but  Virgil  goes  on  to  tell  Chiron  by  what 
authority  he  has  brought  Dante  hither,  and  invokes 

♦  Dove  U  due  nature  son  consorti:  This  somewhat  resembles 
the  passage  in  Pur^.  xxxi,  8o,  8i,  where  the  Gryphon,  above 
which  Beatrice  is  standing,  is  similarly  described  : 

'*  Beatrice  volta  in  sulla  fiera, 
Ch'  ^  sol  a  una  persona  in  due  nature." 


Canto  XII.        Readings  an  t/te  Inferno.  395 

his  co-operation,  by  requesting  that  one  of  his  troop 
may  protect  them  and  carry  Dante  across  the  fosse. 

Tal  si  parti  da  cantare  alleluia,* 

Che  mi  commise  quest'  uficio  nuovo  ; 

Non  h  ladron,  n^  10  anima  fuia.  90 

Ma  per  quella  virtu,  per  cui  io  movo 
Li  passi  miei  per  si  selvaggia  strada, 
Danne  un  de*  tuoi,  a  cui  noi  siamo  a  pruovo,t 

Che  ne  dimostri  Ik  dove  si  guada, 

£  che  porti  costui  in  su  la  groppa ;  95 

Che  non  h  spirto  che  per  V  aer  vada." — 

One  there  is  (Beatrice)  who  withdrew  herself 
from  singing  Hallelujah  (f>.  came  down  from 

*  Tal  si  parti  da  cantare  alUluia  :  Compare  this  answer  of 
Virgil  to  Chiron  with  his  answer  to  the  Angel- Warder  at  the 
Gate  of  Purgatory,  Purg,  ix.  88-90  : 

" '  Donna  del  del,  di  queste  cose  accorta,' 
Rispose  il  Maestro  a  lui, '  pur  dianzi 
Ne  disse  :  Andate  Ik,  quivi  h  la  porta.' " 

f  a  cui  noi  siamo  a  pruovo :  Gelli  remarks  that  in  his  time 
(1561)  this  passage  was  considered  to  be  most  puzzling  to  all  the 
commentators,  but  that  possibly  it  was  an  expression  in  common 
use  in  the  time  of  Dante.  He  gives  the  various  interpretations, 
but  adds  that  as  he  has  never  found  in  any  writer,  or  in  any 
dialect,  anything  approaching  or  resembling  this  form,  he 
declines  to  furnish  an  opinion  as  to  its  meaning. 

Benvenuto  explains  it,  adpropty  Le,  near^  and  1  have  followed 
his  interpretation. 

Buti,  "  to  whom  we  may  be  approved  and  held  dear." 

Landino,  **  to  whom  we  may  be  approved  and  held  dear,  that 
he  may  with  his  experience  give  proof  of  his  good  guidance  of  us." 

Crescentino  Giannini,  the  editor  of  the  Commentary  of  Fran- 
cesco da  Buti  (still  alive  in  1890),  says  that  the  expression,  in 
the  sense  of  appresso^  near,  is  still  to  be  found  among  the  people 
about  Genoa. 


396  RMdtHigs  M  iii  Imfgrm,       Canto  ZIL 

HeavenX  and  sbe  entrusted  me  widi  diis  un- 
wonted dutjr;  he  is  no  (liTiiig)  robber,  nor  I 
the  shade  of  a  thie£  But  by  that  Power,  fajr 
which  I  move  my  steps  along  so  wild  a  road, 
give  lis  one  of  thy  fdlowors,  near  to  whom  we 
are  standing;  that  he  may  show  us  the  place 
where  there  is  a  ford,  and  may  bear  on  his 
croup  this  one  (Dante),  who  is  not  a  spirit 
that  can  walk  upon  air."* 

Chiron  accedes  to  Virgil's  request,  and  commands 

Nessus  to  accompany  the  Poets. 

Chiron  si  volse  in  sulla  destra  poppa,* 

£  disse  a  Nesso  :t — ^'*Toma,  e  si  li  guida, 
£  &  cansar,  sf  altra  schiera  v*  intoppa." — 

Chiron  turned  upon  his  right  breast,  and  said 
to  Nessus :  "  Return  thou,  and  so  guide  them 
(as  they  desire),  and  should  another  band 
come  upon  you,  keep  it  back." 

Benvenuto  here  remarks  that  in  fact,  during  Dante's 
life,  similar  cases  must  have  occurred  to  him  ;  for  In 
his  wanderings  he  occasionally  fell  into  the  hands  of 
some  noble  castellan,  from  whom,  on  his  departure, 
he  would  pray  that  one  of  his  horsemen  might  accom- 
pany him  and  act  as  his  escort ;  for  Dante  was  greatly 

*  in  suila  destra  poppa  :  compare  Inf.  xvii,  31 : 

'*  Per6  scendemmo  alia  destra  mammella." 
t  Nesso:  Ovid  (Met.  ix,  104-108)  speaks  of  Nessus  as  expe- 
rienced in  the  fords  of  the  swift  river  Evenus,  and  accosting 
Hercules,  embarrassed  as  to  how  to  convey  Deianeira  across  : 
**  Venerat  Event  rapidas  Jove  natus  ad  undas. 
Uberius  solito  nimbis  hiemalibus  auctus, 
Vorticibusque  frequens  erat,  atque  impervius  amnis. 
Intrepidum  pro  se,  curam  de  conjuge  agentem 
Nessus  adit,  membrisque  valens,  scitusque  vadonim." 


Canto  XII.        Readings  an  the  Inferno.  397 

honoured  by  these  local  magnates,  high  qualities  like 
his  being  ever  held  in  great  esteem. 

Division  IV.  Nessus  conducts  the  Poets  to  the 
bank  of  the  river  of  blood,  in  which  they  see  im- 
mersed at  varying  depths,  proportioned  to  the  mag- 
nitude of  their  crimes,  many  spirits  who  had  sinned 
grievously  by  violence  against  their  neighbour. 
Nessus  first  points  out  the  more  notorious  tyrants, 
who  have  to  undergo  nearly  total  immersion. ' 

Noi  ci  movemmo  colla  scorta  fida  *  100 

Lungo  la  proda  del  bollor  vermiglio, 
Ove  i  bolliti  facean  alte  strida. 

lo  vidi  gente  sotto  infino  al  ciglio  ; 

E  il  gran  Centauro  disse : — "  Ei  son  tiranni, 
Che  diet  nel  sangue  e  nelP  aver  di  piglio.  105 

Quivi  si  piangon  li  spietati  danni  : 

We  moved  on  with  our  trusty  escort  along  the 
bank  of  the  boiling  crimson  (flood),  wherein 
those  that  were  seething  uttered  piercing 
screams.  I  saw  people  immersed  up  to  the 
eyebrows ;  and  the  great  Centaur  said:  *'They 
are  tyrants  who  laid  their  grasp  on  blood  and 
plunder.  Here  they  bewail  the  pitiless  wrongs 
wrought  by  them. 

The  first  tyrant  named  is  Alexander,  and  the 
question  of  his  identity  has  given  rise  to  much  con- 
troversy. 

*  scoria  fida :  Two  old  commentators  take  very  opposite 
views  as  to  the  meaning  here  of  the  word  fida.  The  Anammo 
Fioreniino  says  that  Nessus  was  a  faithful  escort  to  the  Poets, 
because  he  had  been  ordered  to  be  so,  while  Buti  thinks  that 
the  word  is  used  ironically  to  signify  that  he  was  anything  but 
the  most  faithful  escort  to  Delaneira. 


Readings  on  the  Inferno.        Canto  xn. 


398 

The  Ckiose  Anonime  ed  Selmi,  Pietro  di  Dante, 
Jacopo  di  Dante,  Benvenuto,  and  the  Codke  Cassi- 
nese,  think  Alexander  the  Great  is  referred  to.  Mr. 
Paget  Toynbee  supports  this  view  in  a  letter  to  The 


Academy,   15   Oct. 
Dante  took  hi^ 

Buti  is  dou 
Alexander  of  1 
he  thinks  that 
in  Sicily,  for  Bi 
instead  of  The 
Sicilia  aver  dot 

Lana  thinks . 


1  which  he  contends  that 
'  :ct  from  Orosius. 
lander  the  Great  or 
It,  if  the  latter,  then 
refer  to  two  tyrants 
1  have  been  in  Sicily 
se  two  tyrants  made 

'rant  who  conquered 


all  the  world,  and  amongst  other  cruelties  caused  to 
be  slain  at  one  time  in  Jerusalem  eighty  thousand 
men  and  their  families. 

The  Comento  dell'  Ammimo,  ed.  Lord  Vernon,  says : 
"  Questi  4  Alesandro  re  di  Jerusalem  e  tiranno  cnide- 
lissimo  del  quale  si  dice  che  ~|  huomeni  co  le  mogli 
e  CO  li  figliuoli  insieme  fece  a  una  fiata  uccidere." 

Gelli  is  unable  to  say  which  of  three  persons  ts 
meant  1  Alexander  the  Great ;  Alexander  of  Fherz  ; 
or  "  Alessandro  Janneo,  figliulo  di  Aristobolo,  re  d^li 
Ebrei,  uomo  molto  sanguJnolento  e  crudele." 

Scartazztni  thinks  it  is  Alexander  of  Pherse,  and 
says  that  Diodorus  Siculus  mentions  him  together 
with  Dionysius.  It  is  related  of  him  that  he  used  to 
clothe  his  victims  in  the  skins  of  wild  beasts,  and 
then  have  them  worried  by  his  hounds,  and  Plutarch 
(Ptlop,  c.  29)  relates  of  him  that  he  would  have  men 
buried  alive,  and  feel  shame  at  the  idea  of  showing 
any   compassion.      Scartazzini  adds,  moreover,  that 


Canto  XII.        Readings  on  the  Inferno.  399 

Dante,  in  his  other  works,  speaks  in  high  praise  of 
Alexander  the  Great.  In  the  De  Monarchia^  ii,  9,  he 
speaks  of  him  as  ''  Alexander  rex  Macedo  maxime 
omnium  ad  palmam  monarchiae  propinquans."  And 
in  Convito  iv,  11:  "  E  chi  non  ha  ancora  nel  cuore 
Alessandro,  per  li  suoi  reali  beneficii  I" 

Poletto  {Dizionario,  s.  v.  Alessandro)  takes  a  very 
broad  view.  After  touching  lightly  on  the  voluminous 
proofs  that  are  urged  by  the  respective  advocates  of 
Alexander  the  Great,  or  Alexander  of  Fherx,  he 
adds:  ''E  perch^  pur  nelle  quistioni  critiche,  come  nei 
parlamenti  costituzionali  non  manca  mai  il  partito  di 
mezzo,  il  centro,  che  serve  o  d'  equilibrio  o  d-  altalena 
\see-saw\  cos)  non  manca  chi  h  disposto  ad  accettare 

e  r  uno  e  1*  altro." 

Quivi  h  Alessandro,  e  Dionisio  fero, 
Che  d'  Sicilia  aver  dolorosi  anni : 
Here  is  Alexander,  and  the  cruel  Dionysius, 
who  made  Sicily  pass  years  of  suffering.  . 
Rossetti  remarks  that  there  were  two  Dionysii  in 
Sicily,  both  abominable  tyrants,  and  both  equally 
deserving  of  immersion   in   the  boiling  blood,  and 
Rossetti  thinks  that  it  is  not  unreasonable  to  con- 
jecture that  Dante  did  not  especially  intend  to  dis- 
tinguish either  between  them  or  the  two  Alexanders, 
and,  by  leaving  their  identity  vague,  allowed  all  the 
four  to  be  implied.     He  says  Dante  did  so  in  the 
case  of  the  two  Pyrrhuses  and  two  Sextu^es.     He 
adds    that   Petrarch*   likewise  mentions    Dionysius 

♦  See  Petrarch,  Trionfo  iP  Amore^  Cap.  i.  Ten.  35  : 
**  Que'  duo  pien  di  paura  e  di  sospetto, 

L'  un  h  Dionisio,  e  1'  altro  e  Alessandro  : 
Ma  quel  del  suo  temer  ha  degno  affetto." 


400  RmUmgs  m  tk^  Infiwm.       OmtoiUl. 

and  Alexander  together,  without  defining  tiieir  indi- 
vidualities. 

Having  pointed  out  two  tyrants  of  ancient  histoiy^ 
Nesstts  now  indicates  two  of  the  worst  in  Italjr,  tte 
former  of  whom  died  a  few  years  before  Dante^s 
birth,  while  the  latter  was  his  contemporaiy. 

E  qoella  finonte  di'  ha  il  pel  cod  nero 

iiAiioliiio;*eqiieiraltroch'^bioiido  iio 


*  AnoUmo  HI  da  Romano  was  of  the  fiunily  of-  the  Coants 
of  Onara,  and  was  son-in-law  of  the  Emperor  Frederick  II. 
He  was  born  in  1194,  and  being  Imperial  Vicar  in  Hbm 
Marca  Trivigiana,  he  ruled  it  with  great  tyranny  finom  1250  to 
126a  His  cruelties  caused  him  to  be  held  in  such  deteslatioD 
that  a  crusade  was  proclaimed  against  him  by  Pope  Alexander 
IV,  and  being  taken  prisoner,  in  defiance  of  his  enemies  he 
rent  the  bandages  from  his  wounds,  and  so  caused  his  own 
death  after  reigning  34  years.  ^  Benvenuto  thus  describes  him  : 
''  Many  write  that  Ecerinus  was  of  middle  height,  swarthy,  and 
covered  with  hair.  But  I  hear  that  he  had  one  long  hair 
above  his  nose,  which  stood  out  whenever  he  was  inflamed 
with  anger,  and  that  at  such  times  all  fled  from  before  his 
£sice  .  .  .  Some  have  written  that  he  had  S^^^^^  'ncn  put  to 
death.  But  among  a  thousand  other  atrocious  crimes,  when 
he  had  destroyed  Padua,  he  was  so  overcome  by  frenzied  rage, 
that  he  had  12,000  Paduans  put  to  death  by  sword,  fire,  and 
starvation."  Landino  adds  to  this  story  that  he  caused  these 
13,000  Paduans  to  be  imprisoned  in  a  wooden  enclosure,  and 
had  their  names  r^stered  in  a  ledger  by  his  Chancellor^ 
against  whom  he  entertained  suspicions.  On  the  ledger  being 
filled  up,  Ezzelino  told  the  Chancellor  that  he  wished  him  to 
go  with  these  souls  to  Hell,  and  present  them  with  the  register 
of  their  names  to  the  Devil,  from  whom  he  had  received  many 
kindnesses ;  and  thereupon,  having  driven  the  ill-£Eited  Chan- 
cellor inside  the  enclosure,  he  had  all  burned  together.  See 
also  Giov.  Villani,  vi,  ch.  72  ;  and  Ariosto,  Orlando  Fmriaso^ 
iii,  st  33  : 


Canto  XII.        Readings  on  the  Infemd.  401 

is  Opizzo*  da  Esti,  il  qual  per  vero 
Fu  spento  dal  figliastro  su  nel  mondo." — 

■I  -     -----   -         -    — — *. 

"  Ezzellino,  immantssimo  tiranno, 
Che  fia  creduto  figlio  del  Demonio, 
Fark,  troncando  i  sudditi,  tal  danno, 
E  distniggendo  il  bel  paese  ausonio, 
Che  pietosi  appo  lui  stati  saranno 
Mario,  Silla,  Neron,  Cajo  ed  Antonia" 
Never  had  Azzolino  loved,  and  in  his  horrible  barbarities  he 
treated  both  men  and  women  alike. 

In  the  DiiiamondOy  lib.  ii,  ch.  xxviii,  Fazio  degli  Uberti  thus 
mentions  Azzolino : 

"  Tra  Asolo  e  Bassan  da  quella  proda 
Un  monte  sta  vedovo  ed  oifanino, 
Che  del  peccato  altnii  poco  si  loda. 
Di  lass(i  scese  in  quel  tempo  Azzolino, 
Che  fe*  dei  Padovani  tal  sacrifirio, 
Qual  sallo  in  Campagnola  ogni  fantino." 
Both  Ezzellino  and  the  Castel  di  Romano  are  mentioned  by 
Dante  in  Par.  ix,  25-30  : 

"  In  quella  parte  della  terra  prava 
Italica,  che  siede  tra  Rial  to 
E  le  fontane  di  Brenta  e  di  Piava, 
Si  leva  un  coUe,  e  non  surge  molt*  alto, 
Lk  donde  scese  gik  una  facella, 
Che  fece  alia  contrada  un  grande  assalto." 

*  Opizzoniy  or  Obizzo  of  Este,  Marquis  of  Ferrara,  Modena 
and  Reggio,  succeeded  his  grandfather  Azzo  VII,  in  1264.  He 
was  an  ardent  Guelph  partisan,  and  assisted  the  army  of 
Charles  of  Anjou,  which  was  being  marched  against  Manfred, 
to  cross  over  the  river  Po.  He  extended  his  rule  into  Venetia. 
Opinions  seem  to  differ  as  to  how  far  his  reputation  for  cruelty 
and  rapacity  is  justified  ;  and  it  must  be  remembered  that  his 
assistance  given  to  the  French  army  mainly  contributed  to  the 
death  of  Manfred  at  the  Battle  of  Benevento,  and  the  defeat, 
capture,  and  subsequent  execution  of  Manfred's  son  Conradin 
at  Taggliacozzo.    The  resentment  of  the  Ghibellines  probably 

DD 


¥ 


*a 


Readings  on  the  In/en 


Canto  XII. 


And  that  brow  which  has  the  hair  so  black  is 

Axzolino;    and   that   other  which  is  fair  is 

OpizEo  of  Estc,  who,  to  speak  the  tnith,  was 

sbin  by  his  step-son  up  in  the  world." 

Tradition  says  that  Dante  calls  Opizzo's  real  son  a 

step-son,  because  the  idea  of  a  son    murdering  his 

f^&MKt  is  too  horrible  to  entertain.     Some  relate  that 

die  acq  was  only  a  reputed  son,  having  been  borne  by 

Opizzo's  wife  in  wedlock  after  an  illicit  amour,  and 

dut  Duite,  knowing  this,  calls  him  a  step<son.     But 

«s  will  be  seen  from  the  note,  these  appear  to  be  idle 

tales. 

Benvieouto  at  this  point  draws  a  vivid  picture  of 
what  he  imagines  to  have  taken  place.  He  says  the 
narrative  in  the  text  appears  somewhat  obscure,  but 
that  we  arc  to  suppose  that  the  Centaur,  standil^  oo 

showed  itself  by  loading  him  with  obloquy,  and  Dante  goes  on 
to  cite  a  commonly  received  opinion  at  that  time,  dial  Opiao 
met  his  death  by  being  smothered  on  a  sick  bed  by  his  soo, 
who  afterwards  saccceded  him  as  Ano  VIII.  Poletto  says  that 
the  majority  of  historians  agree  that  this  was  a  cruel  and  unan- 
tbenticated  report  circnlated  by  his  enemies,  and  not  even 
possesung  the  merit  of  probability.  Benvenuto  describes 
Opinone  as  being  a  man  of  that  rare  personal  beauty  lijr 
which  the  whole  race  of  the  Este  were  renowned,  but  thM 
when  tilting  in  honour  of  a  lady  at  some  jousts  he  had  lost  an 
eye. 

In  Inf.  xviii,  55-S7i  be  is  the  person  spoken  of  as  //  marcktM 
by  Venedico  Caccianimico,  who  confesses  to  Dante  that  for 
money  he  induced  his  sister,  the  beautiful  Ghisoia,  to  do  the 
Hanjids-s  wiU  : 

"  lo  fiii  colui,  che  la  Ghisoia  bella 

CondusS)  a  &r  la  voglia  del  Marchese, 
Come  cbe  snoot  la  samda  novella." 


Canto  XII.        Readings  on  the  Inferno.  ;40.3 

the  bank,  had  been  pointing  out  the  most  powerful 

and  magnificent  tyrants,  who  were  being  tormented 

in  the  stream  of  blood,  but  that  he  then  began  to 

show  signs  of  wishing  to  pass  into  the  blood  itself. 

Dante  in  terror  and  uncertainty  turns  to  Virgil  for 

guidance  as  to  what  he  is  to  do ;  and  Virgil  must  at 

once  have  ordered  him  to  mount  upon  the  Centaur's 

horse  back,  taking  the  place  immediately  behind  the 

human  part  of  his  body,  while  Virgil  would  do  so 

behind   Dante;   so  that  the  Centaur's  human  form 

would  be  the  first  {i^,  before  Dante),  and  Virgil  would 

be  second  (i>.  behind  him),  to  allay  his  fears,  and  to 

protect  him  from  falling  into  the  boiling  flood  {ut  non 

timeret  nee  posset  ruere  in  aquam). 

AUor  mi  volsi  al  Poeta,  e  quei  disse : 
— "  Quest!  ti  sia  or  primo,  cd  io  seconda" — 

I  turned  me  then  to  the  Poet,  and  he  said :    . 
"  Let  this  one  (the  Centaur)  be  now  the  first 
to  thee,  and  I  the  second.'' 

Lana  takes  primo  and  secondo  in  the  sense  of  "  in 
front "  and  "  behind."  He  comments  thus  on  the 
passage :  "  Cioe  che  lassavano  andare  Nesso  innanzi, 
che  era  primo  a  Dantey  p  Virgilio  venla  dirieto  a 
Dante,  si  ch'  era  Virgilio  a  Dante  secondo."  The 
more  generally  accepted  interpretation  however,  is 
that  which  is  supported  by  Blanc,  namely  that  primo 
designates  the  person  deserving  of  greater  confidence 
from  his  experience  and  superior  knowledge  of  the 
locality.  Di  Siena  thinks  Virgil  used  consummate 
tact  in  drawing  back  and  yielding  to  Nessus  the  duty 
of  pointing  out  the  tyrants,  so  as  to  avoid  having  to 
place  his  patron  Caesar  Augustus  in  the  same  category 

DD   2 


404  Rtadings  on  the  Ittfemt).         Canto  XII. 

of  puniafanient  as  Alexander.  Di  Siena  adds  that 
flome  think  Virgil's  words  are  addressed  to  Nessus, 
and  mean,  "  let  him,  Dante,  be  the  first  to  mount  on 
dqrbadc,  and  i  will  be  the  second  (to  mount,  behind 
him)."  For  my  own  part  I  think  Virgil's  words  are 
■lidicsaed  to  IDaote,  aad  mxy  well  be  taken  in  thf 
doable  aens^  namdy,  that  Dante  w^  to  mount  bnne- 
diatdy  bdund  Nessua,  and  Vix^  immediately  bdiind 
him,  and  abo  that  Dante  was  to  look  iriiolly  to  Neaaas 
for  infcmnation  and  instniction  during  their  transit 

We  must  now  idcturc  to  ounelves  diis  sii^[ubr 
gioup  preparing  to  pass  by  the  ford  throogfa  ttie 
river  of  Uood,  Dante  sitting  m  die  back  of  Nessog^ 
and  Virgil  supporting  him  behind.  They  would  seem 
to  have  moved  along  the  bank,  looking  down  upon 
the  tormented  shades  till  they  came  to  the  shallowest 
part  (mentioned  in  lines  i24-€),  wherein  only  the  feet 
are  immersed.     There  they  cross  the  ford. 

Poco  pib  oltre  il  CenUuro  s'  a£Bsse  *  115 

Sopni  una  gente  che  infinii  alia  gola 

Parea  che  di  quel  bull  came  uscisse. 

A  little  further  on  tbcjCentaur  stopped  above 

a  multitude,  who  as  isfas  the  throat  seemed 

to  issue  forth  from  that  bubbling  (pool). 

.  The  spirits  here  spoken  of  are,  though  deeply  dyed 

in  guilt,  apparently  in  a  slight  degree  less  so  than  the 

tyrants  before  described,  who  were  immersed  up  to 

^  yafitu;  compare  the  opeuing  Ibes  of  Afrs*.  xxx,  1-7: 
"  Quaudo  il  seiieatrion  del  primo  cielo .  .  . 


Fenno  ai  affisae." 


Canto  XII.        Readings  an  the  Inferno.  405 

the  eyebrows  ;  these  only  to  the  throat.  We  shall  see 
that  the  river  goes  on  shoaling  until  the  Poets  cross 
the  ford,  and  from  that  point  it  gradually  deepens 
again  till  the  part  where  Attila,  Pyrrhus,  Sextus,  and 
the  robber  barons  are  undergoing  the  deepest  im- 
mersion. It  will  be  noticed  that  Dante  has  altered 
the  nomenclature  of  the  river  of  blood,  and  styles  it 
quel  bulicante.  As  he  is  about  to  mention  a  ghastly 
story  that  had  occurred  at  Viterbo,  he  probably  finds 
it  convenient  to  adopt  the  name  of  the  peculiar  waters 
of  that  place.  Benvenuto  says  that  the  Bulicame  is 
a  lake  of  water  which  is  red,  hot,  and  sulphureous, 
near  Viterbo,  but  that  he  will  describe  it  at  g^reater 
length  in  canto  xiv.  The  Ananimo  Fiorentino  says 
that  this  Bulicame  makes  bolle  or  bubbles,  and  that 
its  boiling  waters  take  their  name  from  that  cause. 

A  shade  is  now  pointed  out,  who  from  the  singular 
enormity  of  his  offence  is  set  apart  in  solitary 
torment. 

Mostrocci  un'  ombra  dalP  un  canto  sola, 

Dicendo : — "  Colui  fesse  in  grembo  a  Dio 

Lo  cor  che  in  sul  Tamigi  ancor  si  cola." — *  ,    120 

He  showed  us  a  shade  apart  on  one  side, 

•  sul  Tamigi  ancor  si  cola  :  There  arc  two  interpretations 
given  of  the  word  cola.  The  first  would  derive  it  from  the  verb 
colarey  and  would  signify  that  the  heart  of  the  murdered  Henry  of 
Cornwall  still  continued  to  drip  blood,  probably  from  the  enor» 
mity  of  the  crime  of  slaying  him  during  the  elevation  of  the 
Host.  The  second,  and  more  usually  adopted  interpretation, 
is  to  derive  cola  from  the  Latin  colere^  which  Blanc  says  is  not 
without  precedent  among  old  writers,  and  it  would  then  take 
the  meaning,  "  is  held  in  reverence."  Benvenuto  comments  : 
"  ancor  si  cola^  idest  coliturP 


son  of  Simon  de 
atfa  f>f  fais  father, 
'  High  Mass  in  the 
y,  son  of  Richard 
lently  nephew  of 
e  Henry  had  conte 
of  Anjou,  who  was 
i  Pietro  di  Dante 


aajieg  -.  "  That  one  (Guy  de  Mootfoct)  in  the 
txaotu   of  God  {Le,  m  God's  sanctmry  ai 
Viterbo)  pierced  the  bean  which  is  still  vene^ 
nted  oa  the  Thanies." 
The   assassin    wa«   P-nunt-   Gun 
M<Mitfoit,*  who, 
muidered,  d  u  rin  i 
Cathedra)  at  Vit 
Duke    of   Corn' 
Heniy  III,  King 
there  in  the  train  • 
on  his  way  to  the 

says  that  at  this  time  v  1 270),  a  Court  was  being  held  at 
Viterbo  10  the  Church,  and  while  Henry,  with  bended 
knees,  was  devoutly  looking  upon  the  Body  of  Christi 
the  said  Lord  Guy  pierced  him  throi^h  with  his 
sword.  In  the  Comento  dtW  Anonima,  published  t^ 
Lord  Vernon  in  1848,  Guy  is  described  as  "  Messer 
Amaldo  di  Brunforte  d'  Inghilterra,"  but  the  old 
commentaries  of  Fietro  di  Dante,  Jacopo  di  Dante 
and  the  Chiose  AntmtPie  (Selmi)  all  give  him  his 
correct  name.  The  Comento  delt  Ananimo  adds  that 
the  text  says  in  grembo  a  Dio,  because  the  assassin 
slew  his  victim  in  the  presence  of  the  Body  of  Our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ.  The  old  commentators  agree 
that  the  heart  of  the  murdered  prince  was  extracted, 
and  taken  in  a  casket  to  King  Edward  in  London,  in 


*  Guy  de  Montfort  i$  menlioned  by  Fazio  degli  Uberti  ii 
DitUwtondo,  book  ii,  ch.  xxix  ; 

**  Un  poco  prima,  dove  piii  si  stava 

Sicuro  Arrigo,  il  come  di  MoDforte 
L'  alma  dal  cotpo  col  coltel  gli  cava." 


Canto  XII.        Readings  on  the  Inferno.  497 

order  that  he  might  take  measures  to  avenge  his  blood 
relation.  The  King  is  said  to  have  erected  on  London 
Bridge  a  statue  (of  Prince  Henry  himself,  Lana 
says)^  in  the  outstretched  hand  of  which  was  placed 
the  casket  containing  the  heart,  the  base  of  the  statue 
bearing  this  inscription :  Cor  gladio  scissum.  do,  cut 
consanguineus  sum,  Benvenuto  relates  the  story  at 
great  length,  and  says  that  Prince  Henry's  body  was 
embalmed  and  carried  to  the  City  of  London,  and 
interred  in  "  a  certain  monastery  of  monks,  called 

• 

there  Guamiscier  [Westminster],  in  a  chapel,  wherein 
are  buried  all  the  Kings  of  England,  and  round  which 
the  effigies  of  them  all  are  to  be  seen."  He  also  con- 
firms the  story  of  the  hand  of  the  statue  holding  the 
heart,  but  adds  that  above  the  heart  was  placed  a 
naked  sword  in  witness  of  the  crime.  He  says  that 
by  the  river  is  to  be  understood  the  city,  and  that  the 
Tamis  is  a  river  flowing  by  the  royal  city  of  London, 
which  of  old  was  called  Trinovantum,.as  Julius  Celsus* 
•ites. 

As  the  Poets  advance  along  the  bank  they  come  to 
less  guilty  order  of  the  Violent,  such  as  ordinary 
iomicides  or  robbers,  and  their  punishment  is  more 
lenient. 

Poi  vidi  gente,  che  di  fuor  del  rio 

Tenea  la  testa  ed  ancor  tutto  il  casso  :  t 
£  di  costoro  assai  riconobb'  ia 


*  Julius  Celsus  :  a  scholar  at  Constantinople  in  the  seventh 
century  after  Christ,  who  made  a  recension  of  the  text  of 
Caesar's  Conunentaries. 

t  casso:  from  the  Latin  capsunu    The   VocaboUario  delta 


4o8  Readings  an  the  Infemo.        Canto  XII. 

I  next  saw  people,  who  held  the  head  and 
even  all  the  bust  out  of  the  river :  and  of 
those  I  recognized  many. 

Rossetti  remarks  that  the  small  tyrants  were  far 

more  numerous  than  the  great  ones,  and  consequently 

Dante,  who  lived  in  those  atrocious  times,  was  able 

to  identify  a  good  many.     But  riconobbi  may  also 

well  be  taken  to  mean  that  Dante  recc^ized  them 

after  Nessus  had  pointed  them  out  and  named  them, 

just  as  in  Limbo  (canto  iv,  1 19)  he  says :   Mi  Jur 

mostrati  gli  spiriti  magni^  and  then  goes  on  to  speak 

of  those  he  saw  just  as  if  he  had  recognized  them. 

Cosl  a  pill  a  piu  si  facea  basso 

Quel  sangue  si,  che  cocea*  pur  li  piedi :  125 

£  quivi  fu  del  fosso  il  nostro  passo. 

Thus  more  and  more  did  that  (stream  of) 
blood  become  shallow,  so  that  (at  last)  it  only 
boiled  the  feet  (of  the  tormented) :  and  here 
was  our  passage  of  the  fosse. 

As  Nessus  is  wading,  he  points  out  that  on  cither 

side  the  depth  increases.  ' 

— ''  S)  come  tu  da  questa  parte  vedi 

Lo  bulicame  che  sempre  si  scema,"— 

Crusca  explains  it  as  the  concave  part  of  the  body  surrounded 
by  the  ribs. 

♦  cocea  pur  li  piedi :  Others  read  copHa,  toccarua^  s\  checopria 
li  piediy  si  coceo  [sic] /«////  i  piedi,  cocea  lor  li  piedi,  etc.  On  these 
variants  Dr.  Moore  ( Textual  Criticism,  p.  302,  303)  writes  : 
"  Copria  has  quite  the  air  of  a  correction,  it  being  a  much  more 
obvious  word  than  cocea  to  apply  to  a  river.  The  corrector  forgot 
that  it  was  sangue  bollente.  Cocea  has  the  support  of  the  more 
numerous  and  generally  more  authoritative  MSS.,  though  most 
of  the  Vatican  family  have  copHa,^^ 


I 


Canto  XII.        Readings  on  the  Inferno.  409 

Disse  il  Centauro, — "  voglio  die  tu  credi, 
Che  da  quest'  altra  piu  a  piti  giii  prema  130 

Lo  fondo  suo,  infin  ch'  ei  si  raggiunge 
Ove  la  tirannia  convien  che  gema. 

"  As  thou  seest  the  boiling  stream  continually 
shoals  on  this  side,"  said  the  Centaur,  "I 
would  have  thee  believe  that  on  that  other 
(side)  it  depresses  its  bed  more  and  more, 
until  it  reunites  (ue.  completes  its  circle  at 
that  part)  where  tyranny  has  to  lament 

Lana  explains  that  what  Nessus  virtually  says  to 
Dante  is  that  as  he  has  seen  the  river  gradually  shoaling 
up  to  the  place  they  have  now  reached,  so  must  he  un- 
derstand that  on  the  other  side  it  deepens  again  corre* 
spondingly,  until  on  the  far  side  of  the  circle  it  attains 
a  greater  depth  than  any  Dante  has  seen ;  and  there 
the  tyrants  would  seem  to  be  undergoing  complete 
immersion. 

Three  hateful  tyrants  are  next  named,  and  after 

them  two  robber  barons,  both  of  them  bearing  the 

name  of  Rinieri,  and  one,  at  least,  of  a  nobl^  family. 

La  divina  giustizia  di  qua  punge 
Queir  Attila  *  che  fu  flagello  in  terra, 

*  QueiP  Attila  chefuflagello  in  terra  :  Attila  the  celebrated 
King  of  the  Huns  styled  himself"  The  Scourge  of  God:*  Poletto 
{Dizionario)  observes  that  Dante  follows  the  popular  tradition 
which  credited  Attila  with'  the  destruction  of  Florence,  whereas 
it  is  a  known  fact  that  he  never  crossed  the  Po ;  but  perhaps 
Totila  the  King  of  the  Goths  may  have  greatly  injured  the  city 
in  his  wars  against  the  Generals  of  Justinian ;  and  at  several 
places  in  Tuscany  the  name  of  Attila  is  to  be  seen  in  place  of 
that  of  Totila  in  ancient  inscriptions.  This  is  the  case  at  Poppi 
in  the  Casentino.  By  Lana,  Pietro  di  Dante,  Jacopo  di  Dante, 
the  Chiose  Anonime  (Selmi),  and   Buti,  another  tradition  is 


Readings  oh  the  Infemc. 

E  Pin-o  *  e  Sesto  ;  t  ed  ii 
Le  lagrime,  che  col  bolter  disseira 

A  Rinier  da  Cometo,  a  Riniec  Paiio,t 
Che  fecero  alle  strade  (anta  guerra  ; " — 
Poi  si  rivolse,  e  ripassossi  il  guano. 


'ttila,  when  besieging 

foing  into  one  of  the 

ay  at  tables  or  chess, 

ick  him  on  the  head 

[itled  him  on  ihe  spot. 

ng  perfectly  false,  and 

e  after 

Jet  consequent  on  his 

imperor  Valeniinian  ; 

Ljiuod  was  cnoked  wilh  blood  and 

:i  death  he  was  iniiiievscd  in  blood 


related,  by  which  i"  ~ 
Rimini,  enteied  the 
toggle  where  the  cil 
he  was  recognized  ^ 
with  a  chess  or  bacli 
But  Henvenuto  allui 
asserts  that  Atlila  d 
drinking  win 
marriage  with  Hono 
aod  in  thai  way  this  ma 
wine  when  dying,  just  a 
up  to  the  eyebrows. 

*  Pirro:  Opinioos  have  differed  as  to  which  Pyrrhus  Dante 
means  here,  but  there  seems  little  doubt  that  he  is  referring  to 
the  famous  King  of  Epirus,  who  from  B.C  iSo  to  274  was  ao 
terrible  a  foe  to  the  might  of  Rome.  Of  the  old  commentatois, 
Pietro  di  Dante  and  Benvenuto  both  support  Ihe  above  view, 
and  both  mention  his  alleged  descent  from  the  other  Pyrrhus 
the  son  of  Achilles ;  Benvenuto  also  relates  that  he  was  cousin 
of  Alexander  the  Great  Jacopo  di  Dante,  the  CometUo  delt 
AnomiKo,  the  CMioie  Anonime  (Selmi),  and  Buli  all  contend 
that  Pyrrhus  the  son  of  Achilles  is  intended. 

t  Suto:  Sextus  the  son  of  Pon^^^e  Great,  a  notorious 

Ma-pirate,  of  whom  Lucan  {Fhart.  vi,  420-432)  says : 

"  Sextus  erat,  Ma^o  proles  Jndigna  parente, 

Qui,  mox  ScylUeis  exsul  grassatus  in  undis, 

Polluit  Kquoreoi  Siculus  pirata  triumphos." 

Some  maintain  that  Sextus  Tarquinius  is  meant,  and  Buti  says 
he  feels  quite  uncertain  to  which  of  the  two  Dante  is  referring. 

X  RMtr  da  Cometo  and  Rinier  d^  Patti  were  both  noto- 
rious robber-barons,  the  former  in  the  Maremma  district,  and 
the  latter  in  the  country  between  Florence  and  Areno.    Of 


Canto  XII.        Readings  an  the  Inferno.  411 

There  Divine  Justice  torments  that  Attik 
who  was  the  Scourge  on  earth,  and  Pyrrhus, 
and  Sextus;  and  to  (all)  eternity  extracts 
{lit  milks)  tears,  which  by  (the  torture  of) 
the  seething  flood  it  unfocks  from  Rinieri  da 
Cometo,  from  Rinieri  Pazzo  (i>.  dei  Pazzi), 
who  made  so  much  war  upon  the  highways :" 
He  (Nessus)  then  turned  back,  and  (quitting 
us)  repassed  the  ford. 

Nessus  has,  while  speaking,  conveyed  the  Poets  to 
the  opposite  shore.  We  infer  that  they  dismount, 
and  the  Centaur  at  once  returns  to  his  post  They 
are  on  the  edge  of  the  Forest  of  Woe,  which,  as  we 
shall  see  in  the  next  canto,  they  enter,  and  contem- 
plate the  sufTerings  of  the  Suicides. 

Rinieri  de'  Pazzi  the  Ottimo  says  that  he  was  a  knight  of  the 
noble  family  of  the  Pazzi,  and  used  to  despoil  the  prelates  of 
the  Church  of  Rome  by  order  of  the  Emperor  Frederick  II, 
about  1228.    He  was  excommunicated  in  1269  by  Clement  IV. 


End  of  Canto  XII. 


Rea^t^s  on  the  Inferno.       Canto  Xltl. 


CANTO 

XIII. 

■^— 

The    SB 

'    THE   Seventh 

Circle. 

The  Vioi 

EMSELVES. 

The 

Pier  i 

The  S 

THEIR  Wealth. 

The  Bi. 

F  Hell. 

Lano    ' 

UP 

a     ^A 

—  JACUMO      UI      aANT. 

Andrea 

Rocco 

de' 

Mozzi. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  last  canto  we  saw  Dante 
and  Virgil  standing  upon  the  further  shore  of  tfte 
river  of  blood,  where  they  had  been  deposited  by  the 
Centaur  Nessus.  He  has  just  recrossed  the  stream, 
and  they  are  about  to  force  their  way  into  the  dreadful 
forest  where  Suicides  meet  their  doom. 
Benvenuto  divides  the  canto  into  four  parts. 

In  Division  I,  from  v.  i  to  v.  21,  the  Harpies,  and 
the  nature  of  the  penalties  of  the  Suicides  are  de- 
scribed. 

In  Division  II,  from  v,  22  to  v.  78,  Dante  en- 
counters the  shade  of  Pier  delle  Vigne,  the  great 
Chancellor  of  the  Emperor  Frederick  II,  and  hears 
his  sad  tale. 

In  Division  III,  from  v.  79  to  v.  108,  Pier  delle 
Vigne,  in  answer  to  Dante's  inquiry,  explains  how  it 


^  ; 


Can  to  x^il-       Readings jon  the  Inferno,  413 

hap  pens  (hal  the  souls/of  the  Suicides  are  converted 
intO'  trees.  / 

In  Division  IVJ  from  v.  109  to  v.  151,  the 
mis*erable  fate  of  the/dissipators  of  their  own  posses- 
sions is  related.  j 

Division  /.  The  Poets  are  now  entering  into  the 
secc^nd  of  the  Rounds  or  concentric  rings  into  which 
the  Seventh  Circle  is  divided.  The  first  Round  was  a 
vas  t  plain  which  extended  around  a  moat  or  river  of 
bio  od  of  great  extent.  Immediately  on  the  other 
side:  of  this  river  the  great  forest  is  situated,  stretching 
away  in  a  wide  circle;  and  within  this  again  is  the 
third  Round  of  burning  sand,  which  the  Poets  can 
only  observe  from  the  shelter  of  the  forest  There- 
fore from  the  inner  edge  of  the  river  of  blood  to  the 
outer  edge  of  the  burning  sand  the  whole  intervening 
space  is  forest.  In  this  are  punished  two  classes  of 
the  Violent  against  themselves,  namely : 

( i)  The  Violent  against  their  own  persons,  i.e.  Sui- 
cides, who  are  transformed  into  trees,  the  shoots  of 
whiich  are  fed  upon  by  the  Harpies. 

(2)  The  Violent  against  their  own  substance,  i.e. 
the:  dissipators  of  their  own  property,  who  in  complete 
nudity  have  to  flee  before  a  voracious  pack  of  black 
bitches  by  whom  they  are  overtaken  and  torn  to 
pieces. 

The  Preliminary  Chapter,  under  the  heading 
"  Dimensiofis  of  Hell^^  recounts-  the  two  leading 
attempts  that  were  made,  by  Manetti  (about  1480), 
and  Vellutello  (1596),  to  estimate  the  size  of  the 
different  parts  of  Hell ;  and  as  the  former  scheme  was 


414  Readings  on  the  Inferno. 

never  properly  finished  by  its  author,  >ut  very  im- 
perfectly carried  on  by  others,  we  put  it  aside,  <  and 
confined  ourselves  to  the  estimate  of  Vcliutello. 
According  to  him,  each  of  these  Rounds  of  the  Circle 
of  Violence  has  a  width  of  583  miles,  and  the  widtihof 


the  Seventh  Circ 

be  about  i/i  tr.iles. 

The   rugged 

character    of    the 

forest,  and  the 

of  its  gloomy   re- 

cesses  is  first  de 

Non  era : 

raio, 

Quani 

er  un  bosco, 

Che  do 

segnato. 

Non'frOM 

fosco, 

Non  rai ,  ..ia  ...Mi 

si  e  involii,                 5 

Non  pomi  v"  eran,  ma  stcc 

hi  con  Iosco. 

Not  yet  had  Nessus  reached  the  other  side, 
when  we  cast  ourselves  into  a  wood,  which 
was  marked  by  no  track.  Not  green  the 
foliage,  but  of  dusky  hue,  not  smooth  the 
branches,  but  gnarled  and  intertwined,  nu 
fruits  were  there,  but  thorns  imbued  with 
poison. 
Two  things  are  worth  notice  in  the  above  lines. 
By  stating  that  they  entered  the  wood  before  Ne:i»us 

*  Gelli  greatly  admires  the  rhetorical  skill  in  which  Dante 
has  described  the  evil  nature  of  [his  forest,  beginning  eac))  of 
the  clauses  with  non,  and  placing  the  verb,  which  applies  to  all 
three,  in  the  last  clause,  and  thereby  giving  great  emphasis  and 
intensity  to  the  signification  of  the  words.  Compare  Cicerck,  In 
Vtrrem,  act  ii,  lib.  i,  cap.  3  :  "  Non  enim  furem,  sed  ereptor^m  ; 
non  adulierum,  sed  expugnatorem  pudicitio; ;  non  sacrilegum, 
sed  hosiem  sacrorum  religionumque ;  non  sicarium,  sed  cru- 
delissimum  carnilicem  civium  sociorumque  in  vestrum  judicinm 
adduximug." 


Canto  XIII.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  415 

had  reached  the  other  side,  Dante  wishes  to  show  that 
he  and  Virgil  lost  no  time  in  pursuing  their  way,  and 
it  does  not  seem  that  they  had  to  traverse  any  great 
intervening  space.  Secondly,  they  appear  to  have 
found  themselves  in  front  of  a  thick  outer  wall  of 
underwood,  unbroken  by  anything  like  a  path  or  track 
to  indicate  the  way  for  them  to  go.  The  words  ci 
mettemmo  per  un  bosco  well  express  the  idea  of  .men 
who  cast  themselves  headlong  forward  without  know- 
ing where  they  are  going,  {come  uom  che  va,  ni  sa  dove 
riesca.  Purg,  ii,  132).  Benvenuto  commenting  on 
this,  observes  that  it  is  well  imagined  by  Dante  to 
describe  this  forest  as  having  no  straight  path,  inas- 
much as  there  is  no  reasonable  cause  that  should 
induce  men  to  commit  so  desperate  an  act  of  self- 
destruction. 

Dante  now  compares  the  dense  brakes  of  the 
Infernal  Forest  to  those  of  the  Tuscan  Maremma  with 
which  we  may  suppose  him  to  have  been  familiar. 

Non  han  si  aspri  sterpi  n^  s)  folti 

Quelle  fiere  selvagge,  che  in  odio  hanno 
Tra  Cecina  *  e  Cometo  t  i  luoghi  colti. 

No  thickets  so  sharp  nor  tangled  have  those 
savage  wild-beasts,  which  between  Cecina  and 

*  The  Cecina  is  a  river  that  runs  into  the  Mediterranean  after 
flowing  through  the  province  of  Volterra. 

t-  Cometo  is  a  small  town  in  the  former  States  of  the  Church, 
near  the  sea,  on  the  River  Marta.  Cecina  and  Cometo  form  as 
nearly  as  possible  the  boundaries  of  the  Tuscan  Maremma, 
where,  in  the  time  of  Dante,  there  were  dense  forests,  tenanted 
by  bears,  wild  boars,  stags,  roe-deer,  and  other  animals  that  shun 
the  haunts  of  man. 


4i6  Readings  an  the  Inferno.       Canto  XIIL 

Coroeto  have  in  hatred  (i.€.  avoid)  the  open 
cultivated  spots. 

Benvenuto  remarks  that  Dante  now  describes  the 
Harpies,  the  appointed  ministers  of  punishment  in 
this  circle.  As  this  is  a  most  dismal  wood,  it  is 
appropriate  that  in  it  there  should  be  the  most  dismal 

birds.* 

Quivi  le  brutte  Arpfe  f  lor  nidi  fanno,  lo 

Che  cacciar  delle  Strofade  i  Troiani 
Con  tristo  annunzio  di  futuro  danna 

*  In  no  part  of  his  writings  does  Dante  show  greater  skill 
than  in  his  contrasts.  Compare  the  death-like  gloom,  the 
horroh,  the  inhospitable  density  of  the  thickets,  the  thomSy 
and  finally  the  brutal  winged  monsters  of  the  forest  of  Hell 
with  the  soft  enchantment  of  the  divina  foresta  spessa  e  inva^ 
as  related  in  Pur^.  xxviii.  In  Hell  he  has  just  quitted  the  river 
of  blood,  in  the  divine  forest  he  approaches  a  rill  so  limpid  that 
all  the  purest  streams  in  the  worid  would  appear  turbid  beside 
it  A  soft  fragrant  breeze  freshens  the  air,  and  from  it  (v.  lo) 
"  le  fronde,  tremolando  pronte, 
Tutte  e  quante  piegavano, 


Non  per6  dal  lor  esser  dritto  sparte 
Tanto,  che  gli  augelletti  per  le  cime 
Lasciasser  d'  operare  ogni  lor  arte  ; 
Ma  con  piena  letizia  1'  ore  prime, 

Cantando,  ricevi^no  intra  le  foglie, 
Che  tenevan  bordone  alle  sue  rime.** 
Very  different  are  the  ghastly  winged  beings  who,  with  repul- 
sive bodies,  discordant  cries,  and  destructive  actions,  are  the 
denizens  of  the  forest  of  woe. 

t  i^  brutte  Arpte :  Scartazzini  thinks  the  Harpies  are  a  symbol 
of  the  remorse  of  a  bad  conscience.  The  Trojans  who  accom- 
panied iCneas  were  compelled  to  abandon  the  Strophades, 
islands  in  the  Ionian  Sea,  finding  them  infested  by  the  Harpies, 


Canto  XIII.       Readings  an  tfte  Inferno.  417 

Ale  hanno  late,  e  colli  e  visi  umani, 

Pi^  con  artigli,  e  pennuto  il  gran  ventre  : 

Fanno  lament!  in  su  gli  alberi  strani.  15 

Here  make  their  nests  the  loathsome  Harpies, 
who  drove  the  Trojans  from  the  Strophades, 
with  dire  announcement  of  approaching  evil. 
Broad  wings  have  they,  and  human  necks 
and  faces,  feet  with  talons,  and  feathered 
their  huge  bellies :  on  the  strange  trees  they 
utter  mournful  cries. 

Gelli  comments  on  the  various  opinions  as  to  what 

who  polluted  their  meals,  and  the  Harpy  Celaeno  predicted  their 
sufferings  from  hunger.    See  Virg.  jEn.  iii,  210-218  : 
"...  Strophades  Graio  stant  nomine  dictae, 
Insulae  lonio  in  magno  :  quas  dira  Celaeno, 
Harpyiaeque  colunt  aliae,  Phineia  postquam 
Clausa  domus,  mensasque  metu  liquere  priores. 
Tristius  haud  iilis  monstrum,  nee  saevior  ulla 
Pestis  et  ira  Deum  Stygiis  sese  extulit  undis. 
Virginei  volucrum  vultus,  foedissima  ventris 
Proluvies,  uncaeque  manus,  et  pallida  semper 
Ora  fame." 
The  meal  of  the  Trojans,  polluted  by  the  Harpies,  is  described 
in  lines  223-228  : 

"  Tum  littore  curvo 
Exstruimusque  toros,  dapibusque  epulamur  opimis. 
At  subitae  horrifico  lapsu  de  montibus  adsunt 
Harpyiae,  et  magnis  quatiunt  clangoribus  alas, 
Diripiuntque  dapes,  contactuque  omnia  foedant 
Immundo.** 
In  lines  253-257  we  find  the  prophecy  of  Celaeno  related : 
"  Italiam  cursu  petitis,  ventisque  vocatis 
Ib'*>  Italiam,  portusque  intrare  licebit 
l>^     ion  ante  datam  cingetis  moenibus  urbem, 
Quai\  vos  dira  fames  nostraeque  injuria  caedis 
Amb^sas  subigat  malis  consumere  mensas." 

EE 


4l8  Readings  on  tht  Inferno.      Canto  Kill. 

Dante  intended  by  placing  the  Harpies  in  this 
forest  Gelli  says  that  Landino  thinks  they  signify 
t^iia^  Aere  being  no  greater  rapine,  that  a  man  can 
be  guilty  of,  than  that  of  taking  his  own  life.  Vellu- 
tello  disagrees  with  Landino,  and  says  that  Dante 
hason^  placed  the  Harpies  here  for  the  purpose  of 
givfalg  fitting  birds  for  trees  of  such  a  nature  as  these. 
GiunbnUari  sees  in  them  an  emblem  of  cruelty, 
as  th^  bave  nothing  human  but  the  face  and  neck. 
Gdll,  without  either  approving  or  condemning  these 
vlew^  wishes  to  add  his  own.  He  thinks  the 
Harpies  signify  three  conditions,  which  so  influence 
men's  minds,  that  if  they  do  not  control  them  by 
Reason,  they  may  be  led  into  such  despair  as  to  make 
life  odious  and  insupportable  to  them.  These  con- 
ditions are  (l)  Grief;  (2)  Slavery ;  and  (3)  Poverty.* 

*  Tbe  foUowing  diverse  opinions  are  taken  from  some  of  Uk 
old  comroentaton  : 

Jacope  della  Lana  :  "  The  Harpies  are  an  allegory,  signifying 
self-will,  whence  despair." 

Ptlr.  AUighieri:  "  Harpies  .  .  .  i^.  rapines and,  as 

the  man  who  kills  himself  and  dissipates  his  possessions, 
snatches  away  his  life  and  wealth,  therefore  he  (Dante)  pic- 
tures the  Haipies  feeding  on  such  despairiug  wretches,  figured 

/ae.  AlSghitri:  "The  Harpies,  figured  as  they  are,  signily 
the  ud  recollections  and  memories  of  their  own  {i.t.  the  SuicidW 
own)  privation." 

The  OUimu  .•  "  The  Haipies  bave  here  to  signify,  that  the 
■ad  lecoUections  and  memories  of  those  who  deprive  th' 
•elves  of  life  are  gnawed  and  lacerated  by  fetid  in&my.' 

Boceacdo :  "The  Haipies  signify  rapacity.  they  (the 

Suicides)  snatched  away  their  own  lives,  so  the  Haipies  maks 
them  sidfer  by  snatching  off  their  tops,  that  is^fceding  apoa 


Canto  XIII.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  419 

Benvenuto  here  recapitulates  the  disposition  of 
these  three  Rounds,  remarking  that  Virgil  takes  this 
opportunity  of  telling  Dante  in  which  of  them  he  is. 

Lo  buon  Maestro :— "  Prima  che  piu  entre, 
Sappi  che  se'  nel  secondo  girone," — 
Mi  comlncib  a  dire, — "  e  sarai,  mentre 

Che  tu  verrai  nelP  orribil  sabbione. 

Per6  riguarda  bene,  e  s)  vedrai  20 

Cose,  che  torrien  fede  al  mio  sermone." — 

And  the  good  Master  began  to  say  to  me : 
"  Before  thou  enter  further,  know  that  thou 
art  in  the  Second  Round,  and  shalt  be,  until 
thou  shalt  issue  upon  the  horrible  sand-waste. 
Look  well  therefore,  and  so  shalt  thou  see 
(such  strange)  things,  as  might  discredit  my 
speech." 

Division  II.  Dante  now  begins  to  describe  the 
torment  of  the  Suicides.  He  hears  sounds  of  pain 
all  round  him.  These  are  caused  by  th6  Harpies 
pecking  twigs  off  the  trees.    The  trees  are  the  actual 

them,  and  making  them  more  hideous  and  foul.  They  build 
their  nests  upon  these  trees  to  remind  them  thkt  their  woe  will 
continually  increase." 

Benvenuto :  "  The  Harpies  who  bite  off  the  tops,  and  scatter 
the  blood  of  these  (Suicides),  figure  Avarice  and  Prodigality, 
both  of  which  vices  reduce  a  man  to  despair.** 

Butt:  "They  are  placed  to  make  their  nests  and  feed  upon 
the  trees  which  clothe  the  souls  of  the  desperate,  and  also  to 
utter  lamentations,  which  are  the  remorse  of  those  for  the  evil 
they  have  done,  by  their  despair  and  violence,  against  them- 
selves." 

Bargigi  thinks  them  to  be  the  Furies,  as  depicted  by  the 
Poets. 

EE  2 


4» 


Readingi  vn  tkt  Im/rma.       Canto  XIIL 


ID  every  side, 
^em  i  wbcreat 


bodies  or  the  tormented,  and  they  only  have  power 
of  articuUtioa  throogh   the  wouods  caused   by  the 
Harpies.     As  each  twig  is  broken  off,  from  the  broken 
cod  blood  issues,  and  with  it  the  sound  of  wailing. 
lo  MDlia  da  «gid  pane  uaer  f^uai, 

Vat 
r  beard  k 
and  I  saw 
quite  bewi 

Dante  standi  e  among  the  trees 

are  concealed  tl  roices  he  can  hear 

but   cannot   see.  his   thoughts,  and 

hastens  to  give  him  a  praaical  proof  of  their  being 
partly  erroneous. 

I'  credo  ch'  d  credette  ch'  io  credesse,*  2$ 

Che  tante  vod  iiscisser  tra  que*  brondi) 
\>a.  gente  che  per  imi  si  nascondesse. 

*  P  ertdo  ck  ei  credttU  fk  'io  crtdeiM :  BUmc  ays  that  he 
would  like  to  be  able  to  contend  tbat  Dante  neitber  songht  oat 
nor  avoided  nicb-like  play  of  words,  but  that  tbe  foUowing 
pauagct  forbid  one  from  coming  to  tbe  conclusion  tbat  be  did 
not  MOKwbat  relish  them  i 
Inf.  jdii,  67-8 : 

"  InfiammA  contra  me  f^\  animi  tutti, 

E  gl'  infiammati  infiammar  si  Augusto.* 
Inf.  xxri,  65-6 : 

"  Maestro,  assai  ten  prego 
E  riprego,  che  il  prego  vaglia  mille." 
Jnf.  uct,  136-7  : 

"  E  quale  t  quel  che  suo  dannaggio  sogna, 
Che  tognando  desidera  sognare." 
Purg.  JO,  1-3  -. 

"  Contra  roiglior  voler  voler  mal  pugna  ; 

Onde  contra  il  piacei  mio,  per  piacerli." 


1 


Canto  Xlll.      Readings  an  the  Inferno.  421 

I  think  that  he  (Virgil)  thought  that  I  thought 
that  so  many  voices  issued  through  those 
trunlcs  from  people  who  were  hiding  them- 
selves on  account  of  us. 

Dante's  imagination  is  only  partly  incorrect  There 
are  persons  confined  in  the  trees,  whose  voices  he  can 
hear,  but  it  is  not  on  account  of  him  and  Virgil  that 
they  are  concealed,  and  Virgil  therefore  shows  him 
how  to  get  at  the  whole  truth. 

— "  Pcr6,**— dissc  il  Maestro, — "  sc  tu  tronchi 

Qualche  fraschetta  d'  una  d'  este  piante, 

Li  pensief  ch'  hai  si  faran  tutti  monchi." —         30 

"  Therefore,"  said  the  Master,  "  if  thou  break 
off  any  little  twig  from  one  of  these  trees,  the 
thoughts  that  thou  hast  will  be  altogether 
modified  (lit  mutilated)." 

Buti  remarks  that  Virgil  only  tells  Dante  that  he 
is  partly  wrong ;  that  his  ideas  on  the  subject  will  be 

Purg.  xxvii,  132 : 

"  Fuor  sei  dell'  erte  vie,  fuor  sei  dell'  arte." 

Purg.  xxxi,  136-7 : 

"  Per  grazia  fa  noi  grazia  che  disvele 

A  lui  la  bocca  tua." 

Purg.  xxxiii,  143-4 : 

"  Rifatto  s),  come  piante  novelle 

Rinnovellate  di  novella  fronda.** 

Par,  ill,  56-7  : 

"  perch^  fur  negletti 

Li  nostri  voti,  e  v6ti  in  alcun  canto." 

Par.  v,  139 : 

"  Nel  modo  che  ii  seguente  canto  canta." 

Par,  xxi,  49-50 : 

''  Perch'  ella,  che  vedeva  il  tacer  mio 

Nel  veder  di  colui  che  tutto  vede." 


433  Readings  am  the  Imfmw.      Canto  Xin. 


si  fartm  momcU^  but  not  be  altogedier 

removed.    Benvenuto,  on  the  other  hand,  takes  mamdU 

to  mean  that  Dante's  belief  was  to  be  entirely  ampo^ 

tated  and  removed 

Dante,  eager  for  information,  at  once  follows  ViigiPs 


Alkir  porsi  la  mano  on  poco  avantei 

E  colsi  on  nunicd  da  on  gran  pnmo :  * 

E  il  troncof  siiogrid6:— "Perch^misdiiaiite?'^ — * 

Da  che  fiuto  lii  pol  di  sangne  bnino^ 

Ricomincib  a  gridar : — **  Perch^  mi  tcerpi?       35 
Ncm  hai  tu  sj^rto  di  pietate  akuno? 

Uomini  lummo,  ed  or  sem  fiuti  sterpi : 
Ben  dovrebV  esser  la  tua  man  piik  pia, 
Se  state  ibssim'  anime  di  serpi."— { 

*  un  gran  pruno  :  Contrast  the  condition  of  this  shade,  the 
great  Chancellor  of  Frederick  1 1,  transformed  into  a  great  forest 
tree,  with  that  of  Rocco  de*  Mozzi,  a  person  of  no  great  distinc- 
tion, mentioned  in  line  123  ei  seq.^  who  has  become  merely  a 
humble  shrub  (cesfiuglio), 

t  E  il  ironco  sua  gridd  :  The  Anonimo  FiorenHno  thinks 
that  the  tree  remonstrated,  because  it  knew  that  Dante  was  not 
one  of  the  appointed  ministers  of  the  punishment  of  HeU. 

X  On  lines  3 1  -39  inclusive,  Gelli  remarks  that  he  only  wishes  that 
they  could  be  considered  by  some  who  venture  to  blame  Dante's 
style  and  words ;  and  if  they  wish  to  know  the  beauty,  the  force, 
and  the  energy  of  his  writing,  they  should  compare  them  with 
that  of  Virgil,  who,  in  a  long  passage  in  /En.  iii,  22-57,  relates 
how  i£neas  found  the  shade  of  Polydorus  imprisoned  in  a  tree. 
Dante's  lines  perfectly  resemble  these  following  (see  lines 
26-29) : 

"  Horrendum  et  dictu  video  mirabile  monstrum. 
Nam,  quae  prima  solo  ruptis  radicibus  arbor 
Vellitur,  huic  atro  liquuntur  sanguine  gutt£ 
Et  terram  tabo  maculant'' 


Canto  XIII.       Readings  an  the  Inferno.  423 

Come  d'  un  stizzo  verde,  che  arso  sia  40 

Dair  un  de*  capi,  che  dalP  altro  geme,* 
£  cigola  per  vento  che  va  via  ; 

S)  della  scheggia  rotta  usciva  insieme 

Parole  e  sangue  :  ond  '10  lasciai  la  cima 

Cadere,  e  stetti  come  V  uom  che  teme.  45 

Then  I  stretched  my  hand  a  little  forward^ 
and  plucked  a  tiny  branch  from  a  great  tree : 
and  its  trunk  cried  out :  "  Why  dost  thou 
rend  me?''  After  it  had  become  dark  with 
blood,  it  recommenced  crying:  "Why  dost 
thou  mangle  me  ?  Hast  thou  no  sort  of  feel- 
ing of  pity  ?  Men  were  we,  and  now  are  we 

— ^ 

And  again,  lines  39-42 : 

'*  gemitus  lacrymabilis  imo 
Auditur  tumulo,  et  vox  reddita  fertur  ad  aures  : 
Quid  misenim,  i£nea,  laceras  ?  jam  parce  sepulto ; 
Parce  pias  scelerare  manus.'' 
And  Frezzi,  II  QuadriregiOy  book  i,  ch.  4 : 
"  A  quelle  frasche  stesi  su  la  mano, 

£  d'  una  vetta  un  ramuscel  ne  colsi ; 
Allora  ella  grid6  :  oim^,  fa  piano, 
£  sangue  vivo  uscl,  end'  10  lo  tolsi." 

*  genu  :  The  primary  meaning  of  gemere  ( Vocabolario  della 
Crusca)  is  to  distil  drops,  to  send  forth  bubbles.  In  the  market 
at  Florence  the  cheese-sellers,  praising  their  Parmesan,  cry : 
"Guardi  '1  bel  Parmigiano  1.  lo  vedi  come  geme/"  meaning 
that  it  is  so  fresh  that  it  exudes  moisture.  They  will  also  use 
piange  in  the  same  sense. 

Chaucer  (JCnightes  Tale,  2339-2342)  has  thus  imitated  this 
passage : 

"  And  as  it  queynt,  it  made  a  whistelyng, 
As  doth  a  wete  brond  in  his  brennying. 
And  at  the  brondes  end  out  ran  anoon 
As  it  were  bloody  drops  many  oon.** 


434  Xtadu^  m  tkt  It^trm.      Canto  xin. 


turned  into  trees  i  wdl  night  tfaj  luod  have 
been  more  meRiAil,  (even)  bed  we  been  souls 
of  seipentt."    Ai  frcnn  *  gieen  brand  tiiat  is 
on  fire  at  one  of  ita  ends,  and  from  tbe  other 
exudea    babbles,  and   binei  witb  ttie    air 
(/it  wind)  which  ia  escaping;  to  froiti  Uie 
broken  twig  titen  came  forth  togedwr  bo^ 
words  and  blood :  wberenpoa   I  let  die 
brandi  GUI,  and  stood  like  a  man  ^^  is  in 
fear. 
Vligil,  seeing  the  bewilderment  of  Dantc^  come*  to 
bis  aid  and,  addressii^  the  ill-fated  spirit  in  the  tno 
with    much  courtesy  and   kindness,  apologizes  far 
having  felt  himself  obliged  to  counsel  Dante  to  break 
off  the  branch,  as  it  was  absolutely  necessary  for  him 
to  have  a  practical  demonstration  of  the  truth.    He 
also  invites  him  to  tell  Dante  who  he  was. 
— "  S'  egli  avesse  potuto  creder  prima," — 

Rispose  il  Savio  mio,— "  anima  (cm, 
Cii>  ch'  ha  veduto  pur  con  la  mia  rima, 
'  Nod  averebbe  in  te  la  man  diste&a  ; 

Ma  la  cosa  incredibile  mi  fece  jo 

Indurio  ad  apra,  che  a  roe  steuo  pesa. 
Ma  dilli  chi  tu  fosii,  »)  cbe,  in  vece 

D*  alcuna  ammenda,  tua  fama  rinfreschi 
Nel  mondo  au,  dove  tornar  gli  lece." — 
"  O  wounded  Soul,"  answered  ray  Sage,  "had 
he  been  able  to  believe  before  that  which  he 
has  only  seen  in  my  rhyme  (/.«.  in  the 
j€tuui),  he  would  not  have  stretched  forth 
his  hand  against  thee,  but  the  incredibility 
of  the  thing  made  me  prompt  him  to  the 
act,  which  (now)  upon  myself  weighs  heavily. 
But  tell   him  who   thou  wast ;  so  that  in 


Canto  XIIL       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  425 

place  of  any  (other)  amends,  he  may  refresh 
thy  good  name  up  in  the  world,  whither.it 
is  granted  to  him  to  return." 

The  shade  in  the  tree  now  replies,  and  with  equal 
courtesy  reciprocates  that  of  Virgil's  address  to  him. 
He  makes  use  of  the  terms  adescare^  to  lure  with  a 
bait,  and  invescarsi,  to  let  oneself  be  caught  by  bird- 
lime, in  the  figurative  sense,  implying  that  Virgil  has 
placed  before  him  the  temptation  of  a  few  moments' 
conversation,  and  that  he  will  willingly  fall  into  the 

trap. 

£  il  tronco :— ''  SI  con  dolce  dir  m'  adeschi,  5$ 

Ch'  io  non  posse  tacere  ;  e  voi  *  non  gravi 
Perch'  io  un  poco  a  ragionar  m'  inveschi. 

And  the  trunk  (said) :  "  Thou  dost  so  allure 
me  with  gentle  speech,  that  I  cannot  remain 
silent ;  and  let  it  not  be  burdensome  to  you 
(both)  if  I  let  myself  be  enticed  into  dis- 
coursing somewhat  (at  length). 

Gary  paraphrases  this :  "  Since  you  have  inveigled 
me  to  speak  by  holding  forth  so  gratifying  an  expec- 
tation, let  it  not  displease  you  if  I  am,  as  it  were, 
detained  in  the  snare  you  have  spread  for  me,  so  as 
to  be  somewhat  prolix  in  my  answer." 

*  voi  non  grain,  etc:  The  trunk  begins  his  reply  by  address- 
ing Virgil  with  "  thou  "  {s\  col  dolce  dir  ni  adesckt)^  and  then 
goes  on  to  apologise  gracefully  for  detaining  the  two  Poets, 
addressing  them  collectively  as  voi.  A  similar  passage  occurs 
in  Par,  iii,  40-41,  where  Dante  asks  his  kinswoman,  Piccarda 
de'  Donati,  what  is  her  name,  and  what  is  the  condition  of  her 
companions  and  herself  collectively. 

"  Grazioso  mi  fia,  se  mi  contenti 

Del  nome  tuo  e  della  vostra  sorte/' 


4»6 

The  shade  is  that  of  Pietro  delle  Vigne. 

Benvenuto  says  that  he  was  bom  at  Capua  of  poor 
parents,  and  turned  his  education  to  such  good  account 
that  he  became  the  most  learned  man  of  his  day.  As 
a  doctor  versed  both  in  the  Roman  and  the  Civil 
Law,  and  a  perfect  master  of  style,  he  rose  into  such 
high  favour  with  the  Emperor  Frederick  11,  as  to 
become  his  Chancellor  and  his  most  intimate  confidant. 
lo  this  capacity  he  bad  access  to  all  the  Empenif^ 
secrets,  and  was  enabled  either  to  confirm  or  alter 
his  purposes,  and  to  manage  eveiything  exactfy  as  he 
lik«].  But  his  too  great  good  fortune  brougbt  npoa 
him  the  envy  and  hatred  of  many ;  for  the  otber 
courtiers,  seeing  that  his  exaltation  led  to  their  abase- 
ment, secretly  plotted  to  accuse  him  of  charges  which 
they  trumped  up  one  after  the  other.  One  accused 
him  of  having  so  enriched  himself,  that  he  was  more 
wealthy  than  the  Emperor ;  another,  that  he  took 
credit  to  himself  for  whatever  the  Emperor  might 
have  done  of  his  own  wisdom ;  another  accused  him 
of  revealing  the  Emperor's  secrets  to  the  Roman 
Pontiff,  and  so  on.  Frederick  II,  who  was  by  nature 
suspicious,  gave  faith  to  all  these  calumnies,  cast  Pier 
delle  Vigne  into  prison,  and  had  his  eyes  put  out 
Some  relate  that,  as  Frederick  was  making  a  progress 
through  Tuscany  to  Pisa,  Pietro  was  borne  on  a  mule 
in  his  train,  and  conveyed  to  the  Castello  di  San 
Miniato,  where  he  put  an  end  to  himself  by  beating 
his  head  against  the  wall  of  the  dungeon  in  which  he 
was  confined.  Others  have  it,  that  Pietro,  when 
standing  at  the  window  of  his  own  palace  in  his  native 
city  of  Capua,  threw  himself  down   into  the  street 


Canto  XIII.      *  Readings  on  the  Inferno.  427 

from  a  great  height,  just  when  the  Emperor  was 
passing  by.  But  Benvenuto  thinks  he  committed 
suicide  in  his  first  prison,  and  does  not  give  credence 
to  the  two  stories  just  quoted,  first,  because  he  does 
not  think  it  probable  that  the  Emperor,  after  having 
had  Pietro's  eyes  put  out,  would  have  had  him  con- 
veyed in  his  train  for  no  purpose,  and  still  less  that, 
after  having  had  him  blinded,  he  should  have  let  him 
go  at  liberty,  for  Pietro  was  not  blinded  in  his  mind, 
and  might  by  his  counsels  have  done  Frederick  much 
harm.  Benvenuto  adds  that  Frederick  had  many  put 
to  death,  after  imposing  fines  upon  them,  and  amongst 
others  he  did  not  spare  one  of  his  own  sons  in  a  case 
precisely  similar  to  that  of  Pietro  delle  Vigne.  Boc- 
caccio relates  the  circumstances  of  Fietro's  fall  and 
death  somewhat  differently  and  in  great  detail.  He 
says  that  the  opportunity  seized  by  Fietro's  enemies 
for  slandering  him  to  the  Emperor  was  when  the 
latter  was  at  war  with  the  Church,  and  that  by  forged 
letters  and  suborned  witnesses  they  made  Frederick 
believe  himself  to  have  been  betrayed  by  Pietro.  The 
Emperor's  confidence  in  his  Chancellor  being  thus 
destroyed,  he  had  him  blinded,  but,  not  being  fully 
convinced  of  his  guilt,  allowed  him  to  go  away  free. 
Pietro  caused  himself  to  be  conducted  to  Pisa,  a  city 
which  he  knew  to  be  loyal  to  the  Emperor,  and  where, 
from  the  great  services  he  had  rendered  it  in  the  days 
of  his  power,  he  might  expect  some  friendliness  from 
its  citizens.  Being  disappointed  in  this,  he  one  day 
caused  a  boy,  who  was  leading  him  about,  to  place  him 
opposite  the  Church  of  San  Paolo  on  the  Amo.  Then, 
suddenly  breaking  away  from   his  little  guide,  he 


428                  Readings  on  the  Inferno.      Canto  xiit. 

rushed  furiously  forward,  with  his  head  down  like  a                    J 

sheep  butting,  and  dashed  out  his  brains  against  the                    M 

wail  of  the  Church.                                                                               1 

Boccaccio  points  out  that,  in  the  tines  that  follow,                  1 

the  shade  of  Pietro  never   once   mentions  his  own                    \ 

name  to  Dante 

ay  take  for  granted 

that  his  reput; 

ipread,  and  his  sad 

story  well  know 

lo  son  c. 

chiavi 

Del  coi 

le  vobi 

S  errant                             i 

oavi,                           6o 

Che  dal  s< 

uom  tolsi  :  * 

Fede 

lio,                                                    ^ 

Tanlb  k.1        ..^r -      -1 

innoteipolsi.                        ^^9 

•  CA*  dal  secreto  suo  quasi  ogni  yen 

1  tohi:  The  expression           ^^^| 

uertto  sua  corresponds  to  the  Latin  phrase  a  itattis,  and  is 
analogous  to  the  Italian  word  ucretario  at  ttgrttario.  Bcn- 
venuto  relates,  as  a  wonderful  instance  of  the  intimacy  of  Pietro 
with  Frederick  1 1,  that  on  a  palace  at  Naples  were  to  be  seen 
the  effigies  of  the  Emperor  seated  on  a  throne,  and  Pietro  on  a 
chair  by  his  side.  The  people  were  represented  kneeling  at  the 
Emperor's  feet,  asking'  for  judgment  of  their  causes  in  the 
following  verses  : 

"  Cesar,  amor  legum  Fecderice  piissime  regiun 

Causanmi  telas  Nostrarum  solve  querelas." 

[Observe  that,  though  these  are  two  hexameters,  both  in  them, 
and  in  the  lines  that  follow,  the  half  lines  are  tnade  to  rhyme} 

The  Emperor  was  represented  giving  his  reply  in  these  word* : 

"  Pro  vestra  lite  Censorem  juris  adite 

Hie  nam  jura  dabit,  vel  per  me  danda  rogabit 

Vinese  cognomen,  PeUui  est  judex  sibi  nomen." 

I  suppose  Virux  was  pronounced  yigne,  making  a  spottdu. 

i  it  sonno  *  i  polsi:  I  do  not  here  follow  Witte,  who  reads 
U  vent  e  i  polsi.  Dr.  Moore  {Ttxiual  Crilidsm,  page  305) 
thinks  that  sotmo  e  i  polsi  may  safely  be  pronounced  the  pri- 


Canto  XIII.      Readings  on  the  Inferno.  429 

I  am  he^  who  held  both  keys  of  the  heart  of 
Frederick  {i.e.  the  power  of  persuading  or  dis- 
suading him),  and  who  turned  them  so  softly    * 
(both)  in  locking  and  unlocking,  that  I  ex- 
cluded nearly  all  men  from  his  intimacy :  To 


mary  reading  as  against  le  vene  e  i  foist  (which  has  however 
considerable  support).  Sonno  e  ipolsi  gives  a  more  appropriate 
sense  ;  vene  e  i  foist  has  a  prima  facie  appearance  of  doing  so, 
but  would  rather  seem  to  refer  to  Pietro's  death,  a  reference 
which,  as  Scartazzini  points  out,  would  be  premature  and  out  of 
place  as  yet.  His  devotion  to  his  noble  office  was  such  as  to 
destroy  not  his  life  {vene  e  ipoist)^  but  his  repose  by  night,  and 
his  strength  and  mental  powers  by  day.  Court  jealousy  super- 
vened, and  roused  suspicions  which  were  the  cause  of  his  death. 
Castelvetro  points  out  the  distinction  (continues  Dr.  Moore) 
very  clearly :  "  Ancora  non  ha  parlato  dell'  invidia  che  fu 
cagione  che  egli  fosse  rimosso  dall'  ufficio  .  .  .  . ;  n^  dello 
sdegno  che  fu  cagione  della  morte  sua.  N^  Xsifede^  che  port6 
all'  ufficio,  fu  cagione  dell'  invidia,  ma  il  favore  smoderato  che 
gli  veniva  da  Federigo."  Vene  e  i  foisi  is  undoubtedly  a  read- 
ing of  great  antiquity,  for  it  is  found  in  Jacopo  della  Lana,  but  it 
is  always  well  to  remember,  what  Scartazzini  points  out  in  his 
volume  of  Proiegomeni^  that  in  some  cases  of  variants,  both 
readings  may  possibly  be  Dante's  own,  and  the  later  one  the 
revision  by  himself  of  the  earlier  one.  In  the  Proiegomeni 
(pages  425-428)  Scartazzini  gives  it  as  his  opinion  that  Dante 
w?^  preparing  the  complete  outline  of  the  Comtnedia  for  many 
years  before  he  actually  began  composing  it  He  has  no  doubt 
that,  when  Dante  began  to  write  the  first  canto  of  the  Inferno^ 
he  had  already  decided  there  were  to  be  one  hundred  cantos  in 
the  Commediay  and  had  probably  composed  many  hundreds  of 
verses  of  the  leading  passages,  before  he  took  the  work  in  hand 
as  a  whole,  during  the  last  eight  years  of  his  life.  Let  us  suppose 
then  that  ie  vene  e  i  polsi  may  have  been  composed  by  Dante 
during  his  period  of  preparation,  and  f7j<;ifM^^f^/rf  substituted 
by  himself  later,  as  better  expressing  the  narrative. 


430  Readings  on  the  Inferno.       Canto  xm. 

my  glorious  office  I  gave  fidelity  so  great  that 
for  it  I  lost  my  sleep  and  ail  my  strength  {lit. 
pulses). 
Boccaccio  speaks  of  a  man  who  has  any  spirit  or 
vigour  as  one,  "ckeabbia  atcunpolso." 

Pietro  next   relates  how  he  was   undone   by  the  1 
jealousy  of  the  other  courtieis.  ,    ' 

La  nieretrica,*  die  mai  doV  oiphia 

Di  Cesarst  noD  tant  gii  occhi  ptdd, 
HoTta  conume, «  ddle  cord  vidoi 
lafiammt  contni  ine  (U  aniiiu  tutti, 

£  gf  InfJamniaH  Iwfiimmar  A  Anguto, 
Che  i  lieti  ooor  lonuuo  in  tritti  Intti 
The  hariot  {i.t.  Enyjr)  the  common  bane  and 
vice  of  courts,  who  never  removed  her  eyes 
from  the  household  of  Ctesar,  inflamed  against 
me  the  minds  of  all,  and  they  that  were  in- 
flamed so  inflamed  Augustus,  that  my  joyful 
honours  turned  to  bitter  woes. 
Pietro  now  shows  that  he  wishes  to  tove  and  fa 
Frederick  II,  in  spite  of  the  dishonour  the  latter  had 
inflicted  on  him,  because  he  looked  upon  him  as 
deceived  by  others.     Pietro  thereby  increases  oar 
interest  in  him,  and  gives  proofs  of  that  fidelity  which 
calumny  had  denied  to  him.     He  takes  the  oppor- 

*  La  nurttrice :  Envy.    Chaucer  (Prologue  to  the  Ltpndtf 
Good  Womtii)  makes  allusion  to  this  very  passage : 
"Envie  is  lavender  of  the  court  alway, 
For  she  ne  parteth  neither  night  ne  day,  ' 
Out  of  the  house  of  Caesar,  thus  saith  Dant, 
Who  so  that  goelh  algate  she  wol  nat  want" 
t  Caart  .  .  .  AugtuU:  both  these  names  are  used  here  to 
denote  the  Emperor  Frederick. 


Canto  XIII.       Readings  en  the  Inferno.  431 

tunity  of  assuring  Dante  in  the  most  solemn  way  that 
remains  to  him  as  a  lost  soul,  swearing  by  the  roots 
of  his  own  tree  (which  Benvenuto  says  is  equivalent 
to  swearing  by  his  own  soul),  but  which  may  also 
mean,  by  hi^  recently  commenced  existence  in  Hell, 
that  as  r^ards  treachery  to  his  benefactor  he  had 
been  perfectly  innocent,  and  entreats  that  either  he  or 
Virgil  will  rehabilitate  his  good  name.  Of  course  the 
very  fact  that  Pietro  is  only  punished  as  a  Suicide, 
was  intended  by  Dante  as  a  proof  that  self  destruc- 
tion was  his  sole  crime.  Had  he  really  been  guilty 
of  treachery  to  his  benefactor,  he  would  have  been 
found  in  the  very  lowest  Circle  of  Hell,  among  the 
fourth  and  worst  class  of  Traitors. 

L'  animo  mio  per  disdegnoso  s^sto,  70 

Credendo  col  morir  fuggir  disdegno, 
Ingiusto  fece  me  contra  me  giusto. 

Per  le  nuove  *  radici  d'  esto  legno 

Vi  giuro  che  giammai  non  ruppi  fede 
AI  mio  signor,  che  fu  d'  onor  si  degno.  75 

f     £  se  di  voi  alcun  nel  mondo  riede, 

Conforti  la  memoria  mia,  che  giace 

Ancor  del  colpo  che  invidia  le  diede." — 

*  i 

(Then)  my  spirit  with  indignant  eagerness, 
thinking  to  escape  disdain  by  dying,  made 
me  (who  was)  just  unjust  to  myself  (by  sui- 
cide). By  the  new  roots  of  this  tree,  I  swear 
to  you  that  never  did  I  break  faith  with  my 
Lord,  who  was  so  worthy  of  honour.  And, 
if  either  of  you  return  to  the  world,  let  him 


^  mun/e  radici :  new,  comparatively  speaking,  for  Pietro  delle 
Vigtiehkd  died  nearly  fifty  years  before.  Scartazzini  thinks 
nuavt  must  be  taken  in  the  sense  of:  strange,  uncouth. 


432  Riodiiigs  am  thi  Inftrno.      Canto  Xin. 

rehabilitate  my  memory  wliidi  is  atfll  lyiqg 
low  from  the  stroke  that  Envy  dealt  it** 

Scartazzini  remarks  that  Dante  expresses  great 
reverence  and  admiration  for  the  Emperor.*  both  as  a 
great  prince,  a  man  of  letters,  a  patron  pf  literature 
a  man  of  worth  and  dignity,  and  alsoV^  a  great 
Ghibeliine ;  but,  from  the  point  of  view  of  at  Christian 
and  a  Catholic,  he  has  placed  him  among  th^  Heretics 
in  Hell. 


Division  III.  Pietro  delle  Vigne  has  ended  his 
melancholy  tale.  Virgil  knows  there  is  no  time  to  be 
lost,  for,  when  the  broken  twig  shall  have  ceai^d  to 
shed  blood,  the  voice  of  the  shade  will  no  longdr  find 
a  vent ;  besides  which  they  have  not  as  yet  traversed 
half  the  immense  distance  they  have  to  walk,  and 
they  must  hasten  on.  But  Virgil  wishes  his  com- 
panion to  gain  information  on  two  points,  and  urges 
him  to  question  the  tree  about  them. 

*  Scartazzini  gives  the  following  quotation  from  the  Vti^^ 
Elog.  I,  xii,  in  which  Dante  is  full  of  Frederick's  praises :  *'  Si 
quidem  illustres  heroes  Federicus  Caesar,  et  bene  genitus  ejus 
Manfredus,  nobilitatem  ac  rectitudinem  suae  formae  pandent^ 
donee  fortuna  permansit,  humana  secuti  sunt,  brutalia  dedig-' 
nantes." 

He  adds  a  story  told  by  Giov.  Villani  (vi,  41X  that,  at  the 
burial  of  Frederick,  a  certain  ecclesiastic,  wishing  to  celebrate 
his  praises,  wrote  the  following  lines  : 

'*  Si  probitas,  sensus,  virtutum  gratia,  census 
Nobilitas  orti,  possent  resistere  morti, 
Non  foret  extinctus  Federicus,  qui  jacet  intus." 
These  lines  greatly  pleased  Manfred  and  the  other  barons, 
and  they  ordered  them  to  be  engraved  on  the  Emperor's  tomb. 


V 


V 


Canto  XIIL       Readings  on  the  Inferno,  433 

Un  poco  attese,  e  poi :— "  Da  ch*  ci  si  tacc,** — 

Disse  il  Poeta  a  me, — "  non  perder  V  ora ;         80 
Ma  parla,  e  chiedi  a  lui  se  piu  ti  piace.** — 

Awhile  he  paused,  and  then :  ''  Since  he  is 
silent,"  said  the  Poet  to  me,  "  Lose  not  the 
opportunity  (///.  hour) ;  but  speak,  and  ques- 
tion him  if  it  pleases  thee  (to  know)  more." 

Dante  is  overcome  by  such  sympathy  for  the  ill- 
fated  shade,  that  he  feels  himself  quite  unable  to 
address  him.  Scartazzini  points  out  that  there  is 
something  of  personal  motive  in  the  deep  compassion 
Dante  now  evinces  for  the  third  time  since  he  entered 
Hell.  The  first  time  was  when  Vii^il  described  to 
him  the  eternal  existence  without  hope  of  the  poets 
and  sages  of  antiquity  {Inf,  iv,  40^45),  for  Dante 
was  himself  of  their  band  {della  loro  schiera^  Inf,  iv, 
loi),  and  on  hearing  their  fate  he  felt  great  grief;  the 
second  time  was  at  the  relation  by  Francesca  of  her 
tale  of  woe,  when  Dante,  who  well  knew  what  it  was 
to  feel  the  pangs  of  love,  was  so  moved  with  pity  that 
he  fell  into  a  dead  faint  {Inf  v,  142)  ;  now  again,  he 
feels  compassion  for  Pietro,  who  was  destroyed  by 
Envy  and  Calumny ;  aj|i!  to  these  Dante  too  was  him- 
self indebted  for  being  at  that  time  an  exile,  despoiled 
of  his  property,  and  dishonoured  in  the  eyes  of  his 
fellow  citizens.  He  entreats  Virgil  to  be  again  the 
spokesman. 

Ond'  10  a  lui : — "  Domandal  tu  ancora 

Di  quel  che  credi  che  a  me  satisfaccia ; 
Ch'  io  non  potrei :  tanta  piet^  m'  accora." — 

Whereat  I  to  him  :  "  Do  thou  once  more  ask 
him  about  anything  thou  canst  think  would 

FF 


434  Rio^ngs  on  tki  Inftnto.      Canto  xm. 

be  a  satisfoction  to  me,  Uk  I  cannot:  such 
pity  overcomes  my  heait** 

Virgil  complies,  and  again  addresses  the  S[Hrit ;  In 
doing  so  he  distinguishes  Dante  from  himself^  a  tidrit^ 
by  speaking  of  him  as  **  the  maiu'*  He  then  puts 
two  questions  to  Pietro ;  in  the  first,  he  asks  him  how 
the  spirits  are  confined  in  the  trees,  and  secondly, 
whether  any  ever  get  out  again. 

Perci6  ricomincib : — **  Se  V  oom  li  fiiccia  8$ 

Liberamente  ci6  die  il  tuo  dir  [Hrega, 
Spirito  incarcerato^  ancor  fi  piacda 

Di  dime  come  V  anima  si  l^[a 

In  quests  nocchi ;  e  dinne,  se  to  puoi, 

S'  alcuna  mai  da  tai  membra  si  spiega." —         90 

Thereupon  he  recommenced  :  "So  may  the 
man  (Dante),  imprisoned  spirit,  perform  for 
thee  freely  that  which  thy  words  entreat,  as 
it  may  please  thee  to  tell  us  farther,  (firstly) 
how  the  soul  is  bound  up  in  these  gnarled 
trunks ;  and  (secondly)  to  declare  to  us,  if 
thou  canst,  whether  any  (soul)  is  ever  loosened 
from  such  limbs." 

By  the  second  question  Virgil  means  to  ask,  whether 
the  spirits  of  the  Suicides  will  rise  again  at  the  Day 
of  Judgment,  and  reclothe  themselves  with  their 
mortal  bodies  like  the  other  departed. 

The  shade  of  Pietro  replies,  and  had  he  had  organs 
wherewith  to  sigh,  he  would  have  done  so  when  re- 
called by  Virgil  to  the  full  recollection  of  his  sin,  and 
its  eternal  punishment ;  but,  as  it  is,  he  can  only  blow 
through  the  rupture  in  the  branch,  out  of  which  he 
had  shed  blood.     He  begins  by  answering  the  first 


Canto  XIII.       Readings  on  ike  Inferno,  435 

question,  and  relating  how  the  soul  gets  into  the 

tree. 

AUor  soffi6  lo  tronco  forte,  e  poi 

Si  convert)  quel  vento  in  cotal  voce : 
— "  Brevemente  sark  risposto  a  voi. 
Quando  si  parte  V  anima  feroce* 

Dal  corpo,  ond'  ella  stessa  s'  k  divelta,  9$ 

Minos  la  manda  alia  settima  foce. 
Cade  in  la  selva,  e  non  1'  h  parte  scelta  ; 

Ma  Ik  dove  fortuna  la  balestra, 

Quivi  germoglia  come  gran  di  spelta  ;  f 
Surge  in  vermena,  ed  in  pianta  silvestra  :  100 

L'  Arpfe,  pascendo  poi  delle  sue  fogliei 

Fanno  dolore,  ed  al  dolor  finestra. 

Then  the  trunk  blew  heavily,  and  afterwards 
the  wind  changed  itself  into  these  words: 
"  Briefly  shall  it  be  answered  to  you.  When 
the  inhuman  soul  departs  from  the  body, 
from  which  it  has  itself  torn  itself,  Minos 
sends  it  to  the  Seventh  Circle  {lit  entrance). 
It  falls  into  the  wood,  and  there  is  no  place 
assigned  to  it ;  but  wherever  chance  hurls  it 
There  it  sprouts  as  a  grain  of  spelt ;  it  grows 
up  into  a  sapling,  and  (in  time)  into  a  forest 
•  tree :  after  which  the  Harpies,  feeding  upon 
its  foliage,  give  it  pain,  and  to  the  pain  a 
window  (i.e.  an  opening  through  which  the 
cry  of  pain  can  issue). 

So  far  Pietro  has  answered  Virgil's  first  question. 

: 1 

*  feroce :  Buti  says  that  the  soul  of  the  Suicide  may  well  be 
called  feroce^  since,  like  a  wild  beast,  it  turas  its  fangs  upon  its 
own  flesh. 

t  spelta  is  a  kind  of  oats,  that  has  a  very  small  brown  grain,  , 
which  throws  out  a  great  many  sprouts. 

FF  2 


43^  Readings  on  the  Infemo.      Canto  XIIL 

He  npw  goes  on  to  answer  the  second^  telling  ViigQ, 
in  so  many  words,  that  the  spirits  of  himself  and  his 
companions  will  indeed  rise  again  at  the  Judgment 
Day,  but  their  bodies  will  nevermore  contein  them. 
These  bodies  that  were  felt  too  irksome  in  life  will 
find  an  eternal  resting  place  on  the  trees  wherein 
their  spirits  are  confined. 

Come  V  altre,  verrem  per  nostre  8poglie» 
Ma  non  per6  ch'  alcana  sen  rivesta : 
Ch^  non  h  giasto  aver  ci6  ch'  uom  si  toglie.*    los 

Qui  le  strascineremo,  e  per  la  mesta 
Selva  saranno  i  nostri  corpi  appesi, 
Ciascuno  al  pnin  dell'  ombra  sua  molesta.*— t 

Like  the  other  (spirits)* we  shall  come  (to 
Earth)  for  our  bodies  (///.  stripped-ofT 
clothing),  but  not  indeed  that  any  may  don 
them  again:  for  it  is  not  reasonable  that  a 
man  should  have  that  of  which  he  deprives 

*  non  ^  giusto  aver  cib  cK  uom  si  toglie :  On  this  passage 
Buti  observes  that  that  which  a  man  cannot  bestow  upon  him- 
self, he  must  not  deprive  himself  of,  but  rather  is  bound  to 
retain  it  at  the  pleasure  of  him  who  bestowed  it.  If,  therefore, 
he  takes  away,  or  renounces  such  benefits,  it  is  not  rightithat  he 
should  have  them  again. 

t  /*  ombra  sua  tnolesta:  I  follow  Blanc  in  taking  this  as 
meaning  that  the  shade  found  the  body  such  an  encumbrance, 
that  it  would  no  longer  tolerate  the  burden,  but  committed 
suicide.  He  strongly  objects  to  take  molesia  in  the  sense  of 
molestaia^  tormented.  Many  take  molesia  in  the  sense  of  the 
soul  being  hostile  to  the  body.  Blanc  interprets  the  passage  : 
^  the  soul  (or  the  existence)  that  has  become  too  burdensome 
for  the  suicide." 

Witte  translates  the  line  : 

**  An  seines  lastgen  Schattens  Baum  gehenket." 


Canto  XIII.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  437 

himself.  Hither  shall  we  drag  them,  and 
throughout  the  forest  of  woe  shall  our  bodies 
be  hung,  each  on  the  tree  (which  is  the 
habitation)  of  its  burdened  shade." 

Benvenuto  says  that  as  regards  this  passage,  than 
which  none  is  to  be  found  more  difficult  in  the  whole 
poem,  one  is  bound  to  insist  with  all  the  powers  of 
one's  mind  that  what  the  author  lays  down  not  only 
seems  erroneous,  but  distinctly  heretical.  To  say 
that  these  particular  spirits  will  nbt  reclothe  them- 
selves with  their  flesh  is  altogether  contrary  to  the 
Faith,  and  the  Poet,  as  a  faithful  Christian,  could  ndt 
and  ought  not  to  say  such  a  thing.  Benvenuto,  after 
citing  different  suggestions  that  have  been  made  to 
get  out  of  the  difficulty,  all  of  which  he  dismisses  as 
wholly  insufficient,  says  he  has  no  doubt  that  Dante 
never  stated  the  above  as  his  ozvn  opinion,  but  only 
made  Pietro  delle  Vigne  (who  in  despair  had  destroyed 
himself)  say  it,  not  because  it  is  true,  but  because 
Pietro  fallaciously  believed  it  to  be  so ;  for  if  he  had 
believed  in  the  resurrection  of  the  body,  and  still  more 
in  the  eternity  of  punishment,  he  could  never,  Ben- 
venuto thinks,  have  put  an  end  to  his  life.  There- 
fore there  is  no  more  use  in  knocking  one's  head 
against  a  wall,  and  calumniating  Dante,  as  some  per- 
sons are  so  fond  of  doing  ;  for  even  if  they  are  not 
able  to  understand  his  fictions,  still  they  ought  to  de- 
fend him,  and  recollect  that  Dante  was  always  most 
Catholic  in  his  utterances,  as  may  be  seen  in  all  his 
writings,  and  he  would  not  have  spoken  as  he  does 
in  this  passage  without  good  reason,  for  in  matters  of 
Faith  he  was  certainly  not  ignorant  of  what  every 


438  Readings  on  the  Inferno.       Canto  Xlll. 

little  old  woman  knows,  namely,  that  every  soul  shall 
put  on  its  flesh  again  at  the  Last  Day. 

Division  IV.  A  new  class  of  the  Violent  against 
themselves  now  comes  upon  the  scene.  These  are 
they  who  utterly  :  awn  substance,  not 

as  the  Prodigals  i  cle,  by  spending  it 

injudiciously  and  %re,  canto  vii,  $8), 

but  by  so  waste  as  practically  to 

amount  to  self-de  :ader  must  gather 

this  by  inference,  itated  in  the  text, 

but  the  persons,  wl  .a  «.>    he  principal  actors 

in  the  scene  we  are  duuui  to  study,  were  men  well 
known  in  their  time,  and  notorious  for  this  particular 
delinquency ;  and  no  doubt  on  the  subject  seems  to 
have  existed  among  the  oldest  commentators,  such  as 
Boccaccio,  Lana,  Benvenuto,  Buti,  the^  nonimo  Fioren- 
tine,  the  author  of  the  CAioseAnonime^nd  others.  Ben- 
venutQ^says  that  Dante  has  with  great  art  pictured 
them  running  in  terror  through  the  forest,  naked, 
pursued  by  wild  ravenii^  hounds,  who,  when  they 
catch  them,  rend  them  limb  from  limb.  These  hounds 
are  the  emblems  of  the  emissaries  of  the  creditors, 
the  latter  being  represented  by  the  hunters  who  may 
be  supposed  to  be  following  the  pack.  For  when  a 
rich  man  by  wilful  waste  has  reduced  himself  to 
penury,  like  the  spirits  in  the  wood,  he  finds  himself 
naked,  continually  pursued  by  creditors  and  their 
emissaries,  and,  though  he  is  ever  escaping  and  break- 
ing through  prisons  and  other  obstacles,  they  are 
ever  on  the  watch  for  him,  and,  when  they  catch  him, 
they  figuratively  tear  htm  limb  from  limb.    One  seizes 


Canto  XIII.      Readings  an  the  Inferno.  439 

his  house,  another  his  vineyard,  another  his  household 
goods,  and  another  whatever  else  is  left  ;  and,  if  they 
cannot  seize  enough,  they  lay  hold  upon  his  person. 

Dante  introduces  this  scene  by  describing  that, 
while  he  and  Virgil  were  yet  standing  before  Pietro 
delle  Vigne's  tree,  their  ears  werei  struck  by  the  noise 
made  by  the  fugitives  and  the  pack  that  chased  them 

through  the  thickets. 

Noi  eravamo  ancora  al  tronco  attest, 

Credendo  ch'  altro  ne  volesse  dire,  1 10 

Quando  noi  fummo  d'  un  romor  sorpresi, 

Similemente  a  colui,  che  venire 

Sente  il  porco  e  la  caccia  alia  sua  posta, 
Ch'  ode  le  bestie  e  le  frasche  stormire. 

We  were  still  (waiting)  attentively  by  the 
trunk,  thinking  that  it  might  wish  to  tell  us 
more,  when  we  were  surprised  by  a  noise,  in 
like  manner  to  him  (the  hunter),  who  per- 
ceives the  boar  and  the  chase  coming  towards 
his  post,  (and)  who  hears  the  animals  and  the 
branches  crashing. 

Spell-bound,  Dante  listens  to  the  approach  of  the 
weird  hunt,  though  he  knows  not  what  he  is  going  to 
see.  Very  soon,  however,  the  principal  actors  in  the 
scene  are  before  him. 

Ed  ecco  duo  dalla  sinistra  costa,  115 

Nudi  e  graffiati,  fuggendo  s)  forte, 
Che  della  selva  rompi^no  ogni  rosta.* 

*  rosta :  Blanc  (  Vocabolario  )  contends  that,  notwithstanding 
what  Daniello  and  Perazzini  say  about  this  word,  although 
properly  it  signifies  a  fan  (arrosiarst^  to  fan  oneselQi  in  this  pas- 
sage it  stands  for  the  branch  of  a  tree  (Baumvweig)  with  its 
leaves  on,  such  as  would  serve  the  purpose  of  a  fan.  Some 
translate  it  "  fan,"  and  quote  from  Milton,  Par,  Lostj  v.  5-7  : 


440  Readkigs  om  tke  Itrftmo.       Canto  xm. 

Quel  dinann :— "  Ora  aocorri,  acooirii  morte."-^ 
£  V  altro^  a  cui  pareva  tardar  txoppo^ 
Gridava : — ^  Lano,  si  noD  fiizo  accorte  lao 

Le  gambe  toe  alle  giostre  dd  Toppa" — 
£  poichi  fone  gli  follla  la  knai 
Di  s^  e  d'  on  cetpuglio  fece  on  grappa 

^  the  only  sound 
Of  leaves  and  filming  rills,  Aurora's  fiun, 
Lightly  dispened.** 
Borghini  {StuM  suUa  Divina  Cammtdia  di  Galiko  GdUld^ 
Vincenza  Borghini  $d  altri^  p.  302)  speaking  of  the  difficulty- 
which  even  the  most  educated  Florentines  of  his  day  [he  died 
1580]  would  experience  in  knowing  the  many  technical  words  in 
use  in  certain  localities  in  Tuscany,  and  of  the  neariy  boundless 
wealth  of  words  in  the  Tuscan  language,  alludes  especially  to 
this  word  as  used  in  this  passage,  as  follows  :  "  Now  there  is  in 
Dante  the  word  rosta^  used  in  a  particular  sense,  and  but  little 
understood,  which  means,  when  many  boughs  are  plaited  to- 
get  her  to  make  a  hind  of  hedge  to  screen  off  or  to  turn  aside 
the  waters  of  rivers.  This  word,  if  heard  by  a  citizen  who  has 
his  possessions  on  the  hills,  would  be  an  entirely  new  ex* 
pression,  whereas  to  one  who  had  them  on  the  plain  of 
Florence,  near  the  Amo  or  the  Bisenzo  or  the  Ombrone,  it 
would  be  perfectly  familiar.**  The  late  worthy  Father  Giuliani, 
Professor  of  Dante  Literature  in  Florence,  in  his  charming  little 
book,  DeiiMie  del  Par  tare  Toscano^  Firenze,  1884,  vol.  I,  p.  187, 
writing  on  the  above  explanation,  remarks :  "  Such  was  the 
decided  assertion  of  Borghini,  a  most  experienced  judge  of  his 
native  tongue ;  and  yet  even  he  did  not  know  that  the  same 
word  is  used  by  the  peasantry  in  the  mountain  districts  of 
Siena,  the  Casentino,  and  Pistoja,  in  the  identical  sense  under^ 
stood  by  Dante.  '  Rostei  they  told  me, '  is  the  name  we  give 
to  certain  screens  of  roots,  boughs  and  twigs,  which  we  are  in 
the  habit  of  making  up  here  and  there  in  the  forests,  to  stop 
the  chestnuts,  when  they  have  fallen  from  the  trees,  from  being 
carried  away  by  any  sudden  flood.'  '*  Padre  Giuliani,  after  say- 
ing that  it  will  not  be  unprofitable  to  investigate  in  what  part 


Canto  XIII.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  441 

And  behold  on  the  left  hand  (there  came) 
two,  naked  and  torn,  fleeing  so  precipitately, 
that  they  broke  down  every  obstacle  in  the 
wood.  The  foremost  (cried) :  "  O  Death, 
this  time  haste  thee,  haste  theel"  and  the 
other  one,  who  seemed  to  himself  to  be  too 
slow  (i>.  unable  to  keep  up  with  his  com- 
panion), shouted  :  "  Lano,  thy  legs  were  not 
so  prompt  at  the  jousts  {Le.  skirmish)  of  the 
Toppo."  And  (then)  since  perchance  his 
breath  failed  him,  of  himself  and  of  a  bush 
he  made  one  group  (i,e.  he  crept  cowering 
into  a  bush). 

These  two  shades  are  those  of  Lano  (an  abbrevia- 
tion of  Ercolano)  of  Siena,  and  Jacomo  di  Sant' 
Andrea.  The  former  was  of  gentle  blood,  and  in- 
herited great  wealth  from  his  father.  There  was  at 
that  time  at  Siena  a  society  of  very  rich  young  men 
who  formed  themselves  into  what  Jacopo  della  Lana 
calls  the  brigata  spendereccia^  and   Vellutello  the 

of  Italy  one  may  find  the  most  beautiful  language,  of  such  ex- 
cellence as  to  be  worthy  of  being  recorded  in  literature,  adds  : 
"  Without  going  back  to  remote  times,  but  confining  myself  to 
the  present,  and  overcome  by  the  force  of  truth,  and  the  evi- 
dence of  examples,  I  am  bound  to  confess  that  the  Tuscan 
people  alone  preserve,  pure  and  unsullied  in  all  its  features,  the 
idiom  of  CiuUo  d'Alcamo,  of  Guinicelli,  and  of  Dante.  Dante, 
my  master  and  benefactor,  has  drawn  me  wholly  to  himself,  the 
more  so  that  he  has  given  me  the  desire  and  the  power  to  re- 
fresh my  soul  in  the  harmony  of  this  perennial  music.'' 

*  Dante  refers  to  the  Brigata  Spendereccia  in  In/,  xxix, 
125-132  : 

^     "  Trammene  Stricca, 
Che  seppe  far  le  temperate  spese  ; 


442  Readings  on  the  In/ertw.        Canto  XIII. 

brigata  godereccia.  These  turned  all  their  possessions 
into  a  sum  of  money  amounting  to  200,000  ducats, 
and  in  the  course  of  twenty  months,  by  most  wanton 
extravagance,  they  reduced  themselves  to  utter  desti- 
tution. Lano,  having  ruined  himself  in  this  foolish 
manner,  is  said  m  army  which  the 

Sienese  had  ri  Florentines  against 

the  Ghibcllinc:  led  in  great  force  at 

Arezzo  under  Jbertini,  Bishop  of 

Arezzo.     Benv  le  Ghibelline  army 

comprised  Tus  is  well  as  men  from 

theMarche  anu  olelo).     He  reckons 

.  the  Sienese  at  4  ghts,        1   4,000   foot.     The 

Sienese  fell  into  an  ambush  laid  for  them  by  the 
Aretines  at  the  Pieve  {Parish)  Del  Toppo,  and  Villani 
(vii,  120)  relates  that  they  fell  in  great  numbers. 
See  also  Gino  Capponi  {Storia  delia  R^ubblita  di 
Firmse,  vol.  I,  p^e  74).  Lano,  preferring  death  to 
the  certain  poverty  that  awaited  him  at  home,  threw 
himself  into  the  thick  of  the  fight  and  was  among 
the  slain.  Costa,  in  his  Commentary,  remarks  that 
there  is  a  distinct  meaning  in  the  words  Ora  accorri 
morte,  used  by  Lano  in  verse  118,  for  they  show 
that,  on  the  present  occasion,  death  would  have 
been  of  greater  service  to  him  than  when  he  threw 


E  Niccolb,  ch«  la  o 

Del  g&rofano  prima  discoperse 
Nell'  orto,  dove  Ul  seme  s'  appicca  ; 

E  trann«  la  brigata,  in  che  disperse 

Caccia  d'  Ascian  la  vigna  e  la  gran  fronda, 
E  r  Abbagliato  il  suo  senno  proferse." 
S«e  also  footnotes  on  the  above  lines. 


Canto  XIII.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  443 

his  life  away.  Lano  would  seem  to  belong  both  to 
the  category  of  the  Squanderers,  and  that  of  the 
Suicides. 

Jacomo  della  Cappella  di  Sant'  Andrea,  of  Mon- 
selice,  was  the  son  of  Odorico  da  Monselice  and 
Spcronella  Delcsmanini,  noted  as  having  been  the 
wife  of  six  husbands.  Scartazzini  believes  that  he 
was  put  to  death  by  Ezzelino  in  1239.  He  is  men- 
tioned by  Jacopo  AUighieri,  by  the  Afumimo,  by 
Lana,  by  Benvenuto,  and  several  others.  Gelli  re- 
lates that  he  was  so  unbridled  in  his  prodigality 
that  many  of  his  acts  were  rather  those  of  a  fool 
than  a  prodigal.  On  one  occasion,  when  travelling 
from  Padua  to  Venice,  he  is  said  to  have  thrown 
away  a  large  number  of  gold  coins  of  the  value  of 
ten  scudi  (over  £2)  each,  to  see  them  make  ducks 
and  drakes  (/ar  passarini)  on  the  lagoon.  Another 
time  he  had  some  of  his  labourers'  cottages  burnt, 
in  order  that  himself  and  a  number  of  his  guests 
might  dry  their  wet  clothes  on  returning  from  the 
chase.  Scartazzini  relates  that,  like  Nero,  wishing 
to  see  a  large  conflagration,  he  set  one  of  his  own 
villas  on  fire,  and  watched  till  it  was  burnt  down, 
together  with  all  its  outbuildings.  As  we  have 
remarked  before,  Dante  has  evidently  wished  to 
draw  a  distinction  between  the  Prodigals  of  the 
Fourth  Circle,  who  only  spent  their  money  over- 
profusely,  and  these  miserable,  dissipators  of  all  their 
substance. 

We  now  learn  how  the  fugitives  are  being  hunted 
by  so  vast  a  host  of  demons,  in  the  shape  of  dogs, 
that  the  whole  forest  is  full  of  them. 


444  Readings  on  the  Inferno.       Canto  xni. 

Diretro  a  loro  era  la  selva  piena 

Ui  neie  cagne,  bramose  e  cortentl,*  135 

Come  veltri  che  uscisser  di  catena. 
Behind  them  was  the  wood  full  of  black  bitch- 
dogs,  ravening  and  fleet,  like  greyhounds  that 
have  been  slinned  fram  the  leash. 
Lane,  who  w  ipears  to  have,  for 

the  time,  distai.  ck^  but  Jacomo  da 

Sant'  Andrea  is 

In  quel,  d  denii, 

E  quei  .  brano ; 

Poi  sen  I  .  ra  -dolenli. 

On   him  whi  \  lown  they  set 

their  teeth,  ariu  nim  did  the,  nd  piecemeal ; 
and  thereafter  bore  off  those  suffering  limbs. 
In  rushing  upon  Jacomo  da  Sant'  Andrea,  the 
hounds  had  broken  down  the  bush  in  which  he 
had  tried  to  conceal  himself.  This,  we  shall  now 
see,  is  the  abode  of  another  hapless  shade,  whose 
suflerings  are  much  greater,  says  Benvenuto,  than 
those  of  Pier  delle  Vigne.  He  had  shed  tears  and 
blood  from  one  little  fracture,  whereas  this  one  is 
broken  all  to  pieces. 

Presemi  allor  la  mia  scorta  per  mano,  130 

£  menommi  al  cespuglio  che  piangea, 
Per  le  ratture  sanguinenti,  invano. 
— "  O  Jacomo,"— dicea,—"  da  sant"  Andrea, 
Che  I'  \  giovalo  di  me  fare  schermo  ? 
Che  colpa  ho  io  della  tuavitarea?"—  135 

My  Guide  then  took  me  by  the  hand,  and  led 
me  to  the  bush  which  through  its  bleeding 
fractures  was  walling  in  vain  (i.e.  without  hope 

*  nert  cagnt,  inuitoit  e  correnti:  Compare  Inf.  xxxiii,  31 : 
"  Con  cagne  magre,  studiose  e  come." 


Canto  XIII.      Readings  on  ilie  Inferno.  445 

of  relief).  "O  Jacomo  da  Sant' Andrea^^it  said, 
"  what  has  it  profited  thee  to  make  of  me  thy 
screen?  What  blame  have  I  for  thy  guilty  life?" 

Virgil  takes  advantage  of  the  first  pause  in  the 
lamentations  of  the  spirit  to  ask  his  name. 

Quando  il  Maestro  fu  sopr*  esso  fermo, 

Disse : — "  Chi  fusti,  chc  per  tantc  puntc 
Soffi  con  sangue  doloroso  sermo  ?  " — 

E  quegli  a  noi : — "  O  anime*  che  giuntc 

Siete  a  vedcr  lo  strazio  disonesto,t  140 

Ch'  ha  Ic  mic  frondc  si  da  me  disgiunte, 

Raccoglietele  al  pi^  del  tristo  cesto: 

When  my  Master  (on  reaching  the  bush) 
stood  still  over  it,  he  said :  "  Who  wast  thou, 
who  through  so  many  wounds  art  breathing 
forth  such,  woeful  words  (together)  with 
blood?"  And  he  to  us :  "O  Souls  that  are 
come  to  contemplate  the  shameful  havoc 
which  has  thus  severed  my  shoots  from  me, 
gather  them  together  (I  pray  you)  at  the  foot 
of  the  ill-fated  shrub  (i>.  myself)." 

He  then  answers  Virgil's  question  and  tells  them 
who  he  was. 

*  O  anime  :  Scartazzini  points  out  that  the  shade  in  the  tree, 
having  no  eyes  to  see  with,  imagines  both  Dante  and  Virgil  are 
shades  like  himself. 

t  strazio  cUsonesto :  Scartazzini  says  that  the  Latins  used 
honesius  for  beautiful,  noble,  and  tnhonestus  for  ugly,  disgusting. 
Here  it  has  the  sense  of  "shameful"  Comp.  Virg.  ^n.  vi, 
494  et  seq, : 

"  Atque  hie  Priamiden  laniatum  corpore  toto 
Delphobum  vidit,  lacerum  crudeliter  ora, 
Ora  manusque  ambas,  populataque  tempora  raptis 
Auribus,  et  truncas  inhonesto  vulnere  naris." 


44fi  Readings  on  tke  Inferno.       Canto  XIII. 

— "  lo  fui  della  citlh  che  nel  lialisia 

Mul!>  '1  primo  palrono  :  ond'  ei  per  questo 
Sempre  con  I'  arte  sua  la  farJi  trisla  :  145 

E  se  not!  fosse  che  in  sul  passo  d'  Amo 

Rimane  aocor  di  lui  alcuna  vista  ; 
Quei  citiadin,  che  poi  la  rifondamo 

Sopra  il  cener  che  d'  A       •  rimase, 

Avrebber  fatto  lavorare       iamo. 
lo  fei  giubbettot  a  me  delle  1    e  case." — 


"I  was  of  the  city  which  exchanged  its  first 
patron  (Mars)  for  the  Baptist :  on  account  of 
which  he  (Mars)  for  ever  wiih  his  art  shall 
nuke  her  sorrowful :  and  were  it  not  that  on 
the  passage  of  the  Arno  {i.e.  on  the  Ponte 
Vecchio)  there  still  remains  some  semblance 
of  him  ;  lUose  citizens,  who  afierwarda  rdjuilt 
it  {Florence}  upon  the  ashes  that  were  left 


^^J 


*  Attila:  In  the  time  of  Dante  it  was  generally  believed  tliat 
Attila  hod  destroyed  Florence  (see  footnote  at  p.  409).  It  is 
thought  that  the  city  may  have  been  much  damaged  by  the 
iocuraioas  of  Totila  in  450,  but  of  its  total  destruction  there  is 
DO  prooC 

t  fii  giubbetu  a  me  diik  mU  cote:  Jacopo  della  Lona  says  : 
"  There  is  in  Paris  a  house  called  CitMetto  {GiuMe/ta  i  in  Pm^ 
una  cata)  in  which  justice  is  executed  for  the  Magistracy  of 
the  city  {fier  la  pubbiica  S(gnoria) :  in  it  heads  are  cut  o8| 
criminals  are  hanged,  and  sentences  are  carried  out  against  the 
ptTSoas  ot  naieSacton  (ii  si  prucetU  Hflla  ^sana  det  tnai/aUffri 
per  la  ragione  ptibblied^.  Now  the  shade  in  the  bush  says  that 
he  made  of  his  own  houses  a  gibbet  for  himself  1^.  that  he 
hung  himself." 

In  the  Chiose  Sinckrone  of  the  Codice  Castinese  we  find: 
"Giubeilum  est  quxdam  turris  Parisiis  ubi  homines  suspen- 
duntur."    The  Ottimo  writes  in  the  same  sense. 


Canto  XIII.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  447 

after  Attila,  they  would  have  caused  the  work 
(of  its  reconstruction)  to  be  done  in  vain. 
(There  in  Florence)  did  I  make  for  myself  a 
gibbet  of  my  houses  (ue.  I  hung  myself  in 
one  of  my  palaces).'* 

There  is  a  great  difference  of  opinion  among  the 
old  commentators  as  to  whether  the  shade  in  this 
bush  was  that  of  Rocco,  Rucco,  or  Ruco  de'  Mozzi 
or  Lotto  degli  Agli. 

Jacopo  della  Lana,  and  the  Falso  Boccaccio  con- 
sider it  to  be  the  latter,  and  Lana  says  it  was  a  well- 
known  fact  in  the  time  of  Dante  that  it  was  Messer 
Lotto  delli  Agli,  who  was  so  distressed  at  having 
pronounced  a  sentence,  afterwards  proved  to  have 
been  unjust,  that  he  hung  himself  with  his  silver 
belt.  The  Chiose  (ed.  Selmi)  say  that  the  bush  that 
was  weeping  had  been  Ricco  de'  Mozzi  of  Florence  ; 
who  had  been  very  rich  (rieco\  but  eventually  fell  into 
such  poverty  that  he  hung  himself  in  his  own  house. 
The  Ottimo  and  But!  give  both  the  disputed  names,  but 
are  unable  to  decide  which  is  the  correct  one,  Jacopo 
and  Pietro  Allighieri  give  neither  of  the  two  names, 
but  Pietro  remarks  that  it  happens  very  frequently 
in  that  city  (Florence)  that  men  hang  themselves. 
Boccaccio  confirms  Pietro's  statement  as  to  the  fre- 
quency of  the  suicides,  saying  that  it  seemed  like  a 
curse  of  God  on  Florence  at  that  time  that  so  many 
men  hung  themselves.  Jacopo  Allighieri  thinks  that 
•there  was  great  art  in  Dante  not  naming  the  spirit, 
for  every  one  who  read  the  story  might  consider 
it  to  refer  to  his  relative.  Jacopo  adds  that  it  is 
the  special  vice  of  the  Florentines  to  hang  them- 


448  Readings  oh  the  Inferno.       Canto  XfH. 

selves,  just  as  the  people  of  Arezzo  are  given  to 
throw  themselves  down  wells.  Benvenuto  mentions 
both  Rocco  de'  Mozzi  and  Lotto  degli  AgU  as  having 
hung  themselves,  but  says  he  cannot  conjecture  who 
is  the  person  referred  to  here,  as  such  numbers  in 
Florence  hanger    '  '        "       "  e  neck — more  than 

he  can  remembt. 

On  the  lines  d         itiii  eke  nel  Batista 

mutd  '/  prima  pai  i         ;  3f  the  canto,  Blanc 

comments  (Saggio  w  :  />  retazione  Filologica 
deUa  D.C.vers.O.         ioni.  ;te,  1865).    He  says 

that  Dante  is  here  lowing  a  idition  that  was  so 
generally  accepted  in  his  time  that  it  is  unnecessary 
to  verify  it  The  legend  was  this :  Florence  in  its 
Pagan  days  elected  Mars  as  its  tutelary  deity,  and 
placed  an  equestrian  statue  of  him  in  a  temple  where 
the  Baptistery  now  stands.  When  the  city  became 
Christianized,  in  the  reign  of  Constantine,  it  selected 
St  John  the  Baptist  to  be  its  patron  saint  in  place  of 
Mars.  But  the  Florentines,  still  having  some  hanlcN- 
ing  after  their  Pagan  errors,  were  unwilling  to  have 
the  statue  of  Mars  destroyed,  and,  preserving  it  as  a 
sort  of  palladium,  placed  it  on  the  top  of  a  tower 
near  the  Arao.  It  remained  there  until  Attila,  or 
rather  Totila,  as  it  is  well-known  that  Attila  never 
crossed  the  Apennines,  took  and  destroyed  the  ci^ 
(this  too  is  contrary  to  history),  and  the  statue  fell 
into  the  Amo.  When  Florence  was  rebuilt  by 
Charlem^ne    (this    is    another   myth),    there  was 

*  At  the  present  day  in  Florence  the  usual  form  of  suicide  is 
thai  of  throwing'  oneself  out  of  window,  and  many  untiappy 
persons  end  their  lives  in  that  way. 


Canto  XIII.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  449 

recovered  from  the  river  the  lower  half  of  the  statue 
of  Mars,  from  the  waist  downwards,  and  having  been 
examined  with  a  kind  of  mystical  terror,  it  was 
placed  upon  a  pillar  in  the  centre  of  the  Ponte 
Vecchio.  There  it  remained  until  1333,  when  it  was 
carried  away  in  the  great  inundation  which  destroyed 
the  bridge,  and  every  trace  of  it  was  lost.  From  this 
legend  the  meaning  of  the  words  E  se  nan  fosse^  etc,y 
may  be  clearly  understood.  Lana  speaks  of  the  statue 
as  existing  in  his  time  (about  1323).  Landino  con- 
tends that,  under  certain  constellations,  the  statues, 
and  similar  consecrated  things,  might  have  much 
influence  upon  the  destiny  of  a  city. 

Blanc  says  that,'although  the  above  explanations 
seem  to  him  sufficient,  one  must  not  disr^ard  the 
observations  of  Benvenuto  on  this  subject  The 
latter  says  that  Boccaccio  da  Certaldo  used  to  tell 
him  that  he  had  often  heard  old  men  say  to  any  boys 
who  pelted  this  statue  with  stones  or  mud,  that  they 
would  come  to  a  bad  end,  and  that  in  fact  one  who 
did  so  pelt  it  was  drowned  in  the  Arno,  and  another 
was  hung.  Benvenuto  adds :  "  But,  Reader,  before  I 
proceed  further,  I  want  you  to  know  that  this  Canto 
is  not  less  ingenious  and  obscure  than  the  preceding 
one  ;  therefore,  bethink  you  that  Dante  does  not 
follow  the  legend  of  the  populace,  for  it  would  be  too 
absurd,  and  would  almost  make  him  speak  heresy, 
were  he  to  assert  that  Florence  would  bring  evil  upon 
herself  because  she  was  converted  to  Christianity. 
Say  rather  that  Dante  is  uttering  against  the  Floren- 
tines a  taunt,  which,  though  veiled,  is  exceedingly 
bitter,  namely,  that  from  the  time  that  Florence  dis- 

GO 


4SO  Readings  on  Ike  Inferno.      Canto  xiil. 

missed  Mars,  that  is,  strength  and  valour  in  arms,  and 
began  to  worship  the  Baptist  only,  meaning  the  Florin 
on  which  the  Baptist  is  stamped,  she  gave  herself  up 
wholly  to  the  acquisition  of  wealth,  and,  therefore, 
will  be  unfortunate  in  her  warlike  achievements ;  for, 
as  long  as  the  Florentines  gave  tiieir  minds  to  deeds 
of  arms  and  to  exertion,  they  vere  energetic  and 
victorious ;  but  when  they  turnt  1  their  attention  to 
rapacious  harpies  and  accumul;  tion  of  riches,  al- 
though they  might  seem  to  be  more  prosperous  and 
powerful,  yet  were  they  less  honoured  in  their  feats 
of  arms,  and,  in  their  continual  wars,  were  more  and 
more  weakened  by  their  avarice :  if,  therefore,  some 
slight  vestige  of  Mars  *  were  not  still  remaining  in 

•  In  Par.  xvi,  145-147,  reference  is  made  to  (he  niulitated 
statue  of  Mais  : 

"  Ma  convcniasi  a  quclla  pictra  scema 
Che  guarda  il  ponte,  die  Fiorenia  fesse 
Vitiima  Delia  sua  pace  postrema." 
There  is  a  curious  reference  in  the  same  canto  to  the  relative 
positions  in   Florence  of  the  statue  of  Mars  oa  the   PoDle 
Veccbio  and  the  Church  of  San  Giovanni,  which  is  the  Uap- 
tistciy.    Dante  asks  Cacciagui da,  verse  25  : 
"  Ditemi  dell'  ovil  di  San  Giovanni 
Quanio  era  allora," 
wishing  to  know  what  the  siie  of  Florence  was  in  the  time  of 
his  great-great-grandiather.     Cacciaguida  answers  him  that  the 
city  wasibcnbulone-Gfihofthe  siie  that  it  had  attained  in  the 
time  of  Danle,  verses  46-48  : 

"  Tutii  color  cb'  a  quel  tempo  eran  ivi 

'  Da  poter  aime,  tra  Marte  e  il  liatista, 

Erano  il  quinto  di  quei  cbe  son  vivL" 

The  city,  tbcrefbrc,  in  the  lime  of  Cacciaguida,  had  the  Ponte 

Vecchio  at  one  edge  of  its  circumference,  and  the  Uaptisiery  at 

the  other. 


Canto  XIII.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  45 1 

it,  Florence  would  many  a  time  have  met  with  the 
same  destruction  that  she  met 'from  Attila." 

Benvenuto  then  relates  a  curious  legend,  of  which, 
however,  he  doubts  the  truth,  that  Attila,  in  A.D.  440, 
having  in  vain  besieged  Florence,  contrived  to  enter 
it  by  fraud  and  treachery.  Knowing  that  Florence 
and  Pistoja  were  very  hostile  to  each  other,  he  pro- 
mised the  former  to  destroy  the  latter,  and  to  the 
Florentines  to  be  their  faithful  friend.  They,  foolishly 
giving  credence  to  .this  artifice,  .opened  their  gates 
and  admitted  Attila.  As  soon  as  he  was  inside  the 
city  he  summoned  all  the  greatest  and  noblest  of  the 
citizens  to  a  council,  and  had  them  slaughtered  one 
by  one  as  they  passed  through  an  ante-chamber,  their 
bodies  being  secretly  made  away  with  by  a  sub- 
terranean acqueduct  under  the  palace,  nor  was  this 
carnage  discovered  until,  when  too  late,  the  people 
saw  that  the  Arno  was  being  stained  red  by  the  blood 
falling  into  it  from  this  acqueduct  Attila  is  then 
said  to  have  ordered  a  general  massacre,  the  sack  of 
the  city,  and  its  complete  destruction. 

Benvenuto,  both  in  discussing  this  passage  and  also 
another  in  canto  xv,  remarks  that  Dante  often  quotes 
the  chronicles  of  his  country,  which  relate  similar 
frivolous  anecdotes ;  but,  whatever  they  may  be,  he 
(Benvenuto)  does  not  believe  the  above  story,  for,  as 
mentioned  before  (p.  448)^  Attila  never  crossed  the 
Apennines.  Boccaccio  and  Landino  recount  this 
legend,  but  both  speak  of  the  Palace  where  Attila  was 
lodged  as  "//  CapitoliOy^  and  Boccaccio  states  that 
among  the  slain  in  the  general  massacre  was  Maurizio, 
Bishop  of  Florence. 

GG  2 


4S2  Readings  att  the  Inferno.      Canto  XIIL 

Gelli  comments  on  the  different  versions  of  the 
legend  as  told  by  Prbcopius  and  by  Villani.  As  to 
the  assertion  of  the  latter  that  Florence  remained 
in  ruins  from  the  time  of  its  destruction  until  it  was 
rebuilt  by  Charlemagne,  Gelli  thinks  that  it  was  not 
possible  that  so  great  a  city  could  remain  in  ruins,  for 
upwards  of  300  years,  without  the  fact  being  recorded 
by  historians.  It  cannot  therefore  be  true,  either 
that  Attila  destroyed  it,  or  that  Charlemagne  rebuilt 
it,  as  Dante  makes  this  spirit  say,  and  as  Villani 
writes.  But  Gelli,  wishing  to  save  the  credit  of  Dante 
and  of  Villani,  thinks  we  must  suppose  that  in  their 
time  there  was  some  foi^otten  chronicler  who  did  say 
so.  They  must  not  therefore,  he  adds,  be  blamed, 
for  it  is  not  the  same  with  chronicles  as  with  sciences, 
since  the  truth  or  fallacy  of  scientific  assertions  can  be 
deduced  from  the  soundness  of  their  premises,  and  the 
conclusions  derived  therefrom  ;  but  the  verifications  of 
history  can  only  be  made  from  the  testimony  of 
different  writers,  and  by  comparing  one  with  another, 
which  "at  the  present  day  (1560)  has  become  very 
easy,"  he  says,  "  owing  to  the  vast  mass  of  books  that 
the  art  of  printing  has  brought  into  existence."  But 
in  the  days  of  Villani  and  Dante  the  only  books  were 
manuscripts,  and  these  few  in  number,  whence  verifi- 
cation was  extremely  difficult ;  for  which  reason  ever)' 
sort  of  excuse  must  be  made  for  any  short -comings 
of  this  kind. 

End  of  Canto  XIII. 


Canto  XIV.       Readings  on  tlu  Inferno,  453 


CANTO  XIV. 


The  Third  Round  of  the  Seventh  Circle. 
The  Violent  against  God. 
The  Burning  Sand. 
The  Rain  of  Fire. 
Capaneus. 

The  Colossus  of  Ida. 
The  Rivers  of  Hell. 

We  left  Dante  and  Virgil  standing  by  the  bush 
that  contained  the  shade  of  Rocco  de'  Mozzi  in  the 
Second  Round  of  the  Seventh  Circle.  The  Poets 
have  now  finished  their  inspection  of  the  'Infernal 
Forest  of  the  Suicides  and  Squanderers,  and  are 
approaching  the  edge  of  the  horrible  Sandy  Waste, 
wherein  is  puifished  the  third  kind  of  Violence,  which, 
as  we  noticed  in  canto  xi,  is  again  threefold,  and 
divided  into  tlie  following  subdivisions,  namely, 

(a)  The  Violent  against  God, 

{b)  The  Violent  against  Nature, 
and  {c)  The  Violent  against  Art. 

This  canto  deals  only  with  the  first  subdivision. 
Benvenuto  divides  the  canto  into  four  parts. 

In  Division  /,  from  v.  i  to  v.  42,  Dante  describes 
the  position  of  the  Third  Round  with  reference  to  the 
preceding  one ;  its  nature ;  and  the  terrible  penalty 
that  the  sinners  undergo  therein. 

In  Livision  II,  from  v.  43  to  v.  75  (and  into  this 


454  Readings  on  the  Inftrno.        Canto  xrv. 

I  have  taken  three  lines  more  than  Benvenuto  gives), 
the  Poets  single  out  Capaneus,  a  Blasphemer  against 
God,  and  converse  with  him. 

/«  Division  HI,  from  v.  76  to  v.  120,  Virgil  gives 
Dante  a  full  explanation  of  the  origin  of  all  the  rivers 
in  Hell. 

In  Division  IV,  from  v.  121  t  \  v.  142,  in  answer 
to  a  question  from  Dante,  Virj  ells  him  why  it  is 
they  only  now,  for  the  first  time, .  ;e  the  River  Phlc- 
gethon. 

Dhifion  I.  At  the  end  of  the  1  ist  canto  the  voice 
in  the  bush  had  entreated  the  Pc  to  collect,  and  lay 
down  by  his  roots,  the  twigs  that  had  been  so  ruth- 
lessly broken  off  from  him  by  the  headlong  Right  of 
the  shade  of  Jacomo  di  Sant'  Andrea  from  the  pursuit 
of  the  hounds  of  Hell.  Dante  now  does  so,  with  all 
his  sympathies  aroused  at  the  sufferings  of  a  fellow 
Florentine. 

foichi  la  carii^  del  natio  loco  , 

Mi  strinse,  r&unai  le  fronde  sparte, 
E  rcnde*  le  a  colui  ch'  era  gi&  Goes.* 
As  the  love  of  my  native  place  moved  me,  I 
collected  the  scattered  branches,  and  restored 
tbem  to  him  who  was  already  weak  (>'.«.  losing 
his  voice). 
*  JSofo  :  some  read  roco,  hoarse  ;  and  others  explaiii  ,fioeo  to 
mean  hoarse,  but  Blanc  (Voc.  Dattt.)  says  that  its  priinat; 
meaning  is  "that  which  ii  of  small  power,  weak."    He  adds 
that,  although  the  Vocaiolario  della  Crusca  gives  to  this  word 
the  signification  of  "hoarse,"  he  does  not  think  it  necessary  to 
do  so,  as  that  sense  is  only  applicable  to  it  in  fnf.  iii,  37 :  "  Voci 
alte  e  fiochc."     In  all  other  passages  Blanc  conten  '    that  it 
manifestly  means  "  weak." 


Canto  XIV.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  45  5 

As  we  have  previously  seen,  these  spirits  could  only 
speak  out  of  the  wounds  that  served  them  for  mouths. 
The  flow  of  blood  having  ceased,  they  lose  their 
power  of  utterance. 

The  reader  must  understand  that  the  Poets  now 
move  on  to  the  edge  of  the  Infernal  Forest,  but  they 
arc  not  able  to  leave  it  as  yet,  for  it  would  not  be 
possible  for  a  mortal,  without  destruction,  to  place  his 
foot  upon  the  burning  sand  of  the  Third  Round,  or  to 
come  within  the  range  of  the  flakes  of  Are  that  are 
falling  upon  the  tormented  spirits.  They  are  com- 
pelled therefore  to  continue  their  course  along  the 
border  of  the  Burning  Sand,  walking  themselves 
inside  the  Forest.  It  is  only  when,  as  we  read  in 
verse  y6  et  seq.^  they  come  to  the  stream,  which, 
issuing  from  the  Forest  crosses  the  sand,  that,  from  a 
phenomenon  explained  in  verses  79-84,  they  are  able 
to  quit  the  Forest,  and  walk  upon  the  hardened 
margin  of  the  said  stream. 

Indi  venimmo  al  fine,  ove  si  parte 

Lo  9ccondo  giron  dal  terzo,  e  dove  $ 

Si  vede  di  giustizia  orribil  arte. 

A  ben  manifestar  le  cose  nuove, 

Dico  che  arrivammo  ad  una  landa, 
Che  dal  suo  letto  bgni  pianta  rimove. 

La  dolorosa  selva  V  h  ghirlanda  10 

Intomo,  come  il  fosso  tristo  ad  essa  : 
Quivi  fermammo  i  passi  a  randa  a  randa. 

Thence  (after  leaving  the  bush)  we  came  to 
the  boundary,  where  the  Second  Round  is 
separated  from  the  third,  and  whence  is  seen 
the  terrible  contrivance  of  (Divine)  Justice. 
To  relate  clearly  the  new  things  (we  saw),  I 


456 


Readings  on  the  Inferm.       Canto  XIV. 


Sky  that  we  reached  a  plain,  which  from 
its  bed  (i.e.  soil)  repels  every  plant.    The 
Forest  of  Woe  is  to  it  a  garland  round  about, 
as  is  the  fosse  of  lormenl  to  that  {i.e.  the 
Forest  surrounds  the  plain,  and  the  river  of 
blood  surrounds  the  Forest)  :  here  we  stayed 
our  steps  at  the  closest  edge. 
Both  Benvenuto  and  But!  ren      k  liow  appropriate 
this  sterile  burning  sand  is  to  tiie  sins  of  the  Violent 
against  God,  against  Nature,  and  against  Art,  every 
individual  of  which  three  subdivisions  leads,  when  in 
the  world,  a  life  as  profitless  as  this  soil,  in  which  no 
grass  will  grow  or  tree  take  root. 

Dante  compares  the  sandy  waste  to  the  Libyan 
desert  across  which  Cato  of  Utica,  in  the  year  B.C,  47, 
marched  the  army  of  Pompey  after  hearing  of  his  assas- 
sination, for  six  days  undei^otng  hunger  and  thirst, 
and  every  privation. 

Lo  spauD*  era  un'  arena  arida  e  spessa, 
Non  d'  altra  foggia  falta  che  colei, 
Che  fu  da'  pii  di  Caton t  gi&  soppressa.  is 

The  ground  was  an  arid  and  deep  sand,  made 
of  no  other  fashion  than  that  which  of  yore 
was  trodden  by  the  feet  of  Cato- 
*  spaxMo  ;  Poletto  (Diiionario)  says  that  spoMto  the  soil  {Lot. 
solum)  must  not  be  confounded  with  spoMio  (intervallum).    One 
can  say  {spoMto  d"  una  saia)  the  floor  of  a  hall,  and  thence  we 
get  the  verb  tpoMtart  lo  sweep.     Compare  Purg.  xxiii,  7o-7i  : 
"  E  non  pure  una  volta,  queato  spam) 
Girando,  si  rinfresca  nostra  pena." 
Benvenuto  reads  ipacio,  and  comments  :  "  idcst  tola  piamtus 
tpatipsa,  etc." 

t  CatoH  :  An  account  of  this  fatal  march,  too  long  to  quote 
here,  will  be  found  in  Lucan,  Phars.  ix,  379-4 10. 


Canto  XIV.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  457 

Benvenuto  relates  this  supposed  occurrence .  at 
length,  and  thinks  Dante  very  happily  inspired  in 
comparing  the  huge,  flat,  burning,  dry  and  sterile 
waste  that  he  now  sees,  to  the  boundless  and  intolerable 
Libyan  desert,  the  terrible  description  of  which,  by 
Lucan,  seems  to  have  left  an  indelible  impression  upon 
•  his  mind. 

Dante  now,  after  solemnly  warning  his  readers  to 
dread  the  vengeance  of  God  for  the  crimes  which 
were  very  prevalent  in  his  day,  and  which  vengeance, 
he  says,  will  assuredly  fall  upon  those  who  perpetrate 
them,  proceeds  to  classify  the  guilty  spirits  according 
to  the  tlirecfold  manner  in  which  they  have  to  receive 
their  punishment.  The  Violent  against  God,  the 
Blasphemers,  have  to  lie  upon  their  backs  on  the 
burning  sand,  with  their  faces  turned  up  towards 
Heaven,  Whose  Power  they  derided,  so  that  they 
receive  the  full  force  of  the  Rain  of  Fire.  The  Vio- 
lent against  Art,  the  Usurers,  have  to  sit  looking 
•towards  the  earth,  whose  fruits  they  despised  or  mis- 
used. The  Violent  against  Nature  have  to  run  con- 
tinually, looking  horizontally  towards  their  own 
species,  with  whom  they  sinned  so  grievously.  We 
shall  see,  moreover,  from  what  Brunetto  Latini  tells 
Dante,*  that  any  breach  of  discipline  has  to  be  atoned 

*  In  Inf,  XV,  37-42,  when  Dante  ofiers  to  sit  down  and  con- 
verse with  Brunetto  Latini,  the  latter  answers  : 

O  iigliuol,'  disse, '  qual  di  questa  greggia 
S'  arresta  punto,  giace  poi  cent*  anni 
Senza  arrostarsi  quando  il  fuoco  il  feggia. 
Per6  va  oltre :  io  ti  verr6  a'  panni, 
£  poi  rigiugnerb  la  mia  masnada, 
Che  va  piangendo  i  suoi  etemi  danni.' '' 


Kt.  c 


4S8 


Readings  on  the  Inferno.       Canto  XIV. 


for.by  the  offender  lying  for  a  hundred  years  ex|x>scd 
to  the  severer  penalty  of  the  IJlasphemers* 
O  vendetta  di  Dio,  quamo  tu  dej 

Esser  lemuta  da  ciascun  che  legge 
Ci6  che  fu  manifesto  agli  occhi  cniei  1 
D*  anime  nude  vidi  molle  gregge, 

Che  piangean  tuu^ ».  seramenie,  Jo 

E  parea  posta  lor  divenii  Ji  gge.  ■ 

Supin  giaceva  in  terra  alcuna  gi  :Die  ; 
Alcuna  si  sedea  tutta  raccoita, 
Ed  allra  andava  conlini        Enle. 
Quella  che  giva  intamo  era         molla,  15 

E  quella  men,  che  giace  U  lormcnlo, 
Ma  piii  al  duolo  avea  la  ^a  sciolta. 
O  vengeance  of  God,  how  greatly  must  ihoii 
be  dreaded  by  everyone  who  reads  that  which 
was  now  revealed  to  my  eyes  I  I  beheld  many 
troops  of  naked  spirits,  who  were  all  weeping 
most  piteously,  and  a  diverse  law  seemed  to 
be  assigned  to  them.   Some  were  lying  supine 

Bartoli  {Storiaelella  tetteralurallaliaMO,  Firenie,  1887,  vol.  vi, 
part  1,  page  138),  while  noticing  that  there  is  a  certain  similarity* 
of  punishment  in  the  unceasing  motion  of  the  Violent  against 
Nature,  and  that  of  the  Impure  whirled  about  in  the  pitiless 
hurricane,  confesses  to  feeling  it  a  grave  difficulty  that  the 
penalty  of  having  to  lie  still  for  a  hundred  years  should  be  coH' 
sidered  more  severe  than  that  of  having  to  run  for  ever.  He 
cannot  see  what  difference  of  torment  there  can  be  between 
eternal  immobility  and  eternal  motion.  While  hesitating  to 
ofler  an  o[Hnion  at  variance  with  that  of  so  distinguished  a 
scholar  as  ProU  Bartoli,  I  might  venture  to  point  out  that,  during 
the  period  of  theirextra  penalty,  the  shades  not  only  have  to  lie 
motionless  upon  the  burning  sand,  but  also,  as  Brunetto  ex- 
pressly states,  are  forbidden  to  ward  olf  the  flames  that  fall 
upon  them,  teiua  arrottarsi  guando  ilfiioco  ilfiggia,  and  these 
uttered  the  loudest  lamentations,  see  verses  36-17. 


Canto  XIV.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  459 

on  the  ground  ;  some  sitting  all  crouched  up ; 
and  others  running  incessantly.  Those  that 
were  going  round  (the  Violent  against  Nature) 
were  the  most  numerous,  and  the  fewest  those 
who  were  lying  down  in  their  torment,  but 
(these  last,  the  Blasphemers)  had  the  tongue 
more  loosed  {ie,  cried  loudest)  at  the  pain. 

Having  first  described  the  different  modes  in  which 
the  three  sub-divisions  of  the  sinners  in  this  Round 
were  undergoing  their  punishment,  Dante  now  relates 
how  that  punishment  was  a  slowly  falling  rain  of  fire 
which  tormented  all,  but  with  a  varied  degree  of 
intensity.  He  compares  it  to  some  peculiar  phenomena 
supposed  to  have  occurred  to  the  Army  of  Alexander 
the  Great,  which  will  presently  be  discussed. 

Sopra  tutto  il  sabbion  d'  un  cader  lento 

Piovean  di  foco  dilatate  falde,* 

Come  di  neve  in  alpe  senza  vento.  30 

Quali  Alessandro  f  in  quelle  parti  calde 

D'  India  vide  sopra  lo  suo  stuolo 

Fiamme  cadere  infino  a  terra  salde  ; 

*  dilatate  falde :  nearly  the  same  words  occur  in  Tasso,  Ger, 
Lib,  X,  St.  61  : 

"  Aliin  giungemmo  al  loco  ove  gik  scese 
Fiamma  dal  cielo  in  dilatate  falde, 
£  di  natura  vendic6  1*  offese 
Sovra  le  genti  in  mal  'oprar  s)  salde. 
^u  gik  terra  feconda,  almo  paese ; 
Or  acque  son  bituminose  e  calde, 
E  stcril  lago." 
t  Quail  Alessandroy  et  seq.  :    Many  and  divergent  arc  the 
opinions  on  this  passage  expressed  by  the  difierent  commen- 
tators.    Boccaccio  frankly  confesses  that  he  does  not  know 
whence  Dante  got  the  story.     Buti  speaks  of  un  libro  d^fatti  d* 
Alessandro^  but  without  further  indicating  his  authority.    Ben- 


4<So  Rtadingt  m  M#  It^tm$.      Canto  Xlt 

Perch'  ei  prowide  r  Kmlinur  lo  Molo 
Con  le  sM  KhieTe,  «cciocd»fe  il  v^on 

Me*  ri  tttogw*  mcntm  A'  w»  mIo  ; 

venuio  uy>  it  comet  from  a  letter  writtn  br  Atenadw  to 
Aristotle.  He  alio  icfen  ngoely  to  "GalUciiS  ille  iial  dwciibh 
Aloandrudam  metrice."  This  Calliau  Mr.  Paget  ToynbM 
(see  letter  to  "  Tiu  Atadtmy,'  Feb.  a,  1889)  bdievea  to  be 
Gaultier  de  Lille,  or  Gualtheiiu  de  Cattellione  pe  CbltUknX 
who  wrote  an  epic  poem  aa  Alexander  the  Great,  cdted  Ae 
AlexoMdreit,  in  Latin  hexameten,  towaidi  the  end  of  Ae 
twelfth  century.  But  as  regards  the  sooice  fron  whence  Dants 
derived  his  account  of  the  einsode  alluded  to  in  Hiis  pasMga^ 
Mr.  Toynbee  thinks  there  can  hardly  be  a  donbt  diat  be  t«A 
it,  directly  or  indirectly,  from  the  qmrkms  SpitUla  AkxauM 
Regis  ad  AristotiUm  practptortm  stmm  dt  MirtMiiktu  indU, 
If  so,  Dante's  description  must,  as  Dr.  Moore  su^ests,  have 
been  given  from  memory,  to  which  in  the  days  before  printing, 
when  books  were  so  scarce  and  inaccessible,  writers  had  but  too 
often  to  trust.  Dante  would  seem  to  have  somewhat  conbsed 
the  details,  but  the  two  conspicuous  features  in  this  spurious 
narralwe  are  the  snow  and  falling  flames.  Mr.  Toynbee  has 
transcribed  the  letter  from  a  thirteen  lb- century  MS.  in  the 
British  Museum,  Sloans,  178$,  fol.  6,  verso,  and  the  following 
^tiact  from  it  should  be  compared  with  the  passage  in  this 
canto  :  "frigus  ingens  uespertino  tempore  seuiebat  Cadere  mox 
in  tnodum  uellerum  immtnse  itiuei  cepere  quarum  aggregationes 
metuens  cum  in  castta  cumularentur  niues  calcari  feci  ut  quam 
citopcdum  iniuria  tabescerent .  . .  Vna  tunc  res  saluli  fiiit  quod 
cum  momento  temporis  ymber  nimius  subsecutus  est . . .  Quern 
e  uesligio  atra  nubes  subsecuta  est  uisequt  sunt  tam^uam  facts 
itrdentes  dtsctndert  ita  ut  imtndio  earum  quasi  lotus  campus 
ardere  uideretur  ....  Jussi  tunc  miliies  sacras  (?  suas  or 
scissas)  I'csles  ignibus  opponere."  Mr.  Toynbee  says  that  there 
is  another  twelfth-century  poem  entitled  the  Jfontansd'AlixaMdrt, 
in  which  the  same  simile  occurs  as  in  Danle,  namely,  of  burning 
flames  falling  as  thick  as  snow,  and  Danle  may  well  have 
derived  the  ideas  he  has  expressed  from  either  of  these  two 
Romances. 


Canto  XIV.       Readings  on  tfu  Inferno.  461 

Tale  scendeva  V  eternale  ardore  ; 

Onde  V  arena  s*  accendea,  com'  esca  * 

Sotto  focile,  a  doppiar  lo  dolore. 
Senza  riposo  mai  era  la  trescat  40 

Delle  misere  mani,  or  quindi  or  quinci 

Iscotendo  da  s^  V  arsura  fresca. 
Over  the  whole  sandy  waste  were  raining 
down  broad  (///.  dilated)  flakes  of  (ire,  falling 
slowly,  like  snow  on  the  Alps  without  wind. 
As  the  flames  which  Alexander,  in  those  hot 
regions  of  India,  saw  falling  upon  his  host 
unbroken  dpwn  to  the  ground :  on  account 
of  which  he  took  the  precaution  of  having 
the  earth  trampled  down  by  his  phalanxes,  in 
order  that  the  vapour  (i>.  the  flames)  might 
be  the  better  extinguished  while  it  was 
single  (/>.  before  the  flames  got  united  to 
those  that  followed  and  broke  out  into  an 
entire  sheet  of  Are) :  so  fell  the  eternal  heat, 
from  which  the  sand,  like  tinder  under  (flint 
and)  steel,  got  ignited,  to  double  the  torment 
Unceasing  was  the  rapid  dance  of  the  wretched 
hands,  now  on  one  side,  now  on  the  other, 
shaking  ofl"  from  them  the*  fresh  burning. 

Division  IL  Dante's  attention  is  now  drawn  to 
one  of  the  Blasphemers,  stretched  out  at  full  length 
on  the  burning  sand,  whose  whole  demeanour  exhibits 
a  stubborn  indifference  and  dogged  defiance.  This  is 
Capaneus,  one  of  the  seven  kings  who  besieged  Thebe^, 

*  com^  esca  sotto  focile:  Compare  Frerzi,  Qucidriregio^  i>  i?  • 

"  SI  come  r  esca  al  foco  del  focile." 
t  tresca :  Compare  Purg,  x,  64,  65  : 

'*  LI  precedeva  al  benedetto  vaso, 

Trescando  alzato,  P  umile  Salmista." 


463  Rtadn^  en  Uu  tt^arm.      Cnato 

represented  by  both  .Asdqrlus  and  Statiiu  as  an  arro- 
gant and  impious  blasphemer,  who,  having  boaited 
that  he  would  conquer  Thebfcs  in  spite  of  Jutdter,«ai 
thereupon  struck  dead  by  a  thunderbolt  We  do  not 
learn  his  name  until  the  close  of  the  conversatioa  tlitt 
now  takes  place,  when  Vii^l  utters  it  in  a  shwt  and 
stem  reproof* 

lo  comiDciai :— "  Maeitn),  tu  cbe  vind 
Tune  le  cose,  fuor  cb«  i  Detnan  dttfi,t 
Che  alF  cntnu'  dells  porta  intxatn  nidnd,         45 
*  Cap&neiu  is  ^fain  kllnded  ta  aa  an  wwinple  of  armgiaoe 
towards  God  in  Inf.  unr,  13-18,  where  it  is  said  tbat  even  ht 
was  not  more  arrogant  than  Cacos.  Observe,  too^  in  Ihb  quota- 
lion  the  word  acerbo,  alluded  to  in  the  note  on  la  fUggim  tmm 
par  eht  il  mafuri,  wherein  the  comparison  is  made  between 
the  sense  of  maiurart  and  acerbo. 

"  Per  tutti  i  ccrchi  dell'  infemo  oscuri 

Non  vidi  spirto  in  Dio  tanto  superbo, 
Non  quel  che  cadde  a  Tebe  giti  da'  muri. 
Ei  si  liigg^,  che  non  parl6  piu  verbo : 

Ed  io  vidi  un  Centauro  pien  di  rabbia 
Venir  chiamando  : '  Ov'  i,  ov"  i  1'  aceibo  ? ' " 
Again  in  the  Caxioniere  (canzone  x.x),  where  Dante  is  urging 
that  even  in  Sodom  there  were  a  few  righteous  men,  so  also  are 
there,  he  says,  a  few  in  Florence  ;  though  Capaneus  (representing 
Arrogance},  Crassus  (AvaiiceX  Aglauros  {Envy),  Simon  Magus 
(Simony),  il  fatso  Grtco,  i.t.  Sinon,  who  is  so  st^ed,  Inf.  xix,  98 
(Deceit),  and  Mahomet  (Dissensions),  are  devouring  it. 
"  Chi  stentando  viv*  ella  ; 
E  la  divoran  Capaneo  e  Crasso, 
Aglauro,  Simon  mago,  il  falso  Greco, 
E  Macometto  cieco, 
Che  tien  Gii^urta  e  Faraone  al  passo. 
Poi  ti  rivolgi  a'  cittadin  suoi  gtusti, 
PreKando  si  ch'  ella  sempre  s'  augusti." 
t  tu  (hi  vinci  Tvite  le  cose,  fuor  che  i  Demon  duri:  Boccaccio 


Canto  XIV.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  463 

• 

Chi  h  quel  grande,  che  non  par  che  curi 
L'  incendio,  e  giace  dispettoso  e  torto  * 
S)  che  la  pioggia  non  par  che  il  maturi  ?"— f 

P  began  :  "  Master,  thou  who  overcomest  all 
things,  save  the  perverse  Demons,  who  came 
forth  against  us  at  the  entrance  of  the  gate 
(of  Dis),  who  is  that  mighty  one,  who  seems 
not  to  heed  the  burning,  and  lies  there  so 
disdainful  and  stem  that  the  rain  (of  fire) 
seems  not  to  soften  (///.  ripen)  him  V* 

on  this  passage  observes  that  Reason  (Virgil)  can  overcome 
everything  except  Obstinacy,  which  Divine  Power  alone  can 
vanquish. 

*  iorto :  Tommas6o  explains  this  either  to  1}e  for  forvo^  stem, 
grim,  fierce  in  the  face ;  or,  twisted  in  the  attitude.  He  much 
prefers  the  former.  Benvenuto  only  says  in  explanation  of  dis- 
peitoso  e  torto^  '*  cum  facie  contra  ccelumJ*  Landino  :  '*  il 
che  significa  P  ostinazione  delP  animo  e  la  perversity  sua,  e 
mente  non  diritta^  e  opinione  depravata.''         ^ 

t  S\  che  la  pioggia  non  par  che  il  maturiu  Blanc  {Saggio) 
says  that  the  metaphor  is  taken  from  fruit,  which  at  first  is  sour 
(acerbo),  but  afterwards  the  rays  of  the  sun  ripen  it.  Tonmias^ 
states  that  the  proud  are  said  to  be  acerbi,  (See  above  in  note  on 
Capaneus,  quotation  from  Inf.  xxv).  As  the  rain  in  falling 
softens  the  fruit,  so  does  the  rain  of  fire  here  soften,  that  is, 
render  humble,  the  arrogant  blasphemers.)  Blanc  observes  this 
is,  nearly  without  exception,  the  interpretauon  and  the  reading  of 
the  early  commentators,  but  a  few  read  il  marturi^ ''  torments 
him."  Dr.  Moore  ( Textual  Criticism^  p.  307)  thinks  there  can  be 
no  doubt  as  to  the  genuineness  of  maturi  as  against  marturi^ 
which  latter  may  have  been  suggested  by  its  suitableness  to 
line  46,  of  which  it  does  little  more  than  repeat  the  idea,  and 
still  more,  perhaps,  from  the  failure  to  see  the  propriety  of  the 
metaphor  in  maturi,  Landino  says  :  '*  h  per  similitudine  da' 
pomi  che  prima  sono  acerbi  e  poi  maturi  .  .  .  Diciamo  acerbo 
V  animo  di  colui  il  quale  ancora  sta  pervicace.** 


464  Readmgs  m  the  Infenm.      Canto  xiv; 

Alfieri*  calls  attention  to  the  perfect  picture  of  thb 
obdurate  and  arrogant  blasphemer  of  the  gods,  and 
the  wonderful  art  with  which  Dante^s  genius  has  picked 
out  and  blended  the  colours  tliat  harmonize  bc^  wiUi 
the  character  of  the  subject  We  have  seen  how  the  « 
cowardly  wretches  in  the  Vestibule  of  HeU  weie 
unable  to  restrain  their  cries  of  anguish  merel/  at  the 
light  stings  of  gadflies  and  wasps ;  we  have  seen  the 
magnificent  picture  of  Farinata,  lofty-minded  in  his  * 
actions  and  his  words;  we  now  have  before  us  the 
arrogant  Capaneus,  lying  upon  the  burning  sand,  his 
eyes  turned  away  in  haughty  indifference  to  the  toi> 
ment,  under  which  he  alone»  among  all  his  companions 
in  misery,  is  obstinately  silent  (see  v.v.  26-27). 

Capaneus  now  even  more  fully  displays  himself  in 
the  character  of  the  Arrogant  soul.  He  answers 
Dante's  question  himself,  when  he  had  not  been  ad- 
dressed, and  he  shouts  out  his  words  in  an  angry 
and  defiant  voice,  proclaiming  himself  as  little  afraid 
in  death,  as  he  had  been  in  life,  of  the  Divine  Power 
that  struck  him  down. 

E  quel  medesmo,  che  si  fiie  accorto 

Ch'  10  domandava  il  mio  duca  di  lui,  50 

Grid6  : — '*  Qual  io  fiii  vivo,  tal  son  morto. 
Se  Giove  stanch i  il  suo  fabbro,  da  cui 

Crucciato  f  prese  la  folgore  acuta, 

Onde  1'  ultimo  dl  percosso  fui ; 

*  Alfieri's  marginal  notes  in  his  own  copy  of  the  Divina  Corn- 
media  are  quoted  by  Biagoli.  {La  Divina  Commedia  di  Dante 
col  Comento  di  Biagoli,  Napoli,  1854.) 

t  Crucciato :  Capaneus  having  succeeded  in  gaining  a  footing 


Canto  XIV.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  465 

O  s'  egli  stanchi  gli  altri  a  muta  a  muta  55 

In  Mongibello  *  alia  fiicina  negra, 

Chiamando  : '  Buon  Vulcano,  aiuta  aiuta,'  f 
S)  com'  ei  fece  alia  pugna  di  Fleg^,  X 

E  me  saetti  di  tutta  sua  forza, 

Non  ne  potrebbe  aver  vendetta  allegra.'' —         60 


on  the  summit  of  the  waUs  of  Thebes,  in  spite  of  the  missiles 
that  were  showered  down  upon  him,  in  a  fit  of  arrogance  defied 
the  Gods  to  come  to  the  assistance  of  the  Thebans,  whereupon 
Jupiter  hurled  a  thunderbolt  at  him,  and  slew  him  for  his  pre- 
sumption. 

*  Mongibello :  According  to  ancient  Mythology  the  forge  of    # 
Vulcan  was  situated  in  Sicily,  beneath  Mount  iGtna,  of  which 
the  modem  name  is  Mongibello,  derived  from  mimie  and  the 
Arabic  word  ghebel^  both  of  which  words  signify  ''mountain.'' 
Compare  Bemi,  Orlando  Innamorato^  xvi,  st  21  : 
''  S)  come  a  la  fucina  in  Mongibello 
Fabbrica  tuoni  il  demonio  Vulcano, 
Batte  folgori  e  foco  col  martello, 
£  con  esso  i  suoi  fabbri  ad  ogni  mano." 

t  Chiamando:  ^ Buon  Vulcano^  etc.\'  Tommas^  says  that 
Venus  uses  this  expression  to  Vulcan  in  Virg.  jEn,  viii,  376- 

378: 

"  Non  ullum  auxilium  miseris,  non  arma  rogavi 
Artis  opisque  tuae  ;  nee  te,  carissime  conjux, 
Incassumque  tuos  volui  exercere  labores." 
And,  in  lines  439-443,  Vulcan  calls  for  the  assistance  of  the 
Cyclops  in  similar  language  to  that  quoted  by  Capaneus  : 
"  Tollite  cuncta,  inquit,  cceptosque  auferte  labores, 
JEtnvRX  Cyclopes,  et  hue  advertite  mentem  : 
Arma  acri  facienda  viro.    Nunc  viribus  usus. 
Nunc  manibus  rapidis,  omni  nunc  arte  magistra. 
Praecipitate  moras." 

X  Flegra:  The  battle  of  Phlegra  is  thus  mentioned  in  the 
Dittamondo^  book  IV,  ch.  iv  : 

HH 


466  RituKwgg  0m  ikt  l^fimm,      GwlDJaiK 


And  dun  ane  (dttde)^  «ho  had 

dun  I  WIS  qneHMMMV  aif  Loida 

dKMrtedoat:  '"SodiasI  wsnEtimt: 

I  dead.    Thoa||i  Jove  riMMdd  tine  om  Ids 

anaoarer  (VialanO^  fiom  vhcMi  m  wnNh  he 

actted  cbe  hhup  uHOidertwHa  vatli  afftKli  aa 

die  last  d^  (of  mj  Efe)  I  waa  aback  dowa; 

or    tKnw^it    k*   alMMilii    ■!>■■■    ||b|  thm  lahSi 

aodoncn  (aho  Ummb)  ia  ahwaatr  gi^p  ia 
die  Uadt  saadif  ai  ifc^ig^^^w^  (ml  Am^ 
ojing:  'Goodyriau^hel|l^hel|l^'aahedU 
at  the  Battle  of  PMcgui,aad  fanaidi  boha  al 
Biewidian  his  au^Oct)  shoaU  he  aeaer 
hate  tfacrdiy  a  aaaet  wtnagtT 

The  biaggast  i^f^^H^  cf  Capaneaa  aiomcs  aa 
unwooted  oatborst  of  indignation  on  die  pait  of 
Viigil,  arbo  administers  a  rdwke  to  die  audadoas 


Allon  il  Dnaiiiiio  pail6  di  fontL 

Tsnto^  cV  io  noo  T  mteat  si  forte  odito : 
^'^  O  Capaaeoii  in  ci6  die  noo  if  y^^f t^  b^ 

Utxok.  iimcibia,  scf  tu  nio  mmito  : 
NaDo  Bisxtino^  liuor  die  la  ma  labbia, 
Sardibe  al  tao  fiiror'  dolor  oonuiitn.*'— 

Then  did  mj  Leader  speak  with  a  Ibfce 
that  I  had  neier  heud  so  load  beHoce: 
"  O  CapaneoSi  in  that  thine  airopnoe  is  yet 

*  La  ty^!f!^£|fa  cradd  d  oiaiu§Bstay 

Oie  far  mofti  li  f^guai  m  Fleg^^ 
Per  P  oan  die  disoopre  la  tcmpesta.* 

Compare  also  Petiardi,  Trionfo  dtUa  M^rU,  capL  i,  32-33  : 

**  Con  on  Ibror  qnal  io  non  so  se  mai 
Al  tempo  de*  g^ano  fosse  a  Flegra.* 


Caatoxnr.       Remiimgt  mt  tke  Imftrm. 


467 


■ogofndiftd,  dftm  art  the 


be  puB  retlljr  adequite  to  diy  Inrf.* 

VifgiTs  wrath  b  duxivn  into  stroag  fdief  bjr  tfe 
cxmtrist  of  his  gentle  mamier^  wfaen,  tanang  Us  back 
00  the  soofier,  he  addresses  Dante. 


IHm  «  molK  a  SK  OM  flMflfior  laMiia, 
DksoMlo :-«' Qad  fa  r  m  de*  Mtl 
Cb*  asttser  Tcbe :  ed  cMk,  e  par  di*  €ffi 

IHo  ID  diidf^uoi,  e  ^loico  par  chc  il  pi^c|p  ' 
Ma,  COOK  io  dtoi  a  hn,  G 
Sow>  al  sao  pettP 

Then  he  iitnied  rorad  to  ase  widi  gentler 
coontenanoe,  stjiog:  ''This  was  one  of  the 
Seven  Kingt  who  btiiefcd  Thdxs ;  and  hdd^ 
and,  as  it  seems,  holds*  God  in  disdain,  and 
estecfltt  Him  hc^ ;  but  as  I  tokl  hiai^lM 
evil  pasaont  are  most  sostaUe  oimmfiai  to 
his 


70 


[Benvenuto  here  begins  the  Third  Division^  bat  I 
have  thought  it  better  to  make  it  begin  three  lines 
lower  down,  at  the  condnsion  of  VifgiTs  words.] 

Unwilling  to  waste  further  indignation,  Vngil  tmns 
his  back  upon  Capaneus,  and  bids  Dante  do  the 

Or  nu  WcD  dielsxi,  e  {uiraa  che 
Anoor^li  piedi  ttdTareaj 
Ma  teanpie  al  boKO  fi  ntjeai  strettL* —  75 

Nov  follow  after  me,  and  kxik  moreover  diat 
thou  set  not  diy  feet  upon  the  red4»ot  suid, 
but  keep  them  alwajri  itst  to  the  wood.* 


*  Ancorm  most  be  takieo 
rather  diaa  wttb  muUL 

HH   2 


468  Readings  on  the  Inferno.       Canto  znr. 

The  Poets  never  once  step  out  on  to  the  sand,  but 
continue  to  walk  within  the  edge  of  the  wood,  which 
they  only  quit  when  they  come  to  the  causeways 
petrified  by  the  waters  of  the  Phlegethon,  which  form 
solid  mai^gins  on  each  side  of  it. 


Division  III.  The  Poets  now  move  on.  Tom- 
mzsho  thinks  tliat  the  stream  to  which  they  come 
must  have  been  a  considerable  distance  irom  the 
spot  where  they  left  Capaneus. 

Tacendo  diveninuno  li  ove  q>iccia 

Fuor  della  sdva  un  picdol  fitnnicellOy 
Lo  cut  rossore  ancor  mi  raccapricda.* 

In  silence  we  came  to  where  from  the  wood 
a  little  rivulet  gushes  forth,  the  redness  of 
which  even  now  makes  me  shiver  with  horror. 

Tommasto  remarks  upon  the  terrible -picture  that 
must  have  been  presented  to  the  eye  by  the  stream 
of  blood  seen  through  the  lurid  gloom  of  the  forest, 
the  ruddy  hue  of  the  falling  fire,  and  the  sulphur  yel- 
low of  the  sand.  Castelvetro  explains  that  this  red 
stream  is  merely  the  overflow  of  the  vast  moat  of 
boiling  blood  in  the  First  Round,  and  that  after  tra- 
versing the  forest  and  the  burning  sand,  it  falls  into 
the  Abyss,  and  forms  the  frozen  lake  of  Cocytus  at 
the  bottom  of  Hell.  He  notices  that  Dante  had 
looked   without   apparent   terror    at   the   River   of 


*  raccapHccia:  makes  me  shudder  with  horror  and  fear. 
Gelli  says  the  Tuscans  call  capricci  those  first  sensations  of  a 
chill,  which  a  man  feels  when  he  is  beginning  to  have  a  fever. 


Canto  XIV.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  469 

Blood  and  the  tyrants  seething  therein,  but  that 
now  when  he  sees  the  stream  in  its  reduced  form, 
and  with  none  tormented  in  it,  his  hair  stands  on 
end  at  the  recollection  of  its  former  terrors. 

Dante  makes  a  very  curious  comparison  between 
this  stream  and  a  certain  watercourse  at  Viterbo, 
which  in  his  time  issued  from  a  hot  bubbling  pool 
that  went  by  the  name  of  Bulicame.  All  the  old 
commentators  describe  it.  Gelli  says :  "  I  would 
have  you  to  know  that  on  the  plain  of  Viterbo, 
distant  from  the  walls  of  the  city  about  a  mile  and  a 
half,  there  is  to  be  seen  a  circular  pool  about  twelve 
ells  wide  ;  in  the  middle  of  this  there  wells  up  from 
underground  a  very  copious  spring  of  exceedingly 
hot  water,  which  is  boiling  continuously,  for  which 
reason  it  has  acquired  the  name  of  BoUicame.  And 
all  that  the  pool  will  not  contain  of  this  boiling  water 
flows  away  along  a  watercourse  about  two  feet  wide, 
and  very  deep,  by  which  it  is  conducted  like  a  mill 
dam  through  that  quarter  of  |the  city  which  the  pros- 
titutes inhabit." 

Castelvetro  says  that  in  his  time  there  were  no  such 
houses  of  ill-fame,  nor  any  stream  running  through 
the  city,  that  flowed  out  of  the  Bulicame.  Blanc,  how- 
ever, sees  no  reason  to  doubt  the  accuracy  of  the  story, 
and  feels  sure  that  these  unfortunates  did  have  their 
residences  near  this  water,  as  its  medicinal  virtues 
would  be  an  attraction  to  their  customers;  and  he 
quotes  a  passage  from  Poggio  Fiorentino,  in  which  a 
very  similar  state  of  things  is  related  as  existing  at 
the  baths  of  Baden  in  Switzerland,  at  the  time  of 
the  Council  of  Constance,  about  a  century  after  the 


470  Readings  M  Uu  Inferm.       Canto  XIV. 

death  of  Dante,  and  in  which  a  melancholy  pictofe 
is  presented  of  the  morals  of  the  Clergy  in  those 
days.* 

Boccaccio's  account  of  the  Bulicame  is  the  one 
which  most  closely  agrees  with  the  text  He  sa3fs : 
"^  Some  relate,  that  near  unto  this  Micame  there  are 
chambers,  in  which  the  public  women  have  then: 
dwellings,  and  they,  for  the  purpose  of  washing  their 
clothes,  have  turned  off  little  conduits  of  this  water  so 
as  to  bring  it  into  their  different  rooms." 

Jacopo  della  Lana  says  that  the  water  is  portioned 
off  among  the  prostitutes'  houses  at  Viterbo;  and 
"*  each  of  them  has  a  bath  of  the  said  water  in  her 
house ;  which  water,  from  its  sulphurous  source  and 
its  heat,  is  of  a  reddish  colour  and  emits  continual 


*  In  the  Dittamando^  book  ill,  ch.  x,  Fazio  degli  Uberti 
describes  the  heat  of  the  Bulicame  to  have  been  so  intense,  that 
a  whole  sheep  thrown  into  it  would  be  boiled  to  rags  in  a 
quarter  of  an  hour. 

"  Seguita  or  che  di  Viterbo  dica, 

Che  nel  principio  Vejenza  fii  detta, 
Fino  al  tempo  che  a  Roma  fue  nemica. 


lo  nol  credea,  perch^  T  avessi  udito, 
Senza  provar,  che  M  bulicame  fosse 
Acceso  d'  un  bollor  tanto  infinito. 

Ma  gettato  un  monton  dentro  si  cosse, 

In  men  che  un  uomo  andasse  un  quarto  miglio, 
Ch'  altro  non  ne  vedea  che  proprio  \  osse. 

Un  bagno  v*  ha,  che  passa  ogni  consiglio 
Contra  M  mal  della  pietra,  per6  ch'  esse 
La  rompe  e  trita  come  gran  di  miglio." 


Canto  XIV.       Readings  on  tlu  Inferno.  471 

vapour.    So,  likewise,  did  this  (Infernal)  stream  run 
thrcftigh  the  air  {sic)  of  Hell  red  and  smoking."* 

Quale  del  Bulicame  esce  un  ruscello, 

Che  parton  poi  tra  lor  le  peccatrici,  80 

Tal  per  V  arena  giu  sen  giva  quello. 

Lo  fondo  suo  ed  ambo  le  pendici 

Fatt*  eran  pietra,t  e  i  margin!  da  lato : 
Perch*  10  m*  accorsi  che  il  passo  era  lici. 

*  See  also  Ignazio  Ciampi,  Un  Municipio  Italiatw  nelP  etd 
di  Dante  Aitghieri.  Roma,  1865  ;  and  Felice  Bussi,  Storia  di 
Viterbo. 

t  Fatt  ^eran  pietra:  Rossetti  {La  Dimna  Commedia  di 
Dante  Alight^  con  Commento  Analitico  di  Gabriele  Rossetti, 
Londra,  1826X  thinks  that  it  may  be  imagined  that  the 
continual  flow  of  that  stream  of  exceedingly  hot  blood  had 
conglutinated  and  baked  the  sand  into  hard  terra  cotta. 
But  there  are  several  rivers  in  Italy  which  possess  the  property 
of  petrifying  all  objects  that  are  deposited  in  their  waters.  In 
PurgatoriOy  xxxiii,  67-68,  Beatrice  tells  Dante  that  he  would 
have  understood  the  moral  signification  of  the  allegory  before 
him  had  not  his  vain  thoughts  been  as  the  petrifying  waters  of 
the  Elsa  (a  river  in  Tuscany)  round  his  mind  : 
"  £,  se  stati  non  fossero  acqua  d'  Elsa 

Li  pensier  vani  intomo  alia  tua  mente,  etc.** 

It  is  said  to  be  the  petrifying  power  of  the  waters  of  the  Anio 
which  has  formed  the  great  blocks  of  Travertine,  of  which  so 
many  of  the  principal  edifices  of  Rome  are  constructed.  This 
stone  was  called  lapis  Tiburtinus^  from  the  fact  of  the  Anio 
flowing  past  Tibur  (the  modem  Tivoli). 

The  Travertine  of  which  the  ancient  city  of  Paestum  is  en- 
tirely built  is  said  to  have  been  petrified  by  the  waters  of  the 
River  Sele^  formerly  SilaruSy  which  was  celebrated  in  ancient 
times  for  its  calcareous  incrustations.  See  Silius  Italicus, 
Punica^  book  viii,  582-3  : 

"  Silarus    ....    quo  gurgite  tradunt 
Duritiem  lapidum  mersis  inolescere  ramis." 

Camerini  quotes  Blanc  as  saying  that  this  stream  petrified  its 


47^  lUadk^gs  am  ^Iitferm.       Canto  XfT. 

At  from  tbe  Bnlkiiiie  (at  Viteibo)  tfaoe 
isfues  the  streamlet^  which  the  anfiil  women 
afterwards  share  among  them,  to  did  diat 
(rimlet)  ran  down  upon  the  sand.  Its  bottom 
and  both  the  sloping  (inner)  banks  had  be- 
come petrified,  as  wdl  as  the  (outer)  margins 
at  the  sides :  whence  I  peiorived  that  there 
was  the  passage. 

Dante  knew  full  well  that  he  had  to  get  somAem 
across  the  glowing  wastes  on  i^ch  Virgil  had  en^ 
joined  him  not  to  set  his  feet,  and  therefore  itdien  they 
reached  this  spot,  and  he  saw  the  stone  maigins  of  the 
rivulet,  which  crossed  the  way  they  were  going  at 
right-angles,  he  could  well  understand  that  they  were 
the  means  afTorded  to  him  for  making  his  way  over 
the  sand  to  the  great  central  Abyss.  We  shall  see  in 
the  two  last  lines  of  this  canto,  how  Virgil  explains  to 
him,  that  not  only  do  these  margins  form  a*  path  im- 
pervious to  heat,  but  also  that  no  fire  can  fall  upon 
them  without  being  quenched.  Like  the  sulphurous 
waters  of  the  Bulicame,  so  also  from  this  stream  was  a 
dense  column  of  vapour  given  forth,  which  latter  effec- 
tually guarded  those  passing  beneath  it  from  the  fiery 
flakes  above. 

Dante  and  Virgil  are  now  supposed  to  have  stepped 
on  to  one  of  the  hardened  margins  of  the  red  stream, 
and  during  a  conversation  which  begins  here  and 
lasts  until  the  end  of  the  canto,  they  do  not  seem 
to  have  moved  on  at  all.    Virgil  is  about  to  explain 

bed  from  the  character  of  its  waters,  just  as  the  waters  of  Carls- 
bad form  stalactites.  I  do  not  know  from  which  of  Blanc's 
works  he  has  taken  the  words. 


Canto  XIV.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  473 

to  Dante  the  mystical  origin  of  all  the  rivers  and 

marshes  of  Hell,  and  he  begins  by  an  earnest  assurance 

that  the  subject  merits  Dante's  closest  attention. 

— "Tra  tutto  1'  altro  ch*  io  f  ho  dimostrato,  85 

Posciach^  noi  entrammo  per  la  porta, 
Lo  cui  sogliare*  a  nessuno  h  negato, 
Cosa  non  fti  dagli  tuoi  occhi  scorta 
Notabil,  come  lo  presente  rio, 
Che  sopra  s^  tutte  fiammelle  ammorta :  ^ — f       90 
Queste  parole  fur  del  Duca  mio  : 

Perch^  11  pregai,  che  mi  largisse  il  pastot 
Di  cui  largito  m'  aveva  il  disio. 

"Among  all  the  other  (things)  that  I  have 

*  sogliare:  from  the  old  Latin  word  soUar  and  equivalent  to 
sogliaj  but  here  it  has  the  sense  of  the  "entrance''  denied  to 
none,  as  were  the  gates  of  the  City  of  Dis.    Setln/l  viii,  1 1 5- 1 1 6  :    . 
"  Chiuser  le  pOrte  que'  nostri  awersari 

Nel  petto  al  mio  signor,  che  fuor  rimase." 
t  Che  sopra  se  tuiie  fiammelle  ammorta  :  Buti  thinks  that 
Dante  wished  to  give  to  the  redness  of  the  river  this  literal 
signification,  that  the  river  takes  different  colours  according 
to  the  places  in  which  it  flows ;  and  as  when  it  passed  through 
the  Seventh  Circle  it  became  Phlegethon,  the  stream  of  boil- 
ing blood,  therefore  it  retains  that  red  colour  here.     And  in 
the  moral  sense  one  may  say  that  this  river  signifies  the 
penalty  of  sin ;  and  as  in  the  seventh  circle  are  punished  the 
Violent,  who  sinned  from  blood-guiltiness,  it  is  right  that  the 
river  be  red.    Secondly,  Dante  wishes  his  readers  to  under- 
stand that  the  river  gives  forth  moist  vapours  which  extinguish 
the  flames  ;  while  in  the  moral  sense  he  wishes  to  show  that  the 
contemplation  of  sin  quenches  the  fire  of  temptation  in  the 
soul,  of  the  kind  of  sins  that  are  punished  in  this  region. 
X  che  mi  largisse  ilpasto  et  seg, :  Compare  Par.  iii,  91-96 : 
*'  Ma  si  com'  egli  avvien,  se  un  cibo  sazia, 
£  d'  un  altro  rimane  ancor  la  gola, 
Che  quel  si  chiede,  e  di  quel  si  ringrazia  ; 


474  Rmdii^  m  tkg  Ittfgnm.      CMhiZir. 

ihovD  diec^  met  «e  ottred  Ahm^  Ike 
fttCy  the  tfafohold  of  whkfc  m 
oooCy  **i^fc«Hr  Ittt  fcfffi  diKiosod  to 
eyes  so  Dotevoidqrt  m  die  fsaat  ma^ 
whidi  qneDchcs  flO  dio  fakci  of  fneaboweft.* 
Thae  vords  wcte  oqr  LeadcA :  wlincminn 
I  cotfcatod  Uni  tobcilovoii  nie  the  Ibod  iv 
which  he  had  betloved  the  j^ipctkcL 

Dante  means  that  Viigil  had  given  him  a  ciaving 
for  the  explanation  of  the  mysterious  alhwion. 
Benvenuio  remarks^  that  no  fiood,  however  aitis- 
tically  prepared,  restores  the  body  so  pleasantly,  as 
the  leison  learnt  from  the  inteipietatioa  of  a  con- 
ningly  devised  fable  restores  the  mind. 

Virgil  complies  with  Dante's  request,  and  unfolds 
*  the  mystical  source  of  this  red  stream,  which  is  said 
to  percolate  through  the  earth  out  of  a  colossal 
statue  under  Mount  Ida  in  Crete.  Alluding  to  the 
ruinous  condition  of  the  once  renowned  hundred 
cities  of  the  Island,  and  its  present  neglected  and 
untillcd  soil,  he  calls  it  a  desolated  land. 

— ^  In  niezzo  mar  fiede  un  paese  guasto,* — 

Cos)  (td  10  con  atto  e  con  parola, 

Per  apprender  da  lei  qual  fii  la  tela 
Onde  non  trasse  infino  a  co  la  spola." 
Both  in  the  Convito  and  in  the  Paradiso  Dante  calls  Science 
the  food  of  Angelf.    See  Convito^  i,  i :  '^Oli  beati  que*  pochi 
che  feggono  a  quella  menta  ove  il  pane  degli  angeli  si  mangia, 
e  miteri  quelli  che  con  le  pecore  hanno  comune  ciba" 
Again,  Far,  ii,  lo  : 

**  Voi  altri  pochi,  che  drizzaste  il  coUo 

Per  tempo  al  pan  degli  Angeli,  del  quale 
Viveti  qui,  ina  nou  sen  vien  satoUo,  etc." 


Canto  XIV.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  475 

Diss'  egli  allora, — ''  che  s'  appella  Creta,*  95 

Sotto  il  cui  reget  fu  gik  il  mondo  casto. 


♦  Creta  :  Virgil  says  of  Crete,  jEn,  iii,  104-6  : 

"  Creta  Jovis  magni  medio  jacet  insula  ponto, 
Mons  Idaeus  ubi  et  gentis  cunabula  nostras ; 
Centum  urbes  habitant  magnas,  uberrima  regna." 
The  worship  of  Cybele  in  the  island  is  spoken  of  in  L  iii, 
ei  seq, : 

"  Hinc  mater  cultrix  Cybelae,  Corybantiaque  aera, 
Idaeumque  nemus  ;  hinc  fida  silentia  sacris, 
Et  juncti  currum  dominae  subiere  leones." 
In  the  Diiiamondo^  book  iv,  cap.  vii,  Fazio  degli  Ulberti, 
says  of  Crete : 

"  Dal  temperato  ciel,  la  terra  e  V  acque 
Maccaron^on  in  prima  si  dissc, 
Ma  da  Cres  re  lo  proprio  nome  nacque. 

Fama  h  per  quei,  che  vi  fanno  dimoro, 
Che  gik  si  vide  con  cento  cittade, 
£  si  dicea  Centopoli  fra  loro.'' 

t  rege :  Benvenuto  says  that  the  period  of  the  reign  of  Saturn 
in  Crete  was  that  of  the  Golden  Age  on  Earth.  Compare  Juv., 
Sat.  vi,   I,  2  : 

'*  Credo  pudicitiam  Satumo  rege  moratam 
In  terris." 
To  this  Juvenal  adds,  that  the  age  in  which  he  lived  was  so 
degenerate  that  it  could  not  even  be  compared  with  the  Iron 
Age,  which  came  last  after  the  Golden,  the  Silver,  and  the 
Brazen.    See  Sat.  xiii,  28-30  : 

"  Nona  aetas  agitur,  pejoraque  saecula  fern 
Temporibus  :  quorum  sceleri  non  invenit  ipsa 
Nomen,  et  a  nullo  posuit  Natura  metallo." 
Ovid  too  speaks  of  the  Golden  Age,  Metanu  i,  89-90 : 
"  Aurea  prima  sata  est  aetas,  quae,  vindice  nullo, 
Sponte  sua,  sine  lege,  fidem  rectumque  colebat" 
Pietro  di  Dante  commenting  on  this  passage  in  the  Divina 


476  Readmit  Mtki  Infirm,      Canto  XIV. 


**  In  the  midst  of  the  sea,"  he  then  said, 
"  there  lies  a  wasted  country,  i^hidi  is  called 
Crete,  under  whose  king  (Saturn)  die  woild 
in  olden  time  lived  in  innocence  {UL  clisste). 

Boccaccio  says  that  Dante  terms  Crete  a  wasted 
country,  and  so  it  is,  by  comparison  with  its  former 
greatness  in  the  days  when  it  had  a  large  populatioii, 
numerous  cities,  and  a  very  fertile  soil.  Boccaccio 
goes  on  to  say  that  in  his  time  the  Venetians  (to 


Cammudia  goes  on  to  quote  from  Ovid  about  the  odier  ages  of 
the  world. 
The  Silver  Age.    Meiam.  i,  1 13-1 1 5 : 

"  Postquam  Satumo  tenebrosa  in  Tartara  misso, 
Sub  Jove  mundus  erat :  subiit  argentea  proles, 
Auro  deterior,  fiilvo  pretiosior  acre." 
The  Brazen  Age.    Meiam.  i,  125-127: 

**  Tertia  post  illas  successit  a6nea  proles, 
Saevior  ingeniis,  et  ad  horrida  promptior  arma ; 
Nee  scelerata  tamen." 
The  Iron  Age,  Meiam,  i,  127- 131 : 

"  De  duro  est  ultima  ferro. 
Protinus  imimpit  vena;  pejoris  in  a:vum 
Omne  nefas :  fiigere  pudor,  venimque,  fidesque : 
In  quorum  subiere  locum,  fraudesque,  dolique, 
Insidiaeque,  et  vis,  et  amor  sceleratus  habendL" 
Virgil  (jEn,  viii,  319-327)  thus  describes  the  Golden  Age : 
^  Primus  ab  aetherio  venit  Satumus  Olympo, 
Arma  Jovis  fugiens,  et  regnis  exsul  ademtis. 
Is  genus  indocile  ac  dispersum  montibus  altis 
Composuit,  legesque  dedit,  Latiumque  vocari 
Maluit,  his  quoniam  latuisset  tutus  in  oris. 
Aurea  quae  perhibent,  illo  sub  rege  fuerunt 
Saecula  :  sic  placida  populos  in  pace  regebat 
Deterior  donee  paulatim  ac  decolor  aetas, 
£t  belli  rabies  et  amor  successit  habendi." 


Canto  XIV.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  477 

whom,  Camerini  asserts,  Boccaccio  was  very  hostile), 
were  holding  Crete  under  a  cruel  tyranny,  and  had 
driven  forth  many  of  the  former  inhabitants,  and,  to 
keep  the  remainder  in  poverty,  had  turned  a  great 
part  of  the  soil,  which  is  extremely  fruitful  and  of 
excellent  quality,  into  pasture,  or  had  caused  it  to 
lie  fallow.  Benvenuto  confirms  Boccaccio's  account, 
and  says  the  fact  is  so  well-known,  that  he  forbears* 
from  discussing  it  Rossetti  explains  that  the  island 
had  been  laid  waste  through  continual  wars  and 
earthquakes,  by  which  its  once  famous  cities  had  been 
overthrown. 

Una  montagna  v*  ^,  die  gik  fu  lieta 

D'  acqua  e  di  fronde,  che  si  chiam6  Ida ; 
Ora  h  diserta  come  cosa  vieta. 

Rea^  la  scelse  gik  per  cuna  fida  100 

D'  un  suo  figliuolo,  e,  per  celarlo  meglio, 
Quando  piangea,  vi  facea  far  le  grida. 

A  mountain  is  there,  which  was  named  Ida, 
that  once  smiled  with  waters  and  foliage; 
now  it  is  deserted  as  a  thing  worn  out  Rhea 
(wife  of  Saturn)  selected  it  of  yore  as  a  secure 
cradle  for  a  son  of  her's  (Jupiter),  and,  the 


*  Rea :  Rhea,  who  was  also  known  by  the  various  names  of 
Berecynthia,  Cybele,  Terra  and  Ops,  was  said  to  be  the  wife  of 
Saturn,  and  the  mother  of  Jupiter,  Juno,  Neptune,  and  Pluto. 
To  save  Jupiter  from  his  father  Saturn,  who  devoured  his  chil- 
dren as  soon  as  they  were  bom,  Rhea  secreted  him  on  Mount 
Ida,  where  he  was  suckled  by  the  goat  Amalthaea,  and  the 
sound  of  his  infantine  cries  was  drowned  by  the  beating  of 
cymbals  by  the  Corybantes,  the  priests  of  Cybele.  See  Virg. 
j9'2n.  iii,  1 1 1,  ^/  seq.y  quoted  on  page  475. 


478  Readings  on  the  Inferno.       Canto  XIV. 

better  to  conceal  him,  when  he  wept,  caused 
cries  to  be  made  there. 

By  "  cries  "  is  meant  noise  of  all  kinds,  the  clashing 
of  swords,  shields,  cymbals,  and  the  frenzied  yells  of 
the  Corybantes. 

The  Colossus  of  Ida  is  now  described. 

Dentro  dal  monte  sta  dritto  an  gran  veglio, 
Che  tien  volte  le  spalle  inver  Damiata,* 
E  Roma  guata  s)  come  suo  speglio.  105 

La  sua  testa  ^  di  fin'  oro  formata, 

£  puro  argento  son  le  braccia  e  il  petto, 
Poi  h  di  rame  infino  alia  forcata  : 

Da  indi  in  giuso  h  tutto  ferro  eletto. 

Salvo  che  il  destro  piede  h  terra  cotta,  1 16 

£  sta  in  su  quel,  piik  che  in  suU'  altro,  eretto. 

Within  the  mountain  there  stands  upright  a 
great  old  man,  who  keeps  his  shoulders 
turned  towards  Damietta  (Egypt),  and  looks 
at  Rome  as  it  were  his  mirror.  His  head  is 
formed  of  fine  gold,  and  of  pure  silver  are  his 
arms  and  his  breast,  from  thence  he  is  of 
bronze  as  far  as  the  fork :  from  that  point 
downwards  he  is  wholly  of  choice  iron,  save 
that  his  right  foot  is  of  baked  clay,  and  on 
this  more  than  on  the  other  he  stands  sup- 
ported. , 

Of  all  the  explanations  given    by  different  com- 

*  Divniata:  see  Milton,  Par,  Lost^  ii,  592-4  : 
"  A  gulf  profound  as  that  Serbonian  bog 
Betwixt  Damiata  and  Mount  Casius  old. 
Where  armies  whole  have  sunk." 


Canto  XIV.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  479 

mentators  *  both  ancient  and  modem,  of  tlie  above 
difficult  passage,  the  one  that  appears  to  meet  with 


*  The  following  are  some  of  the  explanations  : 

Pietro  Alighieri:  The  allegory  is  this  :  that  the  empire  of  the 
world  which  used  to  be  in  tlie  East,  and  principally  where  the 
City  of  Damiala  stands  near  Acre  in  Syria  (jiV),  departed 
thence  <ind  passed  to  the  Latins  in  the  West 

The  Chiose  Anotiime  (ed.  Selmi)  says  that  the  golden  part  of 
the  image  concerned  celestial  matters  ;  the  silver  those  of  des- 
tiny ;  the  bronze,  things  terrestrial ;  and  the  iron,  things  infernal. 

jMopo  Alighieri,  The  statue  of  the  great  old  man  signifies 
the  gradual  deterioration  of  the  ages,  from  the  age  of  Saturn 
which  was  one  of  innocence,  to  the  later  ones  of  Jupiter,  Mars, 
and  others  which  gradually  became  more  teeming  with  vices. 
In  the  Christian  sense  it  means  the  procession  of  ages,  from 
the  primeval  times  of  Adam,  to  Noah,  to  Abraham,  to  Jesus 
Christ.  And  its  looking  towards  Rome  and  turning  its  back  to 
Damiata  is  to  show  that  the  dominion  of  the  century  of  Dante 
was  concentrated  at  Rome,  and  had  left  Babylon.  And 
Damiata  is  mentioned  "  because  it  is  a  ceriatn  mountain  half 
way  between  Banbellonia  and  Rome  {sicy* 

Jacopo  delta  Lana  also  confirms  Damiata  being  a  mountain 
in  Babylonia,  and  interprets  the  passage  to  mean  that  the  em- 
pire of  the  world  and  the  dominion  over  public  affairs  {signoria 
publica)  will  leave  Babylon  and  come  to  Rome. 

Benvenuto  says  the  allegory  represents  the  different  ages  of 
man  in  the  world,  and  the  figure  being  that  of  an  old  man 
shows  the  many  thousand  years  that  the  race  of  man  has  in- 
habited the  world  ;  he  turns  his  back  to  Babylon,  because  the 
once  mighty  empire  of  the  Assyrians  went  to  pieces  a  long  while 
ago ;  and  he  looks  towards  Rome  because  at  the  last  came  the 
empire  of  the  Romans,  and  the  Roman  Church.  BenVenuto  adds 
that  Dante  has  evidently  mistaken  the  Babylon  of  Egypt  for  the 
great  Babylon  of  antiquity,  for  it  is  certain  that  Damiata  is  a 
city  of  Egypt,  formerly  called  Memphis  by  prophets  and  poets. 


48o  Readingi  0$  tki  Infimo.      Canto  xnr. 


the  most  general  approval  is  that  of  Blanc  (Sn^ggio  di 
una  Intirpretaziane  FUohgica  di  panccki  passi  asmri 
e  controversi  della  D.C  1865.)  I  give  it  in  full,  as  do 
also  Scartazzini  and  CammnL  He  says :  *  The  evi- 
dent purpose  of  'NHrgil  is  to  describe  to  Dante  the 
origin  of  the  rivers  of  Hell.  It  is  quite  clear  that  the 
image  of  the  old  man  within  the  mountain  in  Crete^ 
is  taken  from  the  dream  of  Nebuchadnezzar  in  the 
book  of  Daniel ;  *  and  equally  clear  that  Dante 
understands  it  in  a  different  sense.    Dante  is  not  In 


that  it  was  frequently  captured  by  Christian  nationii  and  for 
that  cause  destroyed  by  the  Saracens,  so  that  it  should  no 
longer  serve  as  a  stronghold  for  their  enemies.  Dante  Intended 
his  readers  to  understand  by  Damiata  the  Babylon  of  the  As- 
syrians, and  yet  this  Babylon  is  subject  to  the  Babylon  in 
Egypt,  that  is  to  say,  to  the  power  of  the  Soldan.  The  old  man 
looking  on  Rome  as  on  his  looking-glass,  symbolizing  the  human 
race,  is  contemplating  his  own  features  in  her  (Rome),  for  she 
was  a  woman  more  beautiful,  more  young,  and  more  recent, 
than  the  Babylon  that  is  deserted  for  ever. 

Gelli  says  that  he  sees  the  allegory  differently,  and  that  the^ 
statue  being  made  to  tura  its  face  towards  Rome  shows  that 
Dante,  both  here,  as  well  as  in  many  other  passages  in  his 
works,  manifests  his  opinion  that  a  great  part  of  the  evil  deeds 
of  the  world  originated  in  the  bad  example  of  the  Heads  of  the 
Church,  upon  whom  men  are  looking  continually  as  upon  a 
mirror.  Not  only  did  Dante  hold  this  opinion,  but  also  Petrarch, 
as  may  be  read  in  his  writings. 

*  See  Damei^  lu  31-33 :  "Thou,  O  King,  sawest,  and, behold 
a  great  image.  This  great  image,  whose  brightness  was  excel- 
lent, stood  before  thee,  and  the  form  thereof  was  terrible.  This 
image's  head  was  of  fine  gold,  his  breast  and  his  arms  of  silver, 
his  belly  and  his  thighs  of  brass,  his  legs  of  iron,  his  feet  part 
of  iron  and  part  of  clay." 


Canto  XIV.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  48 1 

this  passage  speaking  of  certain  monarchies  succeed- 
ing one  another,  but  of  the  general  history  of  the 
human  race;  and  as  among  ancient  writers  is  found 
the  tradition  of  the  Golden  Age,  the  Silver  Age,  etc., 
and  as  Juvenal  speaks  of  his  times  as  being  too  bad 
to  be  even  placed  in  comparison  with  the  iron  age,  so 
also,  in  Dante's  writings,  the  deterioration  of  metals 
denotes  the  degradation  of  Man.  He  has  placed  the 
statue  in  Crete,  partly  from  the  ancient  tradition  that 
it  was  there  that  the  Golden  Age  flourished,  and  partly 
because,  according  to  the  geographical  knowledge  of 
those  days,  that  island  was  supposed  to  stand  in  the 
very  midst  of  the  three  best  known  parts  of  the  world, 
and  might  in  consequence  be  considered  as  the  centre 
and  beginning  of  the  human  race.  The  statue  turns 
its  back  on  Damietta,  and  its  face  towards  Rome, 
either  to  indicate  the  general  course  of  history, 
which  began  in  the  East  and  then  travelled  to  the 
West,  or  better,  perhaps,  the  advancement  of  religious 
worship,  which  from  the  rude  Egyptian  idolatry,  gra- 
dually ascended  to  the  truths  of  Christianity,  having 
its  central  abode  at  Rome.  The  statue  has  one 
foot  of  iron,  and  the  other  of  clay,  and  would  seem 
to  be  chiefly  supported  by  the  latter.  The  most 
obvious  explanation  certainly  seems  to  be  that  the 
deterioration  of  the  human  race  was  there  reaching 
its  extreme  limit ;  but  it  is  equally  allowable  to  seek 
for  another  hidden  signification  in  these  feet.  By  the 
foot  of  iron  is  symbolized  the  Empire  [this  is  the 
view  of  several  of  the  oldest  commentators].  The 
foot  of  baked  clay  is  thought  to  symbolize  the 
Church." 

I  I 


482  Readings  on  the  Infertio.       Canto  xiv. 

Ciascuna  parte,  fuor  che  V  oro,  h  rotta 
D'  una  fessura  che  lagrime  goccia, 
Le  quali  accoite  foran  quella  grotta. 

Lor  corso*  in  questa  valle  si  diroccia:  115 

Fanno  Acheronte,  Stige  e  Flegetonta  ; 
Poi  sen  va  giu  per  questa  stretta  doccia 

Infin  Ik  dove  piu  non  si  dismonta : 

Fanno  Cocito ;  e  qual  sia  quello  stagno, 

Tu  11  vederai :  per6  qui  non  si  conta." —  120 

Every  part  except  the  gold  {i,e,  the  head)  is 
rent  with  a  fissure  that  distils  tears,  which 
collected  bore  through  that  rocky  cavern. 
Their  course  descends  from  rock  to  rock  {i,e. 
from  the  Circles  above)  into  this  valley  :  they 
(the  tears)  form  Acheron,  Styx  and  Phlege- 
thon ;  then  it  (the  Phlegethon)  runs  its  way 
down  through  this  narrow  channel  to  where 
there  is  no  more  descent  {Le,  the  bottom  of 
Hell) :  (there)  they  form  Cocytus  :  and  what 
that  lake  is,  thou  shalt  see  it :  here  therefore 
it  is  not  related." 
The  allegory  of  the  above  passage  is  thus  inter- 


•  LorcorsOfti  seq.:  Compare  MWion, Par.  Losi^x^  575  ct  seq.: 
*' .  .  .  four  infernal  rivers,  that  disgorge 
Into  the  burning  lake  their  baleful  streams  ; 
Abhorred  Styx,  the  flood  of  deadly  hate  ; 
Sad  Acheron  of  sorrow,  black  and  deep  ; 
Cocytus,  nam'd  of  lamentations  loud 
Heard  on  the  rueful  stream  ;  fierce  Phlegethon, 
Whose  waves  of  torrent  fire  inflame  with  rage. 
Far  off  from  these,  a  slow  and  silent  stream, 
Lethe,  the  river  of  oblivion,  rolls 
Her  watery  labyrinth,  whereof  who  drinks. 
Forthwith  his  fonner  state  and  being  forgets. 
Forgets  both  joy  and  grief,  pleasure  and  pain." 


Canto  XIV.        Readings  on  the  Inferno.  483 

preted  by  Barclli  {V  Allegoria  delta  D.  C,  1864, 
page  9092)  :  "  The  tears  which  the  old  man  (symbol 
of  the  human  race)  is  shedding  from  all  the  fissures 
with  which  he  is  wounded  except  his  head  of  gold, 
are  the  universality  of  the  sins  committed  by  all 
men  in  the  three  less  pure  ages  that  followed  after 
the  Golden  Age.  These  tears  stream  down  into 
the  profound  Abyss,  che  il  mat  delV  universo  tutto 
insacca  {Jhf.  vii.  18) ;  and  in  the  first  instance  they 
form  the  river  named  la  triste  riviera  (T  Acheronte\ 
the  water  of  which  river  reappears,  buia  assaivUpiU  clu 
persa^  in  the  Circle  of  the  Misers  and  Prodigals  (vii, 
103) ;  it  then  spreads  out  into  the  Stygian  fen,  in 
which  are  immersed  the  Wrathful ;  and  it  is  probable 
that  Dante  intended  it  to  be  understood  that  it  is 
this  same  stream,  transformed  into  boiling  blood,  in 
which  are  tormented  the  Violent  in  the  first  Round 
of  the  Seventh  Circle  ;  because  it  is  but  a  little  lower 
down  that  wc  find  it  gushing  forth  in  tlie  mournful 
forest  of  the  Suicides  of  the  Second  Round  under 
the  name  of  Phlegethon ;  and  when  at  last  it  reaches 
the  fondo  die  divora  Lucifero  con  Giuda  {Inf,  xxxi, 
142-3),  it  congeals  into  an  immense  sphere  of  ice  called 
Cocytus.  This  stream  that  springs  from  so  sinful  a 
source,  and  flows  through  the  diflerent  regions  of  Hell 
under  four  different  names,  is  the  antithesis  to  that 
rill  which  bubbles  up  in  the  middle  of  the  divinaforesta 
of  the  Purgatorio,  and  waters  it,  which  divides  into 
two  streams  which  are  Euphrates  and  Tigris,  which 
two  names  again  change  respectively  into  Lethe  and 
Eunoe.*#The  river  of  Hell  takes  its  origin  in  the 
corruption  of  the  human  race,  its  evil  character  in- 

II  2 


484  Readings  on  the  Inferno.       Canto  XIV. 

creases  in  proportion  to  its  downward  descent  from 
stage  to  stage,  it  renders  more  wretched  the  abode  of 
the  lost,  and  is  one  of  the  instruments  of  their  punish- 
ment ;  whereas  that  (river)  of  the  divine  forest '  issues 
from  a  sure  and  unfailing  source  which  receives  back 
again,  by  the  will  of  God,  as  much  as  it  pours  away 
when  divided  into  two  streams '  (/'t^f^.  xxviii,  124- 
6).*  It  flows  with  its  limpid  waters  to  beautify  the 
Church  of  God,  in  its  onward  course  it  acquires  on 
the  one  hand  (in  Lethe)  the  power  of  washing  away 
all  memory  of  past  sins ;  on  the  other  (in  Eunoe), 
that  of  conferring  all  the  wealth  of  spiritual  benefits. 
In  a  word,  the  first  ia  an  emblem  of  sin,  the  second, 
of  grace ;  the  one  of  evil,  the  other  of  its  antidote." 

On  the  question  whether  Dante  meant  to  describe 
four  rivers,  or  one  river  under  varying  names,  Blanc 
{Saggio^  p.  138)  is  of  opinion  that,  had  there  been 
several  rivers,  they  must  of  necessity  have  fallen  into 
Cocytus,  and  Dante,  who  is  a  marvel  of  minute  pre- 
cision in  his  descriptions  of  places,  would  certainly  not 
have  failed  to  mention  the  fact.  But  in  truth  in  verse 
117  one  reads  (according  to  Blanc's  reading,  but  not 
the  one  I  follow) :  Poi  sen  van  giii  per  quella  stretta 
doccia,  by  which  it  is  clear  that  the  Phiegctnon  is  the 
sole  exit  of  all  the  rivers.  The  tears  collect  and,  boring 
through  the  crust  of  the  earth,  penetrate  right  down 
into  Hell,  where  they  are  found  in  the  shape  of 
Acheron,  which  flows  round  the  upper  edge  of  Hell. 
This  then  runs  off"  underground,  reappearing  as  the 

***...  escc  di  fontana  salda  e  certa, 

Che  tanto  dal  volcr  di  Dio  riprende, 
Quant'  ella  versa  da  due  parti  aperta." 


Canto  XIV.       Readings  on  the  Inferno,  485 

Styx,  which,  after  encircling  the  Qity  of  Dis,  dives 
down  a  subterranean  channel,  and  remains  unseen 
until  it  emerges  once  more  as  Phlegethon.  It  accom- 
panies the  two  wayfarers  to  the  edge  of  the  Great 
Abyss,  over  which  it  leaps  as  a  furious  cataract  and 
plunges  into  Malebolge  ;  but  what  becomes  of  it  then 
we  are  not  told  until  we  find  it  at  the  bottom  of  the 
Pit,  where,  under  the  name  of  Cocytus,  it  gathers 
together  all  the  waters  of  Hell.  Blanc  contends  that 
the  above  explanation  would  apply  equally  well  to 
four  distinct  rivers,  or  to  one  river  with  four  names, 
but  he  is  more  in  favour  of  four  distinct  rivers,  be- 
cause Virgil's  answer  (v.  134-5)  to  Dante's  question 
(v.  1 30- 1 31),  as  to  where  is  Phlegethon,  would  have 
said,  had  there  been  only  one  river :  "  Thou  hast 
already  seen  it,  but  under  another  designation." 

• 

Division  IV.     In  the  lines  that  follow,  we  find  that 

Dante  is  puzzled  about  the  course  of  this  river  of 

many  names,  and  he  asks  Virgil  how  it  happens,  that 

as  they  have  traversed  all  the  circles  above,  they  only 

now  see  it  for  the  first  time  in  this  third  Round. 

Ed  io  a  lui  :— "  Se  il  presente  rigagno 
Si  deriva  cosl  dal  nostro  mondo, 
Perch^  ci  appar  pur  da  questo  vivagno?" — 

And  I  to  him :  "  If  this  stream  before  us  thus 
takes  its  source  in  our  world,  why  does  it  only 
become  visible  to  us  on  this  border  (i.e,  the 
edge  between  the  second  and  third  Rounds)  ?" 

Virgil  explains  that  although  they  have  come  so 
far  down,  and  always  turning  to  their  left  as  they 
descend  into  a  new  Circle  or  Round,  still  they  have 


486  Rmdings  m  tki  Inftmo.      Canto  xiv. 

not  as  yet  walked  round  the  circumference  of  HelL 
It  is  not  easy  to  reckon  wKat  distance  that  circuit 
would  represent,  since  with  every  fresh  descent  a 
diminished  circumference  was  reached,  but,  according 
to  Manetti's  computations  of  distances  in  Hell,  the 
circumference  at  the  top,  deducting  the  depth  of  the 
crust  of  the  Earth,  which  he  and  Galileo  put  at  405 
miles  and  a  fraction,  could  not  be  supposed  to  be  less 
than  about  7,000  miles,  or,  accordii^  to  Vellutdlo^ 
whose  computations  I  have  adopted,  XjXO  miles. 
(See  Preliminary  Chapter). 

Ed  egli  a  me :— "  Tu  sai  che  il  liiogo  h  tondo^ 

£  tutto  che  tu  sii  venuto  molto  125 

Pur*  a  sinistra  giil  calando  al  fondo, 

*  Pur  a  sinistra:  I  have  here  departed  from  Witte  who  reads 
piit  a  sinistra.   On  the  subject  of  these  two  readings  Dr.  Moore 
{Textual  Criticism^  etc  page  508)  writes:  "This  is  a  case  in 
which  I  think  we  must  certainly  adopt  the  reading  Pur^  which 
has  a  comparatively  small  number  of  MSS.  on  its  side.   1 1  should 
be  observed  however  (and  this  is  curiousX  that  the  early  Com- 
mentators, so  far  as  they  notice  the  passage,  seem  to  be  unani- 
mous for  Pur.f  for  example  Lana,  Boccaccio,  ^noii.  Fior.  (tutta 
volta  a  sinistra\  Buti,  Bargigi,  Landino  {semfre  a  sinistra).    So 
also  the  Ottinw^  where  the  passage  is  illustrated  by  a  diagram. 
Benvenuto  explains  the  point  very  clearly  thus : — **  Ergo  si 
venisti  semper  ad  sinistram  potest  esse  aliquid  ad  dextram  de 
quo  tu  nondum  perpenderis." 
We  find  the  same  expression  again  in  Inf^  xxix,  52-53  : 
'*  Noi  discendemmo  in  sull'  ultima  riva 

Del  lungo  scoglio,  pur  da  man  sinistra." 
See  also  xviii.    21  :  "  tenne  a  sinistra." 

xix.    41  :  "discendemmo  a  mano  stanca." 
xxi.  136 :  "  Per  V  argine  sinistro  volta  dienno." 
xxiii.    68  :  ^  volgemmo  . . .  pure  a  man  manca." 
xxxi.    83  :  **  volti  a  sinistra." 


Canto  XIV.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  487 

Non  se'  ancor  per  tutto  il  cerchio  volto  ; 
Perch^,  se  cosa  n'  apparisce  nuova, 
Non  dee  addur  maraviglia  al  tuo  volto.** — 

And  he  to  me :  "  Thou  knowest  the  place 
(Hell)  is  circular,  and' though  thou  hast  come 
far,  always  to  the  left  in  thy  descent  towards 
the  bottom,  thou  hast  not  yet  gone  round  the 
complete  circle ;  therefore,  if  any  new  thing  ' 
appears  to  us,  it  need  not  bring  wonder  to 
thy  countenance." 

Virgirs  reply  (says  Dr.  Moore)  is  quite  clear. 
The  place  is  round,  and  though  they  had  journeyed 
far,  and  constantly  (or  only)  to  the  left,  they  had 
not  yet  completed  the  circuit.  Buti  remarks :  "  One 
can  only  descend  in  Hell  by  turning  to  the  left, 
that  is,  by  the  path  of  vice  which  is  symbolized  by 
the  left  hand."  There  are  only  two  exceptions  to 
the  rule  of  the  way  observed  by  the  Poets  in  their 
transit  of  Hell.  In  canto  xvii,  31,  when  they  are 
about  to  approach  Geryon,  they  descend  aUa  destra 
mammeUa;  and  in  ix,  132,  they  turn  to  the  right 
before  they  pass  among  the  tombs  of  the  Heresiarchs. 
But  as  I  have  already  stated  (at  the  conclusion  of 
canto  ix),  I  follow  Mgr.  Poletto's  opinion,  who  thinks 
that,  as  they  had  to  fetch  a  wide  compass  round  the 
walls  {grande  aggirata)  before  disembarking  at  the 
Gate  of  the  City,  they  found  on  entering  that  they 
had  overshot  the  mark  for  the  right  spot  for  descend- 
ing into  the  next  circle,  and  consequently  were  obliged 
to  take  ground  to  their  right  Dr.  Moore  {pp,  ciL  pp. 
309,  310)  points  out  that , in  canto  xxiii,  31,  Virgil 
speaks  of  the  possibility  of  their  finding  a  way  to  their 


488  Readings  on  the  Inferno.       Canto  XIV. 

right,  since  this  was  the  way  of  escape  from  the  pursuit 
of  the  Demons.  The  Cornici  of  Purgatory  are  tra- 
versed by  turning  always  to  the  right,  and  the  same 
symbolism  is  found-  in  Virgil.* 

I  have  quoted  largely  from  Dr.  Moore's  masterly 
dissertation  on  this  passage,  in  his  Textual  Criticism^ 

PP-  307-310- 
Benvenuto  remarks  that  Dante  might  seem  to  be 

contradicting  himself,  in  saying  that  he  had  not  seen 
this  river,  which  however  he  certainly  had  seen,  and 
fully  described,  where  the  Violent  against  their  Neigh- 
bour are  punished.  But  it  must  be  explained  that 
although  he  has  seen  the  Phlegethon,  out  of  which 
this  stream  before  him  has  issued,  yet,  as  he  did  not 
follow  the  course  of  it  through  the  Forest  of  Woe,  he 
has  not  had  an  opportunity  of  seeing  how  or  where  the 
present  stream  issued  from  the  river  of  blood,  though 
he  now  meets  with  it  again  on  this  Sandy  Waste. 
For  instance,  one  might  quite  well  see  the  Lake 
of  Garda,  and  afterwards  see  the  Mincio  at  Mantua, 
or  at  some  other  point  far  from  its  source,  and  not  be 
aware  that  it  flows  out  of  the  Lake  of  Garda  at  Pes- 
chiera,  and  that  the  water  of.  the  river  is  the  same 
water  as  that  of  the  lake.  So  Dante  has  not  up 
to  now  been  aware  that  he  had  already  seen  the 
Phlegethon,  as  we  shall  see  by  the  questions  he 
asks  next. 


♦  Sec  jEn.  vi,  540-3  : 

"  Hie  locus  est,  partes  ubi  se  via  findit  in  ambas  : 
Dextera  quae  Ditis  magni  sub  mccnia'  tendit  ; 
Hac  iter  Elysium  nobis  :  at  lava  malorum 
Exercet  pcenas,  et  ad  impia  Tartara  mittit" 


Canto  XIV.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  489 

Ed  10  ancor : — "  Maestro,  ovc  si  trova  130 

Flegetonta  e  Let^,  ch^  dell'  un  taci, 
E  r  altro  di'  che  si  fa  d'  esta  piova  ?  " — 

And  I  again:  "Master,  where  are  to  be. found 
Phlegethon  and  Lethe,  for  of  the  one  (Lethe) 
thou  speakest  not,  and  th&  other  (Phlegethon) 
thou  sayest  is  formed  by  this  rain  (of  fire)?" 

It  was  natural  for  Dante  to  ask  after  Lethe,  for  the 
poets  of  antiquity  had  always  included  it  among  the 
rivers  of  the  Infernal  regions,  which  were  supposed  to 
be,  Acheron,  Styx,  Phlegethon,  Cocytus  and  Lethe. 
Virgil  had  named  the  other  four,  and  the  omission  of 
Lethe  arrested  Dante's  attention. 

Virgil,  in  reply,  tells  Dante  that  he  c'ertainly  cannot 
see  Lethe  here  in  Hell,  for  it  is  the  river  of  oblivion, 
and  in  Hell  a  great  part  of  the  torment  of  the  sinner 
consists  in  the  recollection  of  his  evil  deeds.  But 
Dante  will  see  it,  when,  after  leaving  these  regions  of 
Hell,  and  having  traversed  the  whole  of  Purgatory, 
he  will  find  it  as  the  stream  in  whose  tranquil  and 
beneficent  waters  the  souls,  that  have  by  long  penance 
expiated  their  sins,  are  finally  washed  from  all  remem- 
brance of  them,  before  ascending  into  Paradise. 

— "  In  tutte  tue  question  certo  mi  piaci,"— 

Rispose  ; — ''  ma  il  boUor*  deir  acqua  rossa 
Dovea  ben  solver  1'  una  che  tu  fact.  135 

Let^  vedrai,  ma  fuor  di  questa  fossa, 
Lh  dove  vanno  P  anime  a  lavarsi, 
Quando  la  colpa  pentutti  h  rimossa." — 

*  ma  il  bailor  delP  acgua  rossa :   compare  Virgil,  jEn.  vi, 

550-1  : 

"  Quae  rapidus  flammis  ambit  torrentibus  amnis 

Tartareus  Phlegethon,  torquetque  sonantia  saxa.** 


490  Readings  on  the  Inferno.       Canto  XIV 

"  In  all  thy  questions  truly  thou  pleasest  me," 
he  answered ;  "  but  the  boiling  of  the  ruddy 
water  (the  rivbr  of  blood)  might  well  have 
solved  the  first  (question)  that  thou  puttest 
Lethe  thou  shalt  see,  but  outside  of  this 
Abyss  (Hell),  there  (in  Purgatory)  where  the 
souls  go  to  wash  themselves,  when  the  fault 
repented  of  has  been  removed  (by  expiation)." 

Blanc  observes  {Saggio,  pp.  140-141)  that  from  Virgil 
telling  Dante  that  the  red  colour  of  the  river  of  blood 
might  have  clearly  indicated  to  him  that  it  was  Phl^[e- 
thon,  many  have  striven  to  show  that  this  is  a  proof  that 
Dante  was  acquainted  with  the  Greek  language,  as  the 
word  Phlegethon  is  derived  from  CpAiyoi,  to  burn.  But 
he  adds  that  when  we  consider  that  Boccaccio,  who,  only 
fifty  years  after  this  time,  while  he  had  a  Greek  as  a 
guest  in  his  house,  wrote  (Genealogia  Deorum,  xv,  c.  7) 
as  follows :  "  Since  there  is  no  one  in  Italy  who  is 
acquainted  with  the  Greek  writings  .  .  .  nay,  not  even 
do  we  know  the  Greek  characters,"  and  when  even 
Petrarch  lamented  that  a  manuscript  of  Homer  that 
he  possessed  was  so  much  dead  capital  to  him ;  and 
when  one  recollects  that  Dante  shows  himself  igno- 
rant of  Greek  in  many  passages  of  his  writings,  using 
the  word  entomata  (instead  of  fvro/xtf)  for  insects,  and 
in  the  Convito  (ti,  1 5)  remarking  that  one  could  not 
well  know  the  opinion  of  Aristotle  .  .  ,perclii  sua  sen- 
tenza  non  si  trova  cotale  neW  una  traslaziofie  (latina) 
come  nclV  altra  ;  and  when  one  recollects  that  Dante 
never  quotes  from  Sophocles  or  iEschylus,  but  only 
those  passages  of  Euripides  that  are  quoted  by 
Horace,  it  is  impossible  to  contend  that  he  could  have 


Canto  XIV.       Readings  on  the  Inferno. 


491 


known  anything  at  all  of  the  Greek  language.  Dante 
would  know  the  meaning  of  the  word  Phlegethon 
from  the  passage  in  Virgil  quoted  to  illustrate  il 
bailor  deir  acqua  rossa  at  verse  134,  but  not  probably 
from  any  other  source. 
Virgil  now  intimates  that  they  may  move  forward. 

Poi  disse  : — "  Omai  h  tempo  da  scostarsi 

Dal  bosco  :  fa*  che  diretro  a  me  vegne :  140 

Li  margini  fan  via,  che  non  son  arsi, 

E  sopra  loro  ogni  vapor  si  spegne." — 

Then  he  said :  "  Now  is  it  time  to  quit  the 
wood  :  mind  that  thou  come  (exactly)  behind 
me:  the  margins  which  are  not  burnt  form 
a  path,  and  above  them  every  vapour  is  ex- 
tinguished." 

*  fa  che  diretro  a  me  vegne  :  compare  Purg*  ii,  28-29  : 
'*  Fa,  fa  che  le  ginocchia  cali ; 
Ecco  r  Angel  di  Dio." 


End  of  Canto  XIV. 


492  Readings  an  the  In/gmo.        Canto  XV. 


CANTO  XV. 


The  Third  Round  ot  the  Seventh  Circle 

{continued). 

The  Violent  against  Nature. 
Brunetto  Latinl 
Francesco  d*  Accorso. 
Andrea  de*  Mozzi. 

This  canto  treats  of  the  second  subdivision  {b)  of 
the  third  kind  of  Violence,  namely,  that  against 
Nature.  As  we  noticed  in  the  last  canto,  the  punish- 
ment meted  out  to  the  sinners  in  these  three  sub- 
divisions is  the  same,  but  it  is  applied  in  three  different 
ways.  We  saw  that  the  Violent  against  God  have  to 
lie  on  the  burning  sand  with  the  flakes  of  Are  falling 
upon  their  upturned  faces.  Unceasing  movement  is 
the  penalty  exacted  for  the  hideous  crime  punished 
in  this  subdivision. 

Benvenuto  divides  the  Canto  into  four  parts. 

In  Division  /,  from  v.  i  to  v.  45,  Dante  minutely 
describes  how  he  was  able,  without  danger,  to  traverse 
the  Burning  Sand,  and  how,  from  among  a  group  of 
sinners  passing  by,  he  is  recognized  by  his  once  revered 
teacher  Brunetto  Latini. 

In  Division  II,  from  v.  46  to  v.  78,  Brunetto  speaks 
of  the  evil  fortune  Dante  may  expect  at  the  hands 
of  the  Florentines. 

In  Division  II I^  from  v.  79  to  v.  99,  Dante  assures 


Canto  XV.         Readings  tm  the  Inferno.  493 

Brunetto  of  the  loving  recollection  he  has  preserved 
of  his  instructions,  and  that  even  though  Brunetto  has 
foretold  adversity  against  him,  when  it  comes,  Dante 
will  support  it  without  dismay. 

In  Division  /F,  from  v.  100  to  v.  124,  Brunetto 
tells  Dante  the  names  of  some  sinners  with  whom  he 
is  undergoing  punishment. 

Division  I,  In  order  that  the  reader  may  fully 
realize  the  present  position  of  the  Poets,  it  may  be 
well,  even  at  the  risk  of  some  repetition,  to  recapitulate 
a  little.  After  Nessus  had  deposited  them  on  the 
further  side  of  the  River  of  Blood,  they  at  once  entered 
into  the  Forest  of  Woe.  This  they  traversed  until 
they  found  themselves  on  the  edgeof  the  Burning  Sand, 
but,  being  unable  to  tread  upon  the  sand,  they  turned 
to  their  left,  and  keeping  still  inside  the  border  of  the 
Forest,  they  walked  on,  until,  as  we  saw  at  v.  76  of  the 
last  canto,  they  reached  the  point  where  the  Phlegethon 
crosses  their  path.  This  stream  they  found  to  be 
bordered  by  petrified  margins  on  which  Dante  could 
safely  tread,  while  the  atmosphere  above  was  so 
moist  as  to  quench  the  fire  that  was  continually  falling 
all  round  them.  They  now  take  advantage  of  these 
safeguards,  and,  according  to  plate  III  of  the  Duke  of 
Sermoneta's  Tavole^  it  would  seem  that  the  path 
they  are  following  runs  across  the  great  Sandy 
Waste. 

Ora  cen  porta  F  un  de'  duri  margini, 

E  il  fumtno  del  ruscel  di  sopra  aduggia 
SI,  che  dal  foco  salva  1'  acqua  e  gli  argini. 
Now  one  of  the  indurated  margins  bears  us 


494  Readings  an  the  Inferno.        Canto  XV. 

• 

on,  and  above  it  the  mist  from  the  stream 
makes  such  shade  (/>.  creates  so  humid  an 
atmosphere)  that  it  protects  both  the  water 
and  the  dikes  from  the  (falling)  fire. 

Buti  remarks  that  if  a  lighted  candle  is  held  over 
smoke  it  is  immediately  extinguished,  and  so  the 
vapour  that  arises  from  the  water  puts  out  the  flakes 
of  fire,  and  makes  the  edges  of  the  stream  safe  to 
walk  upon. 

Dante  now,  with  his  wonted  precision,  describes  the 
exact  nature  of  these  dikes,  and  compares  them  with 
those  in  Flanders,  and  with  certain  embankments  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Padua. 

Quale  i  Fiamminghi  tra  Guizzante  *  e  Bniggia, 

Temendo  il  fiotto  che  ver  lor  s'  awenta,  5 

Fanno  lo  schermo,  perch^  il  mar  si  fuggia  ; 

*  Guizzanie:  Although  some  commentators  have  contended 
that  the  place  spoken  of  here  is  Cadsand,  22  kilometres  from 
Bruges,  and  one  of  them  even  proposed  to  alter  the  reading  from 
Guizzante  to  Cassante,  it  seems  more  probable  that  Dante 
intended  the  little  village  of  Wissant,  15  kilometres  to  the 
S.W.  of  Calais.  This  village  is  spoken  of  by  Giovanni  Villani  (xii, 
68)  as  having  been  sacked  and  burned  by  Edward  III  after  the 
Battle  of  Crecy.  Scartazzini  points  out  that  in  the  time  of  Dante 
both  Wissant  and  Bruges  were  in  Flanders,  and  that  the 
great  Flemish  dike  probably  extended  from  Wissant  on  the 
West  to  Bruges  on  the  East,  and  therefore,  in  coupling  these  two  . 
names,  Dante  had  in  his  mind  the  two  extremities  of  that  dike. 
Those,  who  are  firm  in  their  belief  that  Dante  visited  England, 
are  inclined  to  think  that  it  would  be  during  his  journey  thither 
that  he  passed  by  the  dikes  of  Flanders  ;  and  indeed  the  very 
fact  of  his  having  been  at  Wissant  at  all  is  an  argument  in 
favour  of  his  having  been  there  on  his  way  to  England,  as  he 
could  not  possibly  (so  it  is  argued)  have  been  there  for  any 


Canto  XV.         Readings  on  the  Inferno.  495 

£  quale  i  Padovan  *  lungo  la  Brenta, 
Per  difender  lor  ville  e  lor  castelli, 
Anzi  che  Chiarentana  t  il  caldo  senta  ; 

A  tale  imagine  eran  fatti  quelli,  10 

Tutto  che  n^  si  alti  n^  si  grossi,  • 

Qual  che  si  fosse,t  lo  maestro  felli. 

■  ■       I  III  -  —  —     ^-  !■         I 

Other  purpose  ;  but  to  this  it  has  been  replied,  that  had  Dante 
ever  experienced  the  tempestuous  North  Sea,  or  even  the 
shorter  Channel  passage,  some  mention  of  so  disagreeable  an 
incident  would  certainly  have  found  its  way  into  his  writings. 
[This  was  written  before  the  publication  of  Mr.  Gladstone's 
interesting  article,  "Did  Dante  study  at  Oxford?**  Nineteenth 
Century^  June  1892.] 

*  i  Padovan  lungo  la  Brenta:  See  Dittamondo^  book  iii, 
chapter  iii : 

"  Da  pado  o  da  padule  prese  il  nome 

Ch^  presso  v*  h  assai  questa  cittade, 
Brenta  la  cerchia  e  chiude  come  un  pome." 

f  che  Chiarentana  :  Benvenuto  thinks  Chiarentana  stands  for 
Carinthia^  over  which,  in  his  time,  certain  lords  held  sway  who 
were  called  Dukes  of  Carinthia.  But  Scartazzini  quotes  from 
Lunelli  {Spiegasione  geografica  delta  voce  Chiarenta$ia  di  Dante. 
Giomale  del  Centenario^  pp.  146-147),  and  contends,  with  far 
greater  probability,  that  Dante  is  here  referring  to  a  mountain 
of  the  Trentino  between  Valvignola  and  Valfonte,  to  the  East  of 
Lake  Levjco,  called  by  the  inhabitants  Canzana  and  Carenzana, 
which  extends  along  the  left  bank  of  the  Brenta,  and  this  river 
takes  its  source  from  the  two  lakes  lying  at  the  foot  of  the 
mountain,  as  well  as  from  the  mass  of  torrents  that  flow  down 
its  sides.  There  is  no  consensus  of  opinions  as  to  the  place 
indicated. 

X  Qual  che  si  fosse:  Nearly  all  the  commentators  interpret 
this  as  referring  to  the  engineer,  and  think  Dante  implies  that 
he  does  not  know  whether  these  margins  were  due  to  divine  or 
to  diabolical  agency.  But  Scartazzini  urges  that  Dante  knew 
perfectly  well  who  was  the  Architect  of  Hell,  and  had  said  so  in 
the  most  expressive  words  in  Inf.  iii,  4  {Giustizia  mosse  il  mio 
alto  fattore). 


496  Readings  on  the  Inferno.        Canto  XV. 

Even  as  the  Flemings  between  Wissant  and 
Bruges,  fearing  the  flood-tide  that  rushes  to- 
wards them,  rear  their  bulwarks  that  the  sea 
may  retreat ;  and  even  as  the  Paduans  (make 
embankments)  along  the  Brenta,  to  protect 
their  towns  and  their  castles,  before  Chiaren- 
tana  feels  the  heat  (and  swells  the  Brenta 
with  its  melted  snow) ;  Of  like  formation  were 
these  (margins)  fashioned,  though  their  Con- 
structor (God)  had  made  them  neither  so 
lofty  nor  so  thick  (as  those  in  Flanders  and 
on  the  Brenta)  whatever  may  have  been  (their 
size). 
Benvenuto,  speaking  of  the  tides  in  Flanders,  says 
that  "  they  are  influenced  by  the  Moon,  which  is  the 
mother  of  moisture  (just  as  the  sun  is  the  father  of 
heat)  and  attracts  water  from  afar,  as  the  magnet 
attracts  iron  {sicut  magnes  attrahit  ferrutn).     But  in 
the  West  the  Moon  causes  this  operation  of  the  waters 
to  take  place  in  a  much  more  marvellous  way,  and 
especially  so  at  the  time  of  the  Full  Moon ;  and  this 
has  aroused  the  greatest  wonder  among  the  most  dis- 
tinguished navigators,^  because  there  are  no  such  tides 
either  in  the  East,  or  in  the  Mediterranean  Sea.     In 
England,  which  is  in  the  Western  Ocean,  the  sea  rises 
so  exceedingly  in  the  royal  city  of  London,  that  at 
certain  periods  the  water  of  the  river  Thames  flows  over 
the  bridge,  which  is  very  high.     In  Flanders  the  tide 
is  so  strong  that  it  will  at  times  leave  the  shore  dry  for 
fifteen  miles  ;t  and  then,  when  returning,  will  re-cover 

*  Benvenuto  means,  of  course,  navigators  from  the  South  of 
Europe, 
t  The  Este  MS.  of  Benvenuto  reads  five  miles. 


Canto  XV.         Readings  on  the  Inferno.  ^i)y 

the  ground  so  swiftly,  that  the  fleetest  horse  would  not 
be  able  to  escape  before  it."  Benvenuto  speaks  also  of 
an  extraordinary  spring-tide  having  recently  occurred 
in  his  time  in  Flanders,  which  had  drowned  15,000 
persons.  In  the  same  way  the  inhabitants  of  the 
banks  of  the  Brenta  are  compelled  to  construct  dikes 
on  either  side  of  that  river  to  protect  themselves  from 
the  overwhelming  floods  that  prevail  in  the  spring, 
when  the  sun  has  melted  the  glaciers,  and  the  torrents 
of  snow  water  threaten  them  with  inundations. 

We  may  now  attempt  to  picture  the  scene.  We 
see  Dante  and  Virgil  walking  along  this  dike  or  cause- 
way. We  may  infer  that  it  was  about  the  height  of 
an  ordinary  man  above  Che  sand,  for  we  read  at  verse 
24  that  Brunetto  Latini  could  reach  up  and  lay  hold 
of  the  hem  of  Dante's  garment.  The  gloom  of  the 
dark  air  around  is  lit  up  by  the  lurid  glare  of  the 
falling  flames.  A  thick  mist  from  the  stream  on  their 
left  rolls  above  their  heads,  and  affords  them  protection 
from  the  fire.  On  their  right,  some  six  feet  below  the 
causeway,  is  the  hot  tawny-coloured  sand,  across  the 
width  of  which,  some  5  4  miles,  the  path  runs  in  a 
slanting  direction.  Froih  all  sides  resound  bitter  lamen- 
tations (see  xiv,  27)  ;  but  those  obliged  to  remain 
prostrate  are  they  who  lament  the  loudest 

The  vast  space  that  the  Poets  are  traversing  is  now 
indicated  byan  intimation, that  while  Dante  has  been 
observing  and  describing  the  dikes,  he  and  Virgil  have 
walked  a  considerable  distance,  in  fact,  quite  out  of 
sight  of  the  Forest  of  Woe,  and  at  this  point  they 
come  in  contact  with  the  shades  of  the  Violent  against 
Nature,  running  on  the  sand  alongside  of  the  dike. 

KK 


49^  .Readings  oh  the  Inferno,        Canto  XV. 

Gik  eravam  dalla  selva  *  rimossi 

Tanto,  ch'  io  non  avrei  visto  dov*  era, 

Perch'  io  indietro  rivolto  mi  fossi,  15 

Quando  incontrammo  d'  anime  una  schiera, 
Che  venia  lungo  \  argine,  e  ciascuna 
Ci  riguardava,f  come  suol  da  sera 

Guardar  1'  un  1'  altro  sotto  nuova  luna  ; 

£  s)  ver  noi  aguzzavan  le  cigiia,  20 

Come  '1  vecchio  sartor  %  fa  nella  cruna. 

We  had  already  got  so  far  away  from  the  wood, 
that  I  should  not  have  seen  where  it  was, 
even  had  I  turned  back,  when  we  encountered 
a  troop  of  shades,  who  were  coming  alongside 
of  the  bank,  and  everyone  of  them  peered  at 
us  like  as  at  eventide  mei^are  wont  to  gaze  at 

*  dalla  selva  rivwssi  lanlo,  tic:    contrast  with  this  {^urg. 

xxviii,  22-24  : 

*'  Gik  m'  avean  trasportato  i  lenti  passi 

Dentro  alia  selva  antica  tanto,  ch'  io 

Non  potea  rivedere,  ond'  io  m'  entrassi." 

In  Purgatory  Dante  had  got  so  far  inside  the  Divine  Forest  that, 

on  looking  back,  he  could  no  longer  see  where  he  had  entered; 

here  in  Hell  he  has  walked  so  far  away  from  the  Forest  of  Woe, 

that  had  he  looked  back,  which  he  did  not,  he  would  have  been 

unable  any  longer  to  catch  sight  of  it. 

t  Ct  riguardava  come  suol  da  sera^  etc. :  compare  Virg.  jiin. 

vi,  268-272  : 

"  Ibant  obscuri  sola  sub  nocte  per  umbrani, 

Perque  domos  Ditis  vacuas,  et  inania  regna. 

Quale  per  incertam  lunam  sub  luce  maligna 

Est  iter  in  sylvis  :  ubi  coelum  condidit  umbra 

Jupiter,  et  rebus  nox  abstulit  atra  colorem." 

t  Come  7  z>ecchio  sartor^  etc. :  compare  Dittamondo^  book  iv, 

chapter  iv  : 

**  Perocch^  s)  mi  stringe  a  questo  punto 

La  lunga  tema,  ch'  io  fo  come  il  sarto, 

Che  quancfo  ha  fretta  spesso  passa  il  punto." 


Canto  XV.         Readings  on  the  Inferno  499 

one  another  under  (the  dim  light  of)  a  new 
moon ;  and  sharpened  their  brows*  towards  us 
as  does  the  old  tailor  at  the  eye  of  his  needle. 

Daniellof  says  that  Dante  admirably  describes  this 
act  of  sharpening  the  eyebrows,  which  is  like  that  of 
an  archer,  when  he  is  taking  aim  to  shoot  at  a  target. 

Dante  is  now  accosted  by  the  shade  of  Brunetto 

Latini4 

Cos)  adocchiato  da  octal  famiglia, 

Fui  conosciuto  da  un,  che  mi  prese 

Per  lo  lembo,||  e  gridb  : — "  Qual  maraviglia  ?" — 

(While)  thus  being  scfutinized  by  a  company, 
so  (branded  with  infamy),  I  was  recognized 
by  one,  who  seized  me  by  the  skirt,  and  ex- 
claimed :  "  What  marvel  (is  this)  ?"    ' 
Messer  Brunetto  Latini  was  born  of  a  noble  family 
in  Florence  about  1220,  and  died  there  in  1294.    Ben- 
venuto  says  that  he  was  a  man  of  great  wisdom  and 
eloquence  in  the  time  of  Dante;   but  that  he  had 

*  Carlyle  in  a  note  explains  this  well :  '*  puckered  their  brows 
as  if  frowning  at  us." 

t  Dante  con  P  esposisione  di  M.  Bernardino  Danielle  da 
Lucca,  sopra  la  sua  Commedia  delP  Inferno^  del  PurgatoriOy  e 
del  ParcuUso^  Venezia,  1 568. 

X  Brunetto  Latini :  A  fewof  the  older  editions  and  commen- 
tators speak  of  him  as  Brunetto  Latins?.  At  the  end  of  this 
canto  will  be  found  a  supplemental  note,  in  which  I  have 
explained  why  some  called  him  so  in  those  days, 

II  mi  prese  per  lo  lembo  :  Dante  was  walking  on  the  petrified 
margin  of  the  Phlegethon,  and  Brunetto's  head  hardly  reached 
up  to  his  feet,  so  that  the  most  natural  movement  on  the  part 
of  Brunetto  was  to  take  hold  of  his  skirt.  It  is  remarkable  that 
'  although  Dante  found  the  form  of  Casella  impalpable  {Purg,  ii, 
76-81),  yet  Brunetto's  touch  arrested  his  steps,  and  Dante's  hand 
stroked  Brunetto's  face. 

KK  2 


500  Readings  on  the  Inferno.         Canto  XV. 

such  an  overweening  opinion  of  himself  that  when  he 
was  a  distinguished  notary,  and  had  on  one  occasion 
allowed  some  trifling  error  to  creep  into  a  certain 
writing,  which  he  might  easily  h^ve  corrected,  he 
preferred  to  leave  it  there,  and  run  the  risk  of  being 
accused  of  a  fraud,  rather  than  by  the  alteration  of 
his  writing  to  admit  the  possibility  of  having  erred 
through  ignorance.  On  this  account  he  had  to  leave 
Florence,  and  in  his  absence  was  condemned  to  be 
burned.  The  Chiose  Ananime  (Selmi)  says  that  he 
was  a  neighbour  of  Dante,  and  taught  him  a  great 
many  things ;  that  he  did  not  care  for  the  soul,  as  he 
was  altogether- worldly ;  that  he  sinned  greatly  in 
unnatural  crime,  and  scoffed  much  at  the  things  of 
God  and  Holy  Church.  Giov.  Villani  (Lib.  viii,  cap.  x) 
writes  of  him  that  he  became  the  Secretary  {Dittatore) 
of  the  Republic.  Ricordano  Malespini  (ch.  162)  re- 
lates that  he  was  sent  as  ambassador  to  Alfonso  King 
of  Castille  to  induce  him  to  favour  the  Guelph  party, 
in  opposition  to  Manfred.  At  this  juncture  the  rout  of 
the  Guelph  forces  at  the  Battle  of  Montaperti  in  1260 
obliged  Brunetto  to  escape  into  France.  Camerini 
thinks  this  was  the  real  cause  of  his  banishment,  and 
that  the  story  told  by  Benvenuto  and  Boccaccio  is 
perfectly  false.  Brunetto  was  able  to  return  to 
Florence  in  1269,  and  died  there  in  1294.  He  wrote 
the  Tesoretto  in  the  Tuscan  language,  and  during  his 
sojourn  at  Paris  a  work  in  French  called  the  Tesoro, 
He  was  the  teacher  both  of  Dante  and  of  Guide  Caval- 
canti.*     Villani  adds  that,  notwithstanding  his  private 

*  Scartazzini,  in  confirmation,  quotes  from  Ugo  Verini,  De 
Illustr.  Urbis  Florentiay  lib.  ii : 


Canto  XV.         Readings  on  the  Inferno.  501 

character,  he  makes  mention  of  him  because  he  was  the 
first  master  who  made  a  beginning  in  devulgarizing  and 
refining  the  Florentines,  and  giving  them  some  know- 
ledge of  graceful  speech,  and  of  how  to  guide  and  rule 
the  Republic  according  to  the  rules  of  politics. 

Benvenuto,  alluding  specially  to  Brunetto's  ex- 
clamation qual  maraviglia  t  remarks  that  beyond  the 
general  astonishment  felt  by  the  shades  on  seeing 
Dante  alive  in  such  a  place,  and  without  punishment, 
he  marvelled  still  more  on  his  own  account,  that  Dante 
should  have  merited  such  renown  and  favour,  as,  mid- 
way in  his  journey  through  human  life,  to  be  permitted 
to  make  so  miraculous  a  journey  through  Hell,  and 
that  for  a  far  nobler  object  than  that  of  "  Brunetto's 
vile  TesorOy*  for  Dante's  aim  was  to  win  salvation  both 
for  himself  and  for  others. 

Dante,  after  some  hesitation,  identifies  the  ghastly 
figure  at  his  feet  as  his  former  friend  and  teacher. 

Ed  io,  quando  il  suo  braccio  a  me  distese,  25 

Ficcai  gli  occhi  per  lo  cotto  aspetto 
SI,  che  il  viso  abbniciato  non  difese 

La  conoscenza  sua  al  mio  intelletto  ; 

£  chinando  la  mano*  alia  sua  faccia, 

"  Nam  de  fonte  tuo  mansuras  ebibit  undas 
Dantes  ;  et  Guido  prse  docto  carmine  vates 
Pimpleas  potavit  aquas  de  fonte  latino.'' 

*  chinando  la  mano  alia  sua  faccia :  Others  read  chinando  la 
mia  alia  sua  faccia :  and  these  are  two  readings  which  Gregorio 
di  Siena  {Commedia  di  Dante  Allighieri  con  note  ^/■Gregorio  di 
Siena,  Napoli,  1867- 1870)  says  continue  to  torture  the  brains  of 
Dantists.  The  first  is  adopted  by  Benvenuto,  Lana,  Boccaccio, 
Vellutello,  and  Daniello,  and  is  the  reading  in  all  four  of  the  first 
editions.  Scartazzini  also  advocates  it  strongly.  Bargigi,  Buti,  Dr. 
Moore,  Lord  Vernon,  the  Codice  Barioliniano^  the  CassinesCy  Costa, 


502  Readings  on  t/u  Inferno.        Canto  XV. 

Risposi :— '*  Sictc  voi  qui,  scf*  Brunctto  ?" —     30 
And  I,  when  he  stretched  forth  his  arm  to  roe, 

and  Cesari  advocate  the  other.  Some  of  these  think  that  Dante 
putting  forth  his  hand  and  stroking  or  touching  Bnmetto's  face 
would  evince  a  want  of  respect  towards  his  superior.  With 
that  I  cannot  agree.  The  movement  appears  to  me  alike 
natural  and  graceful,  denoting  both  aflfection  and  sympathy, 
and  is  just  what  I  can  imagine  being  done  by  a  disciple  to  a 
loved  and  revered  Master  whom  he  sees,  after  long  separation, 
in  sorrow  and  suffering.  Di  Siena  says :  "  We  will  not  enter 
as  judges  into  such  a  controversy,  but  still  we  think  the  lower- 
ing of  the  hand  to  the  face  of  Ser  Brunetto  can  signify  a  rapid 
and  perfectly  intelligible  gesture  of  reverence  quite  as  well  as 
the  inclination  of  the  head.  The  act  of  lowering  either  the 
hand  or  the  head  is  intended  to  mark  the  relative  positions  of 
Dante  standing  at  a  considerable  height,  and  Brunetto  on  the 
sand  below."  Biagioli  remarks  that  Dante  does  not  say  sten- 
dendo  nor  porgendo  la  tnano^  because  the  word  chinando  paints 
the  true  attitude  of  the  Poet,  and  shows  us  himself  above,  and 
the  other  below.  Biagioli  further  explains  that  this  gesture  of 
Dante,  in  lowering  his  hand  to  Brunetto's  face,  was  after  he  had 
made  out  who  he  was  by  his  close  scrutiny  of  the  scorched 
features ;  and  therefore  Biagioli  thinks  that  De  Romanis,  the 
editor  of  the  third  edition  (1820-22)  of  Lombardi's  Commentary, 
is  in  error  when  he  argues  that  Dante  inclined  his  face  to 
Brunetto's  for  the  purpose  of  identifying  him,  as,  if  Dante  did 
so,  it  was  as  described  three  or  four  lines  back,  and  had  he 
then  repeated  the  movement,  it  would  not  have  been  that  he 
might  recognize  Brunetto,  for  that  he  has  told  his  readers  in 
the  preceding  three  lines,  he  had  done  already.  I  follow  the 
reading  la  mono  in  Witte's  text  without  pretending  to  decide 
which  of  the  two  is  right,  though  1  confess  to  preferring  the  idea 
of  the  tender  sympathizing  caress  implied  by  chinando  la  mano. 

*  ser  Brunetto :  Ser  is  the  shortened  form  of  sere,  for  which 
modern  usage  has  substituted  signore^  formerly  a  title  of  nobility 
and  of  superiority,  but  which  Biagioli  laments  had  in  his  day 
become  so  common  as  to  be  given  even  to  police  spies. 


Canto  XV.        Readings  on  the  Inferno.  503 

fastened  my  eyes  so  (closely)  on  the  baked 
countenance  (below  me),  that  the  scorched 
features  did  not  prevent  the  recognition  of 
him  by  my  intelligence,  and  reaching  down 
my  hand  to  his  face,  I  answered :  "  Ser  Bru- 
netto,  are  you  here  ?" 

Benvenuto  explains  that  this  is  as  though  Dante 
would  say  to  Brunetto :  "  You  wonder  that  I,  who, 
alive  and  still  young,  am  passing  through  Hell,  in 
order  to  flee  from  the  paths  of  sin  ;  but  it  is  certainly 
no  less,  marvellous  that  you,  who  were  wont  to  be  of 
such  high  morality  and  culture,  should  be  dead  in  so 
base  a  sin,  and  be  so  scorched  and  burned  here."  And 
Benvenuto  points  out  that  from  reverence  to  his  senior 
and  his  teacher,  he  addresses  him  in  the  plural,  1.  e, 
using  voi  instead  of  tu.  In  canto  x,  at  p.  331,  I  have 
drawn  attention  to  Dante's  difierent  uses  of  voi  and  tu. 

Adolfo  Bartoli  {Storia  delta  Letteratura  Italiana, 
Florence,  1889,  vol.  vi,  part  ii,  p.  58,  chapter  on  lapolitica 
e  la  storia  nella  D,  C)  asks  why,  if  Dante's  reverence  for 
Ser  Brunetto  was  so  great,  and  he  felt  so  many  ties  of 
afTeclion  for  him,  he  has  been  so  pitiless  as  to  deal 
such  a  crushing  and  fatal  blow  to  his  reputation,  as  he 
does  by  mentioning  his  punishment  here.  Some  have 
tried  to  show  that  Dante,  a  Ghibelline,  has  placed 
Brunetto  here  because  he  was  a  Guelph,  but  this, 
Bartoli  says,  is  a  complete  fallacy,  as  it  is  a  fact  that 
Dante  has  placed  many  Ghibellines  in  Hell,  and  many 
Guelphs  in  Purgatory,  notably  his  bitter  foe  Charles 
of  Anjou  (see  Purg.  vii,  113,  124),  and,  therefore, 
political  sentiments  would  exercise  but  a  secondary 
influence  on  his  adjudication  of  rewards  or  punish- 


504  Readings  on  the  Inferno.        Canto  XV. 

ments  among  the  departed  great  Bartoli  cannot 
agree  with  Scartazzini  that  Dante  condemned  Bru- 
netto  to  Hell  because  he  felt  himself  the  delegate  of 
the  Eternal  Judge,  and  that  there  must  be  a  strong 
line  of  demarcation  between  justice  and  private  affec- 
tion, for  Brunetto  really  was  stained  with  the  degrad- 
ing crime  for  which  Dante  places  him  in  Hell.  Bartoli 
considers  that  Dante  would  probably  have  been  more 
inclined  to  draw  a  veil  tenderly  over  the  name  of  his 
beloved  teacher,  as  also  over  those  of  the  great  Floren- 
tines in  the  next  canto,  and  would  have  left  them  in  the 
obscurity  he  concedes  to  the  multitude  of  such  sinners, 
so  vast  that  il  tempo  saria  corto  a  tanio  suono  (xv,  105). 
But  no  I  he  loses  no  opportunity  in  these  two  cantos 
of  mingling  respect  and  affection  for  persons  guilty  of 
offences  so  abominable  that  in  this  nineteenth  century 
all  would  recoil  with  horror  at  the  very  mention  of 
their  names.  Virgil  tells  him  that  they  must  be  treated 
with  the  greatest  courtesy,  that  their  deeds  of  arms  vie 
with  their  reputation  for  wisdom,  and  that  their  words 
would  always  be  listened  to  in  the  world.  Dante 
would  have  embraced  them  had  he  been  able  to 
descend  on  to  the  sand,  but  he  speaks  with  affection 
of  their  "honoured  names!!"  Bartoli  thinks  the 
hypothesis  of  Blanc  the  most  plausible,  that  in 
the  thirteenth  century  unnatural  crimes  were  so 
exceedingly  prevalent,  that  men  guilty  of  them  did 
not  incur  that  loathing  and  horror  which  they  would 
inspire  in  modern  times;  and  that  Dante,  though 
obliged,  from  the  theological  point  of  view,  to  brand 
them  as  sinners  punished  for  deadly  sins,  yet  would 
not  look  upon  them,  from  the  human  point  of  view,  as 


Canto  XV.        Readings  on  the  Inferno.  505 

men  so  dishonoured,  that  he  should  shrink  from  con- 
sorting with  them  on  terms  of  friendship. 

Ser  Brunetto  now  confirms  his  identity,  giving  his 
name  in  full,  and  intimates  his  desire  to  converse 
with  Dante. 

£  quegli : —  "  O  figliuol  mio,  non  ti  dispiaccia, 
Se  Brunetto  Latini  un  poco  teco 
Ritorna  indietro,*  e  lascia  andar  la  traccia." — 

And  he :  "  O  my  Son,  let  it  not  displease  thee, 
if  Brunetto  Latini  tums  back  a  litde  way  in 
thy  company,  and  lets  the  troop  file  on.'' 

Benvenuto  remarks  in  Dante's  reply  that,  while 
showing  the  greatest  readiness  to  remain  in  Brunetto's 
company,  he  is  careful  only  to  consent,  on  the  condi- 
tion of  doin^  so  with  VirgiFs  approval,  for  he  does 
nothing  without  the  counsel  and  permission  of  Reason, 
and  especially  in  such  very  questionable  surroundings, 
lo  dissi  a  lui : — **  Quanto  posso  ven  preco  ; 

£  se  volete  che  con  voi  m'  as8eggia,t  35 

Far6],  se  place  a  costui,  ch^  vo  seco.** — 

I  said  to  him :  "As  much  as  I  may  I  beseech 
you  to  do  so ;  and  if  you  wish  that  I  should 
sit  down  with  you,  I  will  do  it,  if  it  pleases 
him  there  (Virgil),  for  I  journey  with  him." 

Brunetto  explains  to  Dante  that  he  would  incur  too 

*  Ritorna  indietro :  Buti  observes  that  the  troop  in  which 
Brunetto  was  running  were  going  in  the  opposite  direction  to 
that  pursued  by  Dante  and  Virgil,  and,  therefore,  for  them  to 
enter  into  conversation,  it  was  necessary,  either  that  the  troop 
should  stop,  which  was  forbidden,  or  that  one  party  should  turn 
back  with  the  other. 

*  m^  asseggia :  from  (usederty  of  which  the  ancient  forms  were 
tisseercy  assejere^  and  by  changing  the  /  into  g^  (isseggere. 


5o6  Readings  on  the  Inferno.        Canto  XV. 

heavy  a  penalty,  were  he  to  avail  himself  of  his 

frie^idly  ofTer  to  sit  down  with  him. 

— "  O  figliuol,"— disse, — "  qual  di  questa  greggia* 
S'  arresta  punto,  giace  poi  cent*  anni 
Senza  arrostarsi  quando  il  fuoco  il  f(pggia.t 
Per6  va  oltre :  io  ti  verr6  a'  panni,]:  40 

£  poi  rigiugnerb  la  mia  masnada, 
Che  va  piangendo  i  suoi  eterni  danni.' — 

"  O  my  Son/'  said  he,  "  whosoever  of  this 
herd  stays  at  all,  lies  afterwards  for  a  hundred 
years  without  fanning  himself  when  the  fire 
strikes  him.  Therefore  do  thou  move  on- 
wards: I  will  come  at  thy  skirts,  and  after 
that  (I  have  conversed  with  thee)  will  rejoin 
my  band,  who  go  lamenting  their  everlasting 
damnation." 

From  the  above  we  see  that,  according  to  the  law 

*  i^^SS^^  •'  ^^  primary  meaning  of  this  word  in  the  Vocabo- 
lario  dilla  Crusca  is  that  of  a  quantity  of  beasts  herded  to- 
gether. May  not  Dante  have  used  the  word  here  advisedly 
in  speaking  of  those  who  had  lived  as  **  brute  beasts,  made  to 
be  taken  and  destroyed?"    (2  PcL  ii,  12). 

•  t  feggia  :  ixom/erire.  This,  by  changing  "  r  "  into  "  //,"  be- 
came y5r///r<fy  {xQva  fierere  Q.2jn^  fiedere ;  and  then  by  changing 
"</"  into  "^"  czvci^  feggerey  and  in  old  times  2\%q  feggiare^ 
whence  comes  the  third  person  present  of  the  indicative  feggia. 

X  io  ti  verrb  a^  panni:  Benvenuto  explains  that  Brunetto 
said  he  would  come  along  near  the  dike  at  Dante's  feet,  in  such 
wise  that  his  head  should  just  reach  up  to  his  skirts  {ita  quod 
cum  capite  attingebat  pannos  autoris\  and  from  this  it  may  be 
gathered  that  the  dike  was  about  the  height  of  a  man's  stature. 
Blanc,  too,  asks  why  Brunetto  says  a*  panni^  and  not  (Ulaio  or 
appresso ;  and  argues  that  it  is  very  clear  both  from  this  expres- 
sion, and  from  his  taking  hold  of  Dante's  garment,  per  Io  Uinbo^ 
that  his  face  only  just  reached  up  to  the  level  of  Dante's  skirts. 


Canto  XV.         Readings  on  the  Inferno,  5^7 

of  Hell,  the  mere  fact  of  departing  for  a  single  instant 
from  its  restrictions,  on  the  part  of  those  who  sinned 
against  Nature,  would  immediately  subject  them  to 
the  penalty  of  the  Blasphemers  for  a  hundred  years, 
but  with  this  addition,  that  they  could  not,  like  them, 
brush  aside  the  flames,  but  must  allow  them  to  fall 
without  resistance  upon  their  upturned  faces. 

Dante   mutely  assents  to  Brunetto's  request,  his 
whole  demeanour  showing  that  he  feels  no  repugnance 

whatever  for  the  shade  at  his  feet. 

lo  non  osava  scender*  della  strada 

Per  andar  par  di  lui  :  ma  il  capo  chinof 

Tenea,  come  uom  che  reverente  vada.  45 

I  dared  not  descend  from  the  causeway  to  walk 
on  the  same  level  with  him :  but  I  held  my  head 
bowed  down,  like  one  who  walks  with  reverence. 

♦  lo  non  osava  scender^  etc  :  Compare  Inf,  xvi,  46-51  : 
''  S'  io  fussi  stato  del  foco  coperto, 
Gittato  mi  sarei  tra  lor  disotto, 
E  credo  die  il  Dottor  P  avria  sofTerto. 
Ma  perch'  10  mi  sarei  bniciato  e  cotto, 
Vinse  paura  la  mia  buona  voglia, 
Che  di  loro  abbracciar  mi  facea  ghiotto." 
t  mail  capo  china  Tenea:  Compare  this  with  Dante's  attitude 
when  walking  alongside  of  the  shades  of  the  proud  in  Purga- 
tory, Purg.  xi,  73-78  : 

"  Ascoltando,  chinai  in  giu  la  faccia ; 

Ed  un  di  lor  (non  questi  che  parlava) 
Si  torse  sotto  il  peso  che  lo  impaccia  : 
£  videmi  e  conobbemi  e  chiamava, 
Tenendo  gli  occhi  con  fatica  fisi 
A  me,  che  tutto  chin  con  lui  andava." 
and  Purg,  xii,  1-2  : 

"  Di  pari,  come  buoi  che  vanno  a  giogo, 

M'  andava  io  con  quella  anima  carca." 


5o8  Riodings  an  tlu  Inferno,        Canto  XV. 

Division  II.  After  the  interchange  of  a  few  re- 
marks between  Dante  and  his  old  teacher,*  Brunetto 
predicts  Dante's  future  adversity  at  the  hands  of  his 
countrymen* 

He  first  asks  Dante  how,  and  by  whom  guided,  he 

has  come  alive  into  Hell. 

Ei  comincib:— "  Qual  foitunat  o  destino 
Anzi  V  ultimo  dl  quaggiu  ti  mena  ? 
£  chi  h  quest!  che  mostra  il  cammino  ?" — 

He  began :  "  What  fortune  or  what  fate 
leadeth  thee  here  below  before  the  last  day  ? 
And  who  is  this  who  is  showing  the  way?" 

Dante  answers  Brunetto's  first  question  by  telling 
him  that  he  fell  into  the  paths  of  sin  during  his  youth, 
and  that  he  has  only  now  begun  to  seek  after  a  state 
of  salvation,  (and  here  he  replies  to  the  second  ques- 
tion), under  the  guidance  of  Virgil,  whom  however 
Dante  does  not  mention  by  his  name. 

— **  Lk  su  di  sopra  in  la  vita  serena," — 

Rispos'  io  lui, — *'  mi  smarri'  in  una  valle,  50 

Avanti  che  V  etkt  mia  fosse  piena. 

*  Scartazzini  is  more  inclined  to  think  that  Brunetto  exer- 
cised an  influence  over  Dante's  mind  in  his  writings,  than  to 
believe  that  he  ever  was  his  personal  teacher.    See  Scartazzini, 
ProUgomeni^  p.  32. 
t  Qualfortuna^  et  seq. :  compare  Virg.  /En.  vi,  S3 > '534  ' 
"  Sed  te  qui  vivum  casus,  age  fare  vicissim, 
Attulerint.     Pelagine  venis  erroribus  actus, 
An  monitu  divQm  ?  an,  quae  te  fortuna  fatigat, 
Ut  tristes  sine  sole  domos,  loca  turbida,  adires  ?" 

X  Petd  , ,  . ,  piena:  In  Convito^  iv,  23,  Dante  defines  a  man's 
full  age  at  35  years.  But  Dante  in  the  canto  we  are  now  discuss- 
ing was  speaking  of  a  time  in  his  life  before  this  ;  and  we  know 


Canto  XV.         Readings  on  tJte  Inferno.  509 

Pure  ier  mattina*  le  voisi  le  spalle  : 

Questif  m'  apparve,  tornand'  io  in  quella, 
£  riducemi  a  ca  per  questo  calle." — 


that  he  turned  aside  from  the  contemplation  of  heavenly  things 
soon  after  the  death  of  Beatrice,  in  1290^  when  he  was  25  years 
old.     In  Purg.  xxxi,  34  ei  seq.y  he  tells  her  so : 

**    .    .    .     Le  presenti  cose 
Col  falso  lor  piacer  volser  miei  passi, 
Tosto  che  il  vostro  viso  si  nascose.** 
Scartaztini  remarks  that  the  above  conclusion  is  in  no  way 
inconsistent  with  the  first  verses  of  canto  i,  for  he  does  not 
there  say  that  he  then  went  astray,  but  that  he  then  awoke  to 
the  consciousness  of  having  done  so,  and  thereupon  turned  and 
endeavoured  to  retrace  his  steps.    Some  have  interpreted  the 
Words  Avanii che  r etd  mia  fosse  fnena  as  signifying  ''before  I 
had  accomplished  the  period  of  life  allotted  to  me  by  God,"  but 
the  other  interpretation  is  undoubtedly  the  right  one. 


:  *  Pure  ier  mattina :  Daniello  points  out  that  Dante  had  con- 
sumed an  entire  day  in  trying  to  scale  the  mountain ;  in  defend- 
ing himself  from  the  three  wild  beasts  ;  and  in  conferring  with 
Virgil ;  he  had  entered  into  Hell  on  the  night  of  Good  Friday, 
and,  as  it  was  now  about  4  a.m.  on  the  early  morning  of  Easter 
Eve,  we  are  able  to  verify  his  statement  that  only  the  day  before 
had  he  turned  his  back  upon  that  valley  in  which  he  had  lost 
himselfl 

t  Questi  ni  apparve :  Scartazzini  thinks  that  the  avoidance 
of  Virgil's  name  both  here,  and  in  other  passages  in  the  Inferno^ 
was  due  to  reverence  on  the  part  of  Dante,  who  never  mentions 
the  name  of  God,  or  of  Jesus  Christ,  or  of  the  Virgin  Mary, 
while  he  is  traversing  HelL  Blanc  thinks  that  Dante  never 
mentions  Virgil's  name  but  when  it  is  strictly  necessary ;  as 
when  Virgil  becomes  the  spokesman  in  addressing  Ulysses 
(Inf  xxvi,  73-84X  because,  as  a  Greek,  the  latter  would  have 
been  disinclined  to  take  part  in  a  conversation  with  a  person  of 
modern  times  like  Dante. 


5 10  Readings  on  the  Infemo         Canto  XV. 

"There  up  above  in  the  tranquil  life  (on 
Earth)/'  answered  I  him,  "  I  went  astray  in 
a  vale  (of  sin)  before  that  my  age  was  full. 
Only  yestermom  did  I  turn  my  back  upon  it 
(my  former  state  of  sin)  :  this  one  (i,e.  Virgil) 
appeared  to  me,  when  I  was  retrogading  into 
it  (sin),  and  he  is  guiding  me  to  my  (heavenly) 
home  by  this  path." 

Bninetto  would  seem  to  be  either  unable  or  unwil- 
ling to  understand  the  full  purport  of  Dante's  reply. 
He  had  asked  Dante  what  turn  in  the  wheel  of  fortune 
had  brought  him  down  to  Hell  before  his  death. 
Dante  has  replied  that  he  had  found  himself  going 
astray,  and  leading  a  life  which  would  have  led  to  his 
destruction,  and  which  he  had  quitted  but  yesterday 
on  the  appearance  of  Virgil  (Reason),  who  is  putting 
him  in  the  way  of  retracing  his  steps,  and  seeking 
out  his  heavenly  home.  Brunctto  evidently  ignores  the 
nature  of  the  home  Dante  has  in  prospect ;  he  takes 
it  for  granted  that  honourable  fame  as  a  Poet 
and  Rhetorician  is  the  goal  or  haven  that  Dante  is 
seeking  ;  and  seems  to  tell  him  that  long  ago  he  had, 
as  an  astrologer,  drawn  his  horoscope,  and  that,  if 
Dante  will  only  follow  the  course  therein  marked  out 
for  him,  his  reputation  will  be  glorious. 

Buti  points  out  that  the  will  to  follow  the  influence 
of  the  constellations,  or  not,  rests  in  Man  himself. 
Camerini  quotes  Nannucci  (without  giving  reference) 
as  saying  that  on  the  14th  May,  1265,  the  day  of 
Dante's  birth,  the  Sun  entered  into  the  constellation 
of  Gemini,  which,  in  the  language  of  the  astrologers 
was  "the  significator"  of  Writing,  of  Science,  and  of 


Canto  XV.        Readings  an  the  Inferno.  511 

Cognoscitive  Power  {cognoscibilitate)  ;  and  hence  Bru- 
netto,  when  he  drew  Dante's  horoscope,  had  pretended 
to  foresee  that  he  could  not  fail  to  reach  the  glorious 
haven. 

• 

The  great  American  Dantist,  Mr.  James  Russell 
Lowell,  in  his  Essay  on  Dante,  says  the  inference 
from  this  passage,  that  Dante*s  teacher  Brunetto 
Latini  drew  Dante's  horoscope,  and  predicted  for  him 
a*great  destiny,  is  absurd.  I  am  unable  to  think  so. 
The  error,  if  it  be  one,  is  held  by  Lana,  Benvenuto, 
Buti,  Daniello,  Boccaccio,  Tommase6,  Nannucci,  Scar- 
tazzini,  Lombardi,  Biagioli,  Gelli,  Witte,  and  others, 
though  Philalethes  and  Lubin  take  the  opposite  view. 
There  is  no  reason  to  think  that  Brunetto  did  not 
believe  in  Astrology  like  other  men  of  science  in  his 
day. 

Ed  egli  a  nie : — ''  Se  tu  segui  tua  Stella^  55. 

Non  puoi  fall  ire  al  glorioso  porto, 
Se  ben  m'  accorsi  nella  vita  bella :  * 

£  s'  10  non  fossi  si  per  tempo  f  morto, 

*  nella  vita  bella  :  Some  texts  read  in  la  vita  novella^  which 
again  has  been  explained  in  two  Ways  ;  "  If  I  judged  rightly  of 
the  precise  of  thine  early  youth  ; "  or  "  If  I  formed  a  right 
judgment  of  thy  first  work,  the  Vita  Nuova*^  Dante  represents 
Brunetto  in  Hell  looking  back  regretfully  to  la  vita  bella^  the 
beautiful  life  on  earth  ;  compare  also  Inf.  vii,  58-59,  where  the 
Misers  and  Prodigals  are  said  to  have  had  the  fair  world  taken 
from  them  : 

"  Mai  dare  e  mal  tener  lo  mondo  pulcro 
Ha  tolto  loro." 
Dr.  Moore  {Textual  Criticism^  page  107,  note)  cites  another 
variant  j  vita  fella  as  existing  in  the  MS.  of  the  Biblioteca  di  San 
■  Mjirco  at  Venice. 

t  si  per  tempo  :  Biagioli  says  this  is  an  adverbial  form  equiva- 


512  Readings  on  the  Inferno.        Canto  XV. 

Veggendo  il  cielo*  a  te  cos)  benigno, 

Dato  t*  avrei  'all'  opera  conforto.  -  60 

And  he  to  me : — "  If  thou  follow  thy  star, 
thou  canst  not  fail  to  reach  the  glorious 
haven  (of  Science),  if  I  well  discerned  in  the 
beauteous  life :  And  had  I  not  died  too  soon, 
seeing  Heaven  so  benignant  to  thee,  I  would 
have  given  thee  encouragement  in  the  work. 

Tommase6  thinks  the  meaning  of  A  per  tempo 
morto  is  not  so  much  that  Brunetto  died  young ;  but 
that  he  did  not  live  long  enough  to  be  able  to  give 
assistance  to  Dante  in  his  literary  and  civil  careen 
Dante  wanted  it  to  be  known  that  Brunetto's  opinions 
would  have  coincided  with  his  own.  Lana  considers 
that  Brunetto  would  say :  **  Had  I  lived  longer  I 
would  have  brought  thee  into  the  perfection  of  know- 
ledge." Lord  Vernon  interprets  the  phrase  as  mean- 
ing that  Brunetto  would  have  encouraged  Dante  in 

lent  to  di  buor^  ora^  and  is  properly  used  in  speaking  of  the 
beginning  of  the  day.  Here  the  form  is  extended,  and  human 
life  is  considered  as  though  it  were  but  a  single  day,  or  but  the 
twinkling  of  an  eye  beside  Life  Eternal. 

*  Veggendo  il  cielo  a  te  cosl  benigno :   compare  Purg.  xxx, 
109-117  : 

"  Non  pur  per  opra  delle  rote  magne, 

Che  drizzan  ciascun  seme  ad  alcun  fine, 
Secondo  che  le  stelle  son  compagne  ; 
Ma  per  larghezza  di  grazie  divine, 

Che  si  alti  vapori  hanno  a  lor  piova, 
Che  nostre  viste  Ik  non  van  vicinei 
Questi  fu  tal  nella  sua  vita  nuova 

Virtualmente,  ch'  ogni  abito  destro 
Fatto  averebbe  in  lui  mirabil  prova." 


Canto  XV.         Readings  on  the  Inferno.  513 

« 

the  study  of  the  other  sciences,  and  in  the  exercise 
of  virtuous  and  honourable  deeds. 

Brunetto,  after  having  shown  how  worthy  his  pupil 
is  of  a  better  fate,  proceeds  to  predict  the  adver- 
sity that  will  befall  him  at  the  hands  of  that  Floren- 
tine people,  for  whom  he  has  done  so  much,  and 
Benvenuto  remarks  that  for  the  most  part  it  is  the 
case  that  different  States  have  returned  evil  for  good 
to  their  noblest  and  most  meritorious  citizens,  as  did 
Rome  to  Scipio,  Athens  to  Theseus,  and  so  on. 

Ma  queir  ingrato  popolo  maligno, 
Che  discese  di  Fiesole  *  ab  antico, 
£  tiene  ancor  del  monte  e  del  macigno, 

*  quiir  ingrato  popolo  maligno^  che  discese  di  Fiesole:  Scar- 
tazzini  has  a  very  valuable  note  on  these  lines,  in  which  he  says 
that,  according  to  the  old  Florentine  tradition,  Fiesole  was  the 
first  city  in  the  world,  or  at  least  the  first  ever  built  in  Europe. 
It  was  destroyed  by  Julius  Csesar,  and  the  Romans  built  a  new 
city,  Florence,  which  was  to  be  peopled,  half  by  the  Fiesolan 
people,  and  half  by  Roman  citizens ;  so  that  the  city  of  Florence 
took  its  origin  from  Fiesole.  The  tradition  goes  on  to  say  that 
Attila  caused  Florence  to  be  destroyed  and  Fiesole  to  be 
rebuilt,  though  both  Giov.  Villani  and  Macchiavelli  assert  that  it 
was  Totila  who  destroyed  Florence.  Florence  was  said  to  have 
been  rebuilt  either  by  the  Romans  or  by  Charlemagne,  and 
later  on  the  Florentines,  after  destroying  Fiesole,  allowed  its 
inhabitants  to  come  and  live  at  Florence.  Villani  thinks  that 
this  mixture  of  Romans  and  Fiesolans  is  the  reason  of  the 
continued  divisions  and  feuds  among  the  Florentines.  This  was 
also  the  belief  of  Dante,  for  in  Par.  xvi,  67-69,  he  makes  his 
great-great-grandfiither  Cacciaguida  attribute  the  ills  of  the 
State  to  the  original  admixture  of  races,  though  he  is  not 
confining  himself  to  that  of  the  Florentines  with  the  Fiesolans 
alone,  but  with  their  neighbours  in  all  the  districts  round 
Florence.    Cacciaguida  says : 


5 14  Readings  on  tlu  Infertto.        Canto  XV. 

Ti  si  fark,  per  tuo  ben  far,*  nimico  : 

Ed  h  ragion  ;  ch^  tra  li  lazzi  sorbi  f  65 

Si  disconvien  fruttare  al  dolce  fico. 

''  Sempre  la  confusion  delle  persone 
Principio  ftl  del  mal  delta  cittade, 
Come  del  corpo  il  cibo  che  s*  appone." 
See  also  Par,  xvi,  121-122. 

Dante  thought  he  was  descended  from  the  ancient  Romans ; 
and  he  is  careful  to  distinguish  those  Florentines  who  descended 
from  Fiesole  from  the  so-called  pure  Roman  seed.  For  the 
former  he  entertains  the  most  sovereign  contempt  He  accuses 
the  Florentines  who  came  from  Fiesole  of  still  retaining  the 
hardness  of  the  mountain  and  the  roughness  of  the  granite. 
Dante  thought  all  mountaineers  very  stupid  and  corrupt  This 
is  explained  by  Boccaccio :  "  They  still  smack  of  the  moun- 
tain, in  that  they  are  rustic  and  savage,  and  of  the  granite,  in 
that  they  are  hard  and  not  capable  of  being  moulded  to  any 
liberal  or  civil  graces."  Scartazzini  takes  his  authorities  from 
Giov.  Villani,  Ricordano  Malespini,  Macchiavelli  (Istorie  Fio- 
rentine\  Scipio  Ammirato  {Istorie  Fiorentiney  Florence ^  i^^oX 
and  from  Boccaccio. 

P^re  Berthier,in  a  preliminary  specimen  page  of  his  sumptuous 
work  (Im  Divina  Commedia  con  copnmenti  secondo  la  scolastica 
delV,  Gioachino  Berthier,  Freiburg,  1892),  of  which  only  two 
parts  have  yet  been  published,  says  of  this  annotation  :  "  Qui 
copier6  la  dotta  annotazione  dello  Scartazzini." 

•  per  tuo  ben  far  :  Dante's  party,  the  Bianchi^  were  bitterly 
opposed  both  to  Pope  Boniface  VIII  and  to  Charles  of  Valois, 
and  it  will  be  seen  in  the  sentence  of  condemnation  of  the  chiefs  of 
the  Bianchiy  27  Jan.  1302,  that  for  such  opposition  they  paid  dear, 
and  Dante  among  them.  "  £t  quod  commiserint,  vel  committi 
fecerint,  fraudem  vel  barattariam  in  pecunia  vel  rebus  communis 
Florentie  ;  vel  quod  darent  sive  expenderent  contra  Summum 
Pontificem  et  dominum  Karolum  pro  resistentia  sui  adventus, 
vel  contra  statum  pacihcum  civitatis  Florentie  et  Partis  Guel- 
forum."  (Bartoli,  5/<7nViZ^//.  //.,  vol.  v,  page  131  and  page  136.) 

t  By  lazzi  sorbi  are  to  be  understood  those  Florentines  that 


Canto  XV.         Readings  on  the  Inferno.  515 

Vecchia  fama  nel  mondo  li  chiama  orbi,* 
Gent*  h  avara,  invidiosa  e  superba  : 
Da'  lor  costumi  fa  che  tu  ti  forbi.t 

But  that  ungrateful,   malignant  people  (of 
Florence),  who  in  olden  times  came  down 


were  descended  from  the  Fiesolans,  and  by  dolce  fico  the  Flo- 
rentines descended  from  the  ancient  Romans. 

*  orbi :  commentators  do  not  agree  as  to  the  origin  of  the 
saying  Fiorentim  ciechu  Some  assert  that  while  the  Pisan 
forces  had  gone  to  conquer  the  Island  of  Majorca,  then  held  by 
the  Saracens,  the  Florentines  undertook  to  guard  Pisa  against 
the  Lucchesi  who  were  threatening  it ;  and  the  Pisans,  on  their 
return,  offered  the  Florentines  their  choice  of  two  rewards  : 
either  the  celebrated  bronze  doors  that  now  adorn  the  Cathe- 
dral of  Pisa ;  or  two  columns  of  porphyry,  which  from  envy 
the  Pisans  had  first  purposely  injured  by  fire,  and  had  then  con- 
cealed under  scarlet  drapery.  These  two  columns  are  to  this 
day  standing  on  either  side  of  Gbiberti's  beautiful  doors,  on  the 
side  of  the  Baptistery  at  'Florence  that  faces  the  Cathedral. 
Tradition  says  that  the  Florentines  chose  these,  and,  when  they 
discovered  the  fraud,  exclaimed  :  "  0  quanta  siamo  stati  ciecki 
nel  canfidare  in  voipi  pisane  I "  Benvenuto  relates  this  story 
at  length,  but  says  he  neither  believes  this,  nor  yet  another 
(able  told  by  Boccaccio  in  his  book,  De  Fiuminibus^  that  the 
Florentines  were  called  blind  because  Hannibal  lost  an  eye 
from  the  effects  of  cold  caught  during  the  inundation  of  the 
Ama  He  thinks  they  were  called  blind  for  having  believed  in 
the  fair  words  of  Attila  (Totila),  and  opened  their  gates  to  him 
(see  note  at  the  end  of  canto  xiii).  Scartazzini  says  that  the  origin 
of  this  proverb  of  the  Fiorentini  ciecki  is  hid  in  profound  dark- 
ness, like  all  other  proverbs,  because  they  take  their  birth  in 
the  mouths  of  the  populace. 

t  forbi:  compare  Petrarch,  Trionfo- delta  CastitH^  v.  106  : 
"  Com'  uom  ch'  h  sano,  e'  n  un  momento  ammorba, 
Che  sbigottisce,  e  duolsi  accolto  in  atto 
Che  vergogna  con  man  da  gli  occhi  forba.** 

LL  2 


5 1 6  Readings  on  the  Inferno,        Canto  XV. 

from  Fiesole,  and  even  now  retain  (some- 
what) of  the  mountain  and  the  granite,  will, 
for  thy  good  deeds,  become  thy  foes :  and  it 
is  right ;  for  it  is  not  fitting  for  the  sweet  fig 
tree  to  bear  its  fruit  among  the  harsh  crab- 
apples.  Old  report  in  the  world  proclaims 
them  blind,  they  are  a  race  avaricious,  en- 
vious, and  arrogant :  see  that  thou  cleanse 
thyself  from  their  ways. 

Gelli  thinks  that,  at  this  point  in  the  conversation, 
Ser  Brunetto,  fearing  that  the  displeasing  announce- 
ments he  had  made  to  Dante  might  cause  him  too 
much  distress  and  perturbation  of  mind,  now  seeks  to 
console  him  by  showing  him  that,  whatever  injury  the 
Florentine  people  might  do  him,  he  would  find  that 
each  of  the  two  parties  would  seek  to  win  him  over  to 
their  side.  Benvenuto  speaks  of  the  two  factions  as 
the  exiling  and  the  exiled  {pellens  et  pulsa\ 

The  passage  is  intricate,  and  will  require  more 
minute  explanation.  Brunetto  tells  Dante  that  both 
the  Neri  and  the  Bianchi  will  have  hunger  for  him, 
meaning  that  each  party  will  try  to  win  him  over  to 
their  side  ;  but  they  will  hunger  in  vain.  It  will  no 
more  be  given  to  either  to  boast  of  success,  than  the 
goat  that  is  stretching  up  to  snatch  at  herbage  beyond 
its  reach.  Brunetto,  in  speaking  of  the  beasts  of 
Fiesole,  alludes  to  the  Florentine  families  of  Fiesolan 
descent,  and  contemptuously  observes  that  they  are 
welcome  to  make  litter  of  themselves,  i.e,  to  trample 
down  and  oppress  each  other,  but  he  warns  them  not 
to  dare  to  injure  the  parent  stem,  />.  the  old  families 
of  genuine  Roman  descent,  if  any  are  still  left  in  such 


Canto  XV.        Readings  on  the  Inferno.   .  517 

a  dunghill  of  corruption  and  iniquity  as  Florence  has 
become. 

La  tua  fortuna  tanto  onor  ti  serba,  70 

Che  V  una  parte  e  V  altra  avranno  fame  * 
Di  te  :  ma  lungi  fia  dal  becco  V  erba. 

Faccian  le  bestie  Fiesolane  strame  f 

Di  lor  medesme,  e  non  tocchin  la  pianta, 

S'  alcuna  surge  ancora  in  lor  letame,  75 

In  cui  riviva  la  semente  santa  % 

Di  quel  Roman,  che  vi  rimaser,  quando 
Fu  fatto  il  nido  di  malizia  tanta.** — 

Thy  fortune  reserves  such  honour  for  thee, 
that  both  factions  will  have  hunger  for  thee  : 
but  far  will  be  the  herbage  from  the  goat 
Let  the  beasts  of  Fiesole  make  litter  of  their 

*  r  una  parte  e  P  altra^  et  scq.:  compare  Par,  xvii,  68-69  • 

"  s)  che  a  te  fia  bello 
L'  averti  fatta  parte  per  te  stessa" 

t  strame  signifies  any  kind  of  grass,  hay,  or  straw  that  can 
serve  the  cattle  either  for  food  or  litter. 

X  la  semente  santa  Di  quei  Roman  :  Gelli  says  that  Dante 
calls  the  Roman  people  holy,  not  alone  because  they  were 
approved  by  all  the  world  as  the  most  worthy,  just  and  virtuous 
race  that  ever  existed,  as  that  they  were  elected  by  God  in  His 
new  law  as  the  chosen  people  among  whom  Peter  founded  his 
Church,  just  as  the  Jews  were  the  chosen  race  under  the  old 
dispensation.  And  Dante  shows  this  in  Convito  iv,  5,  where  he 
speaks  of  God  having  preordained  that  people  and  that  city, 
the  glorious  Rome,  in  which  was  to  be  concentrated  the  Universal 
Government  of  the  Earth.  He  calls  the  Romans  divini  cittadim^ 
and  at  the  end  of  chapter  v,  he  says  :  ''  Whence  can  we  ask  no 
further  proof  that  a  special  origin  and  a  special  growth,  thought 
out  and  ordained  by  God,  was  that  of  the  holy  city  "  (Miss  Hil- 
lard's  translation). 

In  the  De  Monarchia^  ii,  v,  Dante  speaks  of  the  Romans  as 
^^Populus  ille  sanctus^  pins  et  gloriosus/* 


5 18  Readings  an  the  Inferno.        Canto  XV. 

own  selves,  and  let  them  not  touch  the  plant 
if  any  yet  springs  up  upon  their  dunghill, 
in  which  there  still  survives  the  sacred  seed 
of  those  Romans,  who  remained  there  (at 
Florence)  when  it  (was  built  and)  became  the 
nest  of  so  much  wickedness." 

Ser  Bninetto's  meaning  is,  "  By  all  means  let  the 
base  citizens  in  Florence  of  Fiesolan  extraction 
oppress,  trample,  devour,  and  make  havoc  of  each 
other,  together  with  all  the  debased  scions  that  are 
able  to  exist  amid  their  foul  corruption  and  hideous 
vices,  but  let  them  not  lay  a  finger  on  any  of  the 
inheritors  of  the  pure  Roman  blood,  from  which,  and 
not  from  the  Fiesolans,  you,  Dante,  claim  that  your 
family  descends." 

All  Brunetto's  words  are  intended  to  express  an 
indignant  protest  against  the  treatment  which  he  per- 
ceives his  beloved  pupil  is  about  to  receive  from  the 
Florentines,  and,  inflamed  with  anger,  he  styles  them 
bestie  Fiesolane ;  bestit'^  for  their  brutish  and  inhuman 
stupidity ;  Fiesolane^  for  their  debased  lineage ;  while 
he  speaks  of  their  persons  as  litter  to  be  trampled 
under  foot ;  and  their  residence  as  a  dunghill. 

Benvenuto  remarks  that  the  Florentines  sin  more 
from  deliberate  wickedness  {nialitia\  than  from  want 
of  self  control  {incontinentia). 

Division  III,  In  lines  58-60  Ser  Brunetto  had 
assured  Dante  that,  had  he  himself  not  died  prema- 

♦  bestia  is  commonly  used  in  Tuscany  to  imply  mere 
stupidity.  A  Tuscan  wishing  to  say  :  **  Oh  how  stupid  of 
me  ! "  will  simply  say  *'  Bestia  ! " 


Canto  XV.         Readings  on  the  Inferno.  519 

turely,  he  would  gladly  have  given  him  continual  help 
in  his  work.  Dante  now  confides  to  him  how  often 
he  has  longed  for  it,  how  much  he  misses  the  en- 
couragement of  his  beloved  teacher,  and  how  he 
wishes  that  he  were  yet  alive. 

— ''  Se  fosse  tutto  pieno  il  mio  dimando,"— 

Risposi  lui, — *'  voi  non  sareste  ancora  80 

DelP  umana  natura  posto  in  bando  : 

Ch^  in  la  mente  m'  h  fitta,  ed  or  mi  accora 
La  cara  e  buona  imagine  paterna 
Di  voi,  quando  nel  mondo  ad  ora  ad  ora 

M'  insegnavate  come  V  uom  s'  eterna  :  85 

E  quant'  10  V  abbia  in  grado,  mentre  io  vivo 
Convien  che  nella  mta  lingua  si  scerna. 

"Were  all  my  desire  fulfilled,"  I  answered 
him,  ''you  would  not  yet  have  been  banished 
from  the  human  race  {ue.  by  death) :  for  in 
my  memory  is  fixed,  and   now  goes  to  my 
very  heart,   that   dear,  kind,  and  paternal 
countenance  of  yours,  when  in  the  world  for 
hours  and  hours  you  used  to  teach  me  how 
Man  makes  himself  eternal :  and  how  much 
I  prize  it  (i.e.  your  teaching),  as  long  as  I  live 
must  be  shown  forth  in  my  tongue  (i.e.  in  my 
writings). 
Dante  means  that  it  goes  to  his  heart  to  see  the 
features  of  his  beloved  teacher  disfigured  and  scorched 
almost  beyond  recognition. 

Lana  says  that  Dante  has  so  appreciated  the  in- 
fluence of  Ser  Brunetto's  teaching,  that  he  will  let  it 
give  its  impress  to  his  poetry,  so  that  his  tongue  may 
not  appear  silent  about  it 

Dante  now  assures  Ser  Brunetto  that  he  will 
carefully  note   down   all   that  he  has    been    fore- 


520  Readings  an  the  Inferno.        Canto  XV. 

telling  him  about  the  future  events  of  his  life,  but  that 

he  shall  not  attempt  any  elucidation  until  he  reaches 

the  presence  of  Beatrice,  either  of  his  words  or  of 

''  another  text/'  by  which  he  refers  to  the  predictions 

of  Ciacco  and  Farinata. 

Ci6  che  narrate  di  mio  corso  scrivo, 
£  serbolo  *  a  chtosar  con  altro  testo 
A  donna  che  sapri^  se  a  lei  arrivo.  90 

*  serbolo  a  chtosar  con  altro  testo^  etc  :  It  is  not  quite  correct 
that  Dante  was  to  have  these  predictions  explained  to  him  by 
Beatrice,  for  it  is  Cacciaguida  who  does  so,  as  spokesman  for 
Beatrice,  in  Par,  xvii,  in  which  canto  there  is  so  close  a  cor- 
respondence with  the  allusions  in  the  present  one,  that  it  is 
difficult  to  assign  to  the  different  quotations  their  proper  places 
in  illustrating  many  words  and  allusions  in  this  passage.   Dante 
tells  Cacciaguida  of  the  continual  hints  he  has  received,  both  in 
Hell  and  in  Purgatory,  as  to  the  evil  days  that  are  likely  to 
befall  him,  and,  though  he  feels  himself  solid  against  his  fate, 
still  he  would  like  to  know  what  it  is  going  to  be.  Par.  xvii,  19-27 : 
''  Mentre  ch'  io  era  a  Virgilio  congiunto 
Su  per  lo  monte  che  V  anime  cura, 
£  discendendo  nel  mondo  defunto, 
Dette  mi  fur  di  mia  vita  futura 

Parole  gravi ;  avvenga  ch'  io  mi  senta 
Ben  tetragono  ai  colpi  di  ventura. 
Per  che  la  voglia  mia  saria  contenta 

D'  intender  qual  fortuna  mi  s'  appressa ; 
Ch^  saetta  previsa  vien  piu  lenta." 
The  altro  testo  would  more  especially  refer  to  the  words  that 
he  has  already  heard  from  Ciacco  {Inf.  vi)  and  Farinata  {Inf,  x), 
and  it  was  on  the  latter  occasion  that  Virgil  informed  him  that 
he  would  learn  from  a  Lady  in  Heaven  about  the  journey  of  his 
life  {da  lei  saprai  di  tua  vita  il  viaggio^  Inf.  x,  1 32).  When  Caccia- 
guida has  ended  his  predictions,  he  sums  up  thus  (/'ar.  xvii,  94 -96): 

**  Figlio,  queste  son  le  chiose 
Di  quel  che  ti  fu  detto  ;  ecco  le  insidie 
Che  dietro  a  pochi  giri  son  nascose." 


Canto  XV.         Readings  on  the  Inferno.  521 

That  which  you  tell  (me)  about  my  career,  I 
write  down,  and  together  with  another  text 
I  reserve  it  to  be  interpreted  by  a  Lady 
(Beatrice)  who  will  know  (how  to  explain  it 
to  me),  if  ever  I  get  to  her. 
Lana  remarks  this  is  as  though  Dante  would  say:  "I 
well  understand  what  the  natural  sciences  announce, 
but  I  am  disposed  to  believe  only  what  the  Science  of 
Theology  lays  down  about  the  matter."     Gelli  thinks 
con  altro  testo  to  mean  that  Dante  will  seek  an  expla- 
nation of  the  obscure  events  of  his  future  life  pre- 
dicted in  the  horoscope  drawn  by  Ser  Brunetto  at  his 
birth  "  con  altro  che  d'  astrologia,  cxoh  con  le  sacre 
scritture." 

Dante  in  conclusion  tells  Ser  Brunetto  that,  what- 
ever be  the  adversity  in  store  for  him,  he  is  prepared 
to  face  it  with  an  undaunted  heart,  so  long  as  he  can 
feel  himself  pure  in  life,  and  upright  in  deeds. 

Tan  to  vogl'  10  che  vi  sia  manifesto, 

Pur  che  mia  coscienza*  non  mi  garra,t 
Che  alia  fortuna,  come  vuol,  son  presto. 

*  coscienMa:  In  Inf,  xxviii,  11 5- 117,  Dante  speaks  of  a  pure 

conscience  : 

"  Se  non  che  coscienza  mi  assicura, 

La  buona  compagnia  che  P  uom  francheggia 

Sotto  1'  asbergo  del  sentirsi  pura." 

And  in  Comj,  iv,  1 1 :  "  Quanto  piii  F  uomo  soggiace  alio  intelletto, 

tanto  meno  soggiace  alia  fortuna."  Compare,  also,  Hon  Epist  I, 

i,  60 :  "Hie  mums  atoius  esto, 

Nil  conscire  sibi,  nulla  pallescere  culpa." 

Again,  Ovid,  Fast,  i,  485-6 : 

"  Conscia  mens  ut  cuique  sua  est,  ita  concipit  intra 

Pectora  pro  facto  spemque  metumque  suo." 

t  garra :    from  garrere^  an   obsolete  form  of  garrire^   to 

reprove,  to  upbraid. 


522  Readings  on  the  Inferno.        Canto  XV. 

Non  h  nuova  agli  orecchi  miei  tale  ana : 

Per6  giri  fortuna  la  sua  rota,  95 

Come  le  place,  e  il  villan  la  sua  marra." 

I  only  desire  this  one  thing  to  be  manifest  to 
you,  that  provided  my  conscience  upbraid  me 
not,  I  am  prepared  for  Fortune,  as  she  list. 
Such  earnest-money  (i.e,  such  anticipation)  is 
not  new  to  my  ears :  therefore  let  Fortune 
turn  her  wheel  as  it  pleases  her,  and  the 
clown  his  mattock." 

Dante  is  here  referring  to  the  bestie  Fiesolane. 
Lana  thinks  that  by  the  clown  is  signified  the  sen- 
sitive appetite.  Boccactio  explains  it  that  Dante 
alludes  to  the  Florentines  of  Fiesolan  extraction, 
more  as  country  boors  than  as  citizens,  and  means, 
*'  Let  them  do  their  wicked  will  against  me,  just  as 
the  clown  turns  the  earth  in  all  directions  with  his 
shovel." 

Gelli  remarks  that,  in  their  passage  through  Hell, 
Dante  had  heard  Virgil  say  several  times  that  what 
was  willed  on  high  must  be  performed  below,  and  that 
the  souls  of  the  lost  were  more  tormented  by  the 
memory  of  their  misdeeds  than  they  had  ever  been 
by  the  strokes  of  adverse  fortune,  or  the  persecutions 
of  cruel  men,  or  by  the  infamies  of  those  who  go  after 
the  popular  cry  of  the  common  people.  This  thought 
had  made  Dante  resolve  that  he  would  through  life 
act  with  justice  and  sincerity,  and  walk  in  the  paths 
of  virtue,  regardless  of  all  else.  And  as  he  had  ob- 
served in  history  [remark  this  is  said  by  Gelli,  the  good 
old  hosier  of  Florence]  that  it  is  nearly  always  the 
best  men  who  are  most  persecuted,  and  more  espe- 


Canto  XV.         Readings  on  the  Inferno.  523 

cially  in  those  countries  which  have  a  Republican 
form  of  government,  where  envy  and  jealousy  invari- 
ably  seem  to  go  after  those  who  have  delivered  their 
country  from  the  greatest  dangers ;  therefore  Dante 
says  that  such  earnest-money,  such  a  mode  of  repay- 
ing good  with  evil  {tale  arra),  is  by  no  means  new  to 
his  ears,  and  he  fully  expects  that,  having  done  his 
best  to  serve  his  country,  he  will  meet  with  the  usual 
reward  ;  but  that,  though  his  life  is  to  be  blighted  by 
a  cruel  destiny,  or  by  the  inconsistent  dealings  of  a 
debased  race  of  citizens,  he  will  pursue  the  even  tenor 
of  his  way. 

While  Dante  has  been  speaking  these  words,  the 
Poets  have  been  walking  along  the  raised  causeway, 
Virgil  in  front,  Dante  behind,  Brunetto  Latini  keeping 
pace  with  them  on  the  sand  below,  on  Dante's  right 

If  Virgil  had  turned  to  his  left  to  speak  to  Dante, 
he  would  have  turned  his  back  on  Ser  Brunetto,  an 
act  of  discourtesy  quite  incompatible  with  the  usage 
of  so  well-bred  a  man  as  Virgil.  He  turns,  therefore, 
to  his  right  and,  facing  Dante,  looks  fixedly  at  him 
to  attract  his  attention,  and  repeats  to  him,  in  the 
form  of  a  proverb,  the  same  idea  that  he  had  expressed 
when  they  had  just  quitted  Farinata  d^li  Uberti 
(canto  X,  127). 

It  must  be  remembered  moreover  that  Virgil  must 
have  made  this  remark,  while  still  walking  on^  to 
Dante  walking  behind  him.  As  Ser  Brunetto  had  to 
keep  in  ceaseless  movement,  the  two  Poets  must  have 
been  going  fast,  and  the  expression  turned  himself 
backward  on  his  right  cheek  (in  sulla  gota  destrd) 
exactly  describes  the  action  that  would  take  place,  if 


524  Readings  an  the  Inferno.        Canto  XV. 

a  man  walking  fast  turns  his  head  to  speak  to  another 
walking  fast  behind  him. 

Lo  mio  Maestro  allora  in  sulla  gota 

Destra  si  volse  indietro,  e  riguardommi ; 
Pot  disse  : — "  Bene  ascolta  chi  la  nota." — 

My  Master  thereupon  turned  backward  on 
his  right  (///.  cheek),  and  looked  at  me ;  then 
he  said  :  ''  He  listens  well  who  notes." 

By  this  Virgil  means  to  tell  Dante  that,  if  he  wishes 
to  profit  by  Brunetto's  words,  he  must  retain  them  in 
his  memory,  for  they  bear  a  far  more  serious  import 
upon  his  future  life  than  Dante  seems  in  the  least  to 
realize. 

Division  IV.    Dante  now  changes  the  conversation 

from  his  own  affairs,  and  questions  Ser  Brunetto  about 

his  companions  in  suffering. 

N^  per  tan  to  di  men  parlando  vommi  loo 

Con  ser  Brunetto,  e  domando  chi  sono 
Li  suoi  compagni  piu  noti  e  piii  sommi. 

Yet  not  the  less  for  this  (interposition  of 
Virgil)  do  I  walk  on  conversing  with  Ser 
Brunetto,  and  I  ask  him  who  are  his  com- 
panions the  most  noteworthy  and  illustrious. 

Most  commentators  give  the  above  interpretation 
to  the  words /<fi;  noti  epiit  sommi,  but  Benvenuto  takes 
them  in  a  bad  sense,  as  signifying  those  who  were  the 
most  notorious  and  depraved. 

Brunetto  answers  Dante  very  much  as  Farinata  had 
done,  by  naming  some  of  the  most  distinguished,  and 
passing  over  the  rest  in  silence,  only  that  he  explains 
away  this  reticence  with  the  remark  that  there  is  no 


Canto  XV.         Readings  on  the  Inferno.  '  525 

time  to  mention  so  many.    He  also  tells  Dante  of 
what  professions  they  were. 

Ed  egli  a  me  : — "  Saper  d'  alcuno  h  buono : 

Degli  altri  fia  laudabile  tacerci,* 

Ch^  il  tempo  sarta  corto  a  tanto  suono.  105 

In  somma  sappi,  che  tutti  fur  cherci, 

E  letterati  grandi,t  e  di  gran  fama, 

D'  un  peccato  medesmo  al  mondo  lerct. 

*  tiuerci:  Compare  canto  x,  116 — 120,  where  Farinata  degli 
Uberti  makes  a  similar  reply  to  Dante's  question  : 
''  Perch'  io  pregai  lo  spirto  piit  avaccio 
Che  mi  dtcesse  chi  con  lui  si  stava. 
Dissemi :  '  Qui  con  piii  di  mtUe  giaccio  ; 
Qua  dentro  h  lo  secondo  Federico, 
E  il  Cardinale,  e  degli  altri  mi  taccio.' " 

i  E  letterati  grandiy  e  digran  fama:  Dante  seems  to  have 
felt  much  compunction  and  some  fear  in  bringing  so  many  dis- 
tinguished names  into  disrepute,  and  we  find,  in  Par,  xvii,  he 
confides  his  scruples  to  his  ancestor  Cacciaguida,  telling  him, 
(112,  et  seq.) : 

''  Giik  per  lo  mondo  senza  fine  amaro, 

E  per  lo  monte,  del  cui  bel  cacume 
Gli  occhi  della  mia  Donna  mi  levaro, 
E  poscia  per  lo  ciel  di  lume  in  lume, 

Ho  io  appreso  quel  che,  s'  io  il  ridico, 
A  moiti  fia  sapor  di  forte  agrume.'' 
Cacciaguida  replies  that  only  those  who  have  guilty  con* 
sciences  will  feel  any  inconvenience  from  his  plain  speaking, 
and  he  adds  (127—135) : 

''  Ma  nondimen,  rimossa  ogni  menzogna, 
Tutta  tua  vision  fa  manifesta, 
E  lascia  pur  grattar  dov*  k  la  rogna ; 


Questo  tuo  grido  fark  come  il  vento, 
Che  le  piu  alte  cima  piii  percote  ; 
£  ci6  non  fia  d'  onor  poco  argomento." 


526  Readings  on  the  Inferno,        Canto  XV. 

And  he  to  me:   **It  is  good  (for  thee)  to 
know  of  some:    of  the  others  it  is  more 


And  that  is  why,  hoth  in  Paradise,  in  Puigatory,  and  in  Hell 
he  has  only  been  shown  (138—142)  : 

'*  Pur  V  anime  che  son  per  &ma  note ; 
Ch^  V  animo  di  quel  ch'  ode,  non  posa, 
N^  ferma  fede  per  esemplo  ch'  haia 
La  sua  radice  incognita  e  nascosa, 
N^  per  altro  argomento  che  non  paia." 

All  the  persons  alluded  to  in  these  two  cantos  are  men  of 
the  most  exalted  rank  and  position. 

Benvenuto  speaks  with  disgust  and  horror  of  the  enormity 
of  the  offence  of  these  wretched  beings.  He  says  :  "  Ah  quam 
melius  erat  istis  habuisse  uxorem,  imo  secundum  legem  Ma- 
chometti  plures  uxores  et  concubinas  1 "  Further  on,  Benvenuto 
speaks  of  the  very  difficult  position  in  which  he  found  himself 
while  giving  these  lectures  in  the  University  at  Bologna,  when 
he  perceived  that  this  crime  was  so  very  prevalent  that  he  had 
either  to  be  a  tacit  witness  or  expose  it ;  the  latter  course,  which 
he  adopted,  placing  his  life  in  the  greatest  danger.  I  give  his 
own  words  in  the  original :  *'  Et  hie  nota,  lector,  quod  vidi  ali- 
quando  viros  sapientes  magnae  literaturae  conquerentes,  et 
dicentes,  quod  pro  certo  Dantes  nimis  male  locutus  est  nomi- 
nando  tales  viros.  Et  certe  ego  quando  primo  vidi  literam 
istam,  satis  indignatus  fiii ;  sed  postea  experientia  teste  didici, 
quod  hie  sapientissimus  poeta  optime  fecit.  Nam  in  mccclxxv, 
dum  essem  Bononise,  et  legerem  librum  istum,  reperi  aliquos 
vermes  natos  de  cineribus  sodomorum,  inficientes  totum  illud 
studium  :  nee  valens  diutius  ferre  fcetorem  tantum,  cujus  fumus 
jam  fuscabat  astra,  non  sine  gravi  periculo  meo  rem  patcfeci 
Petro  cardinal!  Bituricensi,  tunc  legato  Bononia: ;  qui  vir  magnx 
virtutis  et  scientise  detestans  tarn  abominabile  scelus,  mandavit 
inquiri  contra  principales,  quorum  aliqui  capti  sunt,  et  multi 
territi  diffugerunt.  Et  nisi  quidam  sacerdos  proditor,  cui  erat 
commissum  negotium,  obviasset,  quia  laborabat  pari  morbo  cum 
illis,  multi  fuissent  traditi  flammis  ignis  ;  quas  si  vivi  effugerunt, 
mortui  non  evadent  hie,  nisi  forte  bona  pcenitudo  extinxerit 


Canto  XV.        Readings  on  the  Inferno.  527 

praiseworthy  for  us  to  be  silent,  because  the 
time  would  be  short  for  so  much  speech  (i>. 
to  name  so  many).  Know  in  brief  that  all 
were  clerics,  and  great  scholars,  and  of  great 
renown,  on  earth  polluted  by  one  same  crune. 

Brunetto  only  speaks  to  Dante  about  the  shades  of 
those  persons  who  are  in  his  own  band,  namely, 
clerics,  and  men  of  letters.  We  shall  see  in  the  fol- 
lowing canto  that  the  next  band  were  of  other  profes- 
sions. They  seem  to  have  been  divided  into  classes, 
the  shades  in  one  class  being  strictly  forbidden  to  mix 
with  those  of  another. 

He  now  picks  out  a  few  names  that  he  thinks  worthy 
of  Dante's  notice. 

Priscian  *  sen  va  con  quella  turba  grama, 

aqua  lacrymarum  et  compunctionis.  Ex  hoc  autem  incurri 
capitate  odium  et  inimicitiam  multonun  ;  sed  divina  justitia  me 
contra  istos  hostes  naturae  hue  usque  bentgne  protextt" 

*  Priscian  was  a  celebrated  grammarian  bora  at  Caesarea  in 
Cappadocia  in  the  Sixth  Century  of  the  Christian  Era.  Bargigi 
says  he  was  an  apostate  monk.  The  Anonimo  Fiorentino  says 
that  he  is  placed  here  to  represent  a  class,  as  the  teachers  of 
the  young  in  those  days  seem  to  have  had  a  detestable  reputa- 
tion. In  later  times  Ariosto  wrote  in  a  similar  strain  in  his 
Satire  addressed  to  Cardinal  Bembo,  imploring  him  to  tura  his 
attention  to  securing  a  high  tone  of  morality  in  the  teachers  of 
the  young,  and  not  select  them  for  their  learaing  alone.  He 
then  apostrophizes  the  vices  of  the  existing  teachers  : 
"  Oh  nostra  male  awenturosa  etade  ! 

Che  le  virtuti  che  non  abbian  misti 

Vizi  nefandi  si  ritrovin  rade.  « 

Pochi  ci  son  Grammatici  e  Umanisti 

Senza  il  vizio  per  cui  Dio  Sabaot 

Fece  Gomorra  e  i  suoi  vicini  tristi. 


528  Readings  an  the  Inferno.        Canto  XV, 

E  Francesco  d'  Accorso  ;  *  anco  vedervi,  i  lo 

S'  avessi  avuto  di  tal  tigna  bramat 
Colui  potei  che  dal  servo  de*  servi 

Fu  trasmutato  d'  Amo  in  Bacchiglione,  f 
Dove  lasci6  li  mal  protest  nervL 

Che  mand6  il  foco  gtu  dal  Cielo  et  quot 
Eran  tutti  consunse,  sicch^  a  pena 
Camp6  fuggendo  un  innocente  Lot" 

*  Francesco  cC  Accorso  :  Scartazzini  says  that  he  was  a  Flo- 
rentine, son  of  the  celebrated  Accorso  or  Accursius,  a  jurist  of 
great  reputation,  author  of  the  Glossa  or  Commentary  of  the 
Code  of  Justinian.  He  was  a  Professor  at  Bologna,  and  is  said 
to  have  been  induced  by  Edward  I,  who  was  passing  through 
that  city  on  his  return  from  the  Crusades  in  1273,  to  accompany 
him  to  England,  which  Francesco  did.  He  went  to  Oxford, 
where  he  became  a  Professor  of  Law,  and  returned  to  Uologna 
in  1280  enriched  by  the  munificence  of  the  King  of  England. 

t  Colui  ,  ,  ,  che  ,  ,  ,  fu  trasmutato  <P  Amo  in  Bacchiglione: 
The  person  here  alluded  to  is  Andrea  de'  Mozzi,  who  from  the 
deplorable  reputation  he  had  earned  as  Bishop  of  Florence,  on 
account  of  his  addiction  to  the  crimes  punished  in  this  circle, 
was  translated  to  Vicenza,  near  which  flows  the  Bacchiglione, 
and  Scartazzini  says  that  he  died  there  in  1296,  during  the 
Papacy  of  Boniface  VIII.  The  Anonimo  Fiorentino  says  that 
he  rendered  himself  utterly  unfit  to  be  a  Bishop,  owing  to  his 
abominable  crimes,  as  well  as  for  his  gross  stupidity.  Ben- 
venuto  is  unable  to  conceal  his  utter  contempt  for  him,  and 
begins  by  telling  his  reader  that  he  wishes  him  to  know  with 
much  laughter  {^olo  te  scire  cum  non  modico  risu)  who  this 
wretched  creature  is.  He  goes  on  to  describe  the  ridicule  into 
which  his  Sacred  Office  was  brought  by  the  absurdity  of  his 
utterances  from  the  pulpit,  by  which  circumstance  he  made 
himself  the  laughing-stock  of  the  lowest  of  the  populace.  He 
comments  thus  on  him  :  Isie  ergo  magnus  bestionus  a  natura^ 
laborabat  isto  vitio  bestialitatis  contra  naturam.  Benvenuto 
adds  that  he  is  certain  Dante  alludes  to  his  translation  to 
Vicenza  in  order  to  expose  a  further  indignity  done  by  him.    He 


Canto  XV.        Readings  an  the  Inferno,  529 

Priscian  goes  there  with  that  crowd  of  mis- 
creants, and  Francesco  d'  Accorso;  and 
besides,  hadst  thou  had  any  desire  of  (seeing) 
anything  so  loathsome  (///.  such  a  scurf), 
thou  mightest  have  seen  among  them  him 
(Bishop  Andrea  de'  Mozzi)  who  by  the 
Servant  of  servants  {i,e,  by  the  Pope)  was 
translated  from  Amo  to  Bacchiglione,  where 

(at  his  death)  he  left  his  sin-stained  sinews. 

• 

says  that  on  one  occasion  he  was  preaching,  and  in  the  perora- 
tion to  his  sermon  he  spoke  as  follows  :  ''  O  Lords  and  Ladies, 
I  wish  to  recommend  to  you  my  sister-in-law  Monna  Tessa, 
who  is  going  to  Rome  ;  for  in  truth,  if  for  a  short  time  she  was 
unsteady  and  facile,  she  has  now  turned  over  a  new  leaf ;  and 
therefore  she  is  going  to  Rome  to  obtain  Indulgence."  The 
Bishop's  brother  Tommaso  de*  Mozzi,  a  great  jurist,  unable 
any  longer  to  tolerate  such  follies,  and  the  increasing  notoriety 
of  his  brother's  vices,  with  much  prudence  brought  about  his 
translation  to  the  see  of  Vicenza  by  Pope  Nicholas  of  the 
Orsini  family.  The  words  servo  d^servi  refer  to  the  expression 
in  the  Pope's  Bulls,  which  styles  him  Servus  servorum  Dei, 

Compare  the  Third  Satire  of  Ariosto  in  reference  to  the 
promises  made  by  Pope  Leo  X,  line  202  : 

'*  Ma  quando  cardinale  o  de  li  servi 

lo  sia  il  gran  servo,  e  non  ritrovi  anco 
Termine  i  desiderj  miei  protervi,  etc." 
It  is  somewhat  remarkable  that  Gelli,  who  wrote  his  lecture 
on  this  canto  in  1560^  when  the  Inquisition  was  in  full  force  in 
Italy,  not  only  omits  all  mention  of  this  peccant  bishop  in  the 
lecture,  but  even  omits  the  lines  of  the  canto  in  which  allu- 
sion is  made  to  him ;  whether  from  fear  of  the  terrors  of  the 
Inquisition,  or  from  that  of  incurring  the  vengeance  of  a 
powerful  Florentine  family,  I  cannot  tell,  but  an  account  of 
the  state  of  morality  existing  among  the  clergy  in  Geili's  time 
may  be  read  in  J.  A.  Symonds'  Renaissance  in  Italy ,  Age  of  the 
Despots^  London,  1880.  Chapter  on  "  The  Church  and  Morality." 

M  M 


530  Readings  on  the  Inferno.        Canto  XV. 

These  last  words  probably  mean  one  to  infer  that 
he  persisted  in  his  abominable  crime  until  the  day  of 
his  death.  Benvenuto  is  very  positive  that  the  words 
must  be  taken  in  that  sense. 

Vicenza,  of  which  Andrea  de'  Mozzi  became  Bishop, 
is  situated  on  the  River  Bacchiglione,  as  is  Florence 
on  the  Arno. 

Brunetto  excuses  himself  from  speaking  of  others, 
by  the  necessity  for  his  immediate  departure  from 
Dante's  side,  in  order  to  avoid  another  group  of  sinners 
who  are  approaching,  and  after  commending  his  Tesoro^ 
his  principal  work,  to  Dante's  charge,  he  rushes  off  to 
overtake  his  own  troop. 

Di  piii  direi ;  ma  il  venir  e  il  sermone  115 

Piu  lungo  esser  non  pu6,  per6  ch'  io  veggio 
Lk  surger  nuovo  fummo  del  sabbione. 

Gente  vien  con  la  quale  esser  non  deggio  ; 

Siati  raccomandato  il  mio  Tesoro*  [120 

Nel  quale  io  vivo  ancora  ;  e  piu  non  cheggio." — 


*  Tesoro  :  Boccaccio  says  Brunetto  was  anxious  that  Dante 
should  make  his  principal  work  known  in  the  world,  and  so 
contribute  to  his  literary  reputation.  I  follow  Longfellow 
when,  after  speaking  of  some  other  works  of  Brunetto's,  he 
says  :  "  The  Tesoro,  which  is  written  in  French,  is  a  much 
more  ponderous  and  pretentious  volume.  Hitherto  it  has  been 
known  only  in  manuscript,  or  in  the  Italian  translation  of 
Giamboni,  but  at  length  appears  as  one  of  the  volumes  of  the 
Documents  In^dits  sur  PHistoire  de  France,  under  the  title  of  U 
Livres  dou  Tresor  ...  a  stately  quarto  of  some  seven  hundred 
pages,  which  it  would  assuage  the  fiery  torment  of  Ser  Brunetto 
to  look  upon.  The  work  is  quaint  and  curious,  but  mainly  inter- 
esting as  being  written  by  Dante's  schoolmaster,  and  showing 
what  he  knew  and  what  he  taught  his  pupil.     I  cannot  better 


Canto  XV.        Readings  on  the  Inferno,  531 

I  would  tell  of  more ;  but  my  coming  (further 
with  thee),  and  our  conversation,  cannot  be 
prolonged,  for  I  see  a  new  smoke  rising 
yonder  from  the  sand.  People  are  coming 
with  whom  I  may  not  be;  Be  my  Tesoro 
commended  to  thee,  in  which  I  still  live  (in 
fame) ;  and  more  I  ask  not" 

Scartazzini  explains  that  the  smoke  is  the  cloud  of 
dust  kicked  up  by  the  moving  feet  of  the  approaching 
band,  for  Brunette's  comrades  had'  been  gone  some 
time,  and  the  dust  raised  by  them  would  have  sub- 


describe  it  than  in  the  author's  own  words,  Book  i,  ch.  i :  '  The 
smallest  part  of  this  Treasure  is  like  unto  ready  money,  to 
be  expended  daily  in  things  needful ;  that  is,  it  treats  of  the 
beginning  of  time,  of  the  antiquity  of  old  histories,  of  the  crea- 
tion of  the  world,  and  in  fine  of  the  nature  of  all  things  .... 
The  second  part,  which  treats  of  vices  and  virtues,  is  of  precious 
stones,  which  give  unto  man  delight  and  virtue  ;  that  is  to  say, 
what  things  a  man  should  do  and  what  he  should  not,  and 
shows  the  reason  why  ....  The  third  part  of  the  Treasure  is 
of  fine  gold  ;  that  is  to  say,  it  teaches  a  man  to  speak  according 
to  the  rules  of  rhetoric,  and  how  a  ruler  ought  to  govern  those 
beneath  him  .  .  .  . '  And  I  say  not  that  this  book  is  extracted 
from  my  own  poor  sense,  and  my  own  naked  knowledge,  but, 
on  the .  contrary,  it  is  like  a  honeycomb  gathered  from  diverse 
flowers  ;  for  this  book  is  wholly  compiled  from  the  wonderful 
sayings  of  the  authors  who  before  our  time  have  treated  of 
philosophy,  each  one  according  to  his  knowledge  .... 
And  if  anyone  should  ask  why  this  book  is  written  in  Romance, 
according  to  the  language  of  the  French,  since  we  are  Italian, 
I  should  say  it  is  for  two  reasons  ;  one,  because  we  are  in 
France  [Bninetto  Latini  wrote  his  Tesoro  at  Paris],  and  the 
other  because  this  speech  is  more  delectable,  and  more  common 
to  all  people  (parceque  cette  langue  est  plus  ddlitdbU  et  plus 
commune  d  toutes  gens  et  court  parmi  le  mondey  " 

MM   2 


532  Readings  on  the  Inferno.        Canto  XV. 

sided.  Lana  thinks  that,  by  the  dUst  they  raise,  this 
band  must  be  running  more  swiftly,  and  therefore 
must  be  supposed  to  be  more  guilty,  than  Brunetto 
and  his  companions.  Brunetto  does  not  tell  Dante 
who  the  new  comers  are,  but  they  would  hardly  be 
the  same  who  are  mentioned  in  the  next  canto 
as  distinguished  for  wisdom  and  prowess  with  the 
sword  (canto  xvi,  39),  for  before  Dante  encountered 
these  last,  so  long  a  time  had  elapsed,  as  had  sufficed 
to  take  him  a  considerable  distance  onward,  and  he 
had  then  reached  a  point,  from  whence  he  could  hear 
the  roar  of  the  Phl^ethon  thundering  down  the 
tremendous  abyss  into  Malebolge, 

Benvenuto  thinks  that  the  comparison  with  which 
Dante  now  closes  the  canto,  in  describing  the  rapidity 
of  Ser  Brunetto's  hurried  departure,  is  both  lucid  and 
very  amusing.  During  his  sojourn  at  Verona  Dante 
would  often  have  witnessed  the  foot-race  that  took 
place  annually  on  the  first  Sunday  in  Lent  for  the 
Pallio^  or  green  mantle,  in  which  race  Boccaccio  says 
the  runners  were  naked. 

Dante  compares  Ser  Brunetto  speeding  away  to  the 
fleetest  of  these  runners. 

Poi  si  rivolse,  e  parve  di  coloro 

Che  corrono  a  Verona  il  drappo  verde 
Per  la  campagna  ;  e  parve  di  costoro 

Quegli  che  vince  e  non  colui  che  pcrde. 

Then  he  turned  back,  and  seemed  (like  one) 
of  those  who  at  Verona  run  over  the  course 
(for)  the  green  cloth;  and  he  seemed  like 
the  one  of  them  who  wins,  and  not  he  who 
loses. 


Canto  XV.        Readings  on  the  Inferno.  533 

Scartazzini  says  this  popular  spectacle  was  insti- 
tuted to  celebrate  the  victory  that  was  won  on  the 
29th  September,  1207,  by  Azzo  d'  Este,  Podesti  of 
Verona,  over  the  adherents  of  the  Conte  di  San  Boni- 
fazio  and  the  Conte  de'  Montecchi.  The  Statutes  of 
Verona  state  that  four  prizes  were  to  be  exhibited  for 
competition,  the  first  of  which  was  to  be  run  for  by 
virtuous  women,  even  if  only  om  could  be  found. 
{Exponi  debent  quatuor  bravia,  quorum  primum  sit  VI 
brachiorum  panni  viridis  sambugati  et  fini;  ad  quod 
curretur  i>er  mulieres  honestas^  etiam  si  esset  una.) 

End  of  Canto  XV. 


Supplemental  Note  as  to  Brunetto  Latini's 

Name. 

As  it  was  once  suggested  to  me  that  in  my  Readings  on 
the  Purgatorio  I  had  made  use  of  ''  the  popular  but  in- 
correct form "  Brunetto  Latini  instead  of  Brunetto  Latins, 
and  being  anxious  to  ascertain  which  is  really  the  correct 
way  of  writing  the  name  in  this  nineteenth  century^  I  have 
for  some  time  made  a  point  of  asking  the  opinion  of 
every  well-known  Dantist  with  whom  I  have  been  brought 
in  contact  Among  these  I  may  mention  the  late  Dean 
Church,  Sir  James  Lacaita,  Professor  Villari,  the  historian 


534  Readings  on  the  Inferno, 

and  late  Minister  of  Public  Instruction  in  Italy,  and  more 
recently  Doctor  Scartazzini.  All  these  in  reply  to  my 
question,  ''Which  do  you  say,  Brunetto  Latins  or  Latin/?'' 
have  without  exception  answered,  ''Brunetto  Latin/," 
and  have  explained  that  the  name  in  full  was  Brunetto 
dei  Latini,  like  Farinata  degli  Uberti.  Dr.  Scartazzini 
has  kindly  answered  me  at  some  length.  I  translate  his 
words : 

"  Concerning  the  surname  of  Ser  Brunetto,  I  will  briefly 
tell  you  my  opinion,  which,  if  necessary,  I  think  I  can 
defend  on  good  grounds.  The  termination  in  /  is  evidently 
plural,  unless  anyone  chose  to  say  that  it  is  the  Latin  geni- 
tive. The  different  bearers  of  a  surname  or  members  of  a 
family  used  to  style  themselves  {e.g,)  i  Latini,  i  Paganini, 
i  Lombardi,  i  Puccianti,  gli  Scartazzini,  etc.  At  the  present 
day,  when  speaking  of  the  individual,  these  names  are  also 
used  in  the  singular,  whence  we  both  say  and  write :  il 
Latini,  il  Paganini,  etc.  But  the  mediaeval  {antichi)  Italians 
were  more  precise  in  these  matters.  Speaking  of  a  single 
person  they  would  say  il  Latins,  il  Paganini,  etc. ;  and  in 
my  own  family,  which  was  always  called  Scartazzini,  I  find 
in  documents  of  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries,  where 
they  referred  to  a  single  person,  they  used  to  write  Laurenzo 
Scartazzini,  Clara  Scartazzina.  In  using  the  plural  termi- 
nation the  mediaeval  Italians  used  constantly  to  add  the 
sign  of  the  genitive,  writing :  Dante  degli  Alighieri,  Brunetto 
dei  Latini,  etc.  Therefore  to  your  question  I  answer: 
According  to  modern  use  one  must  say  Brunetto  Latin/, 
but,  if  one  wishes  to  adhere  very  closely  to  ancient  usage, 
one  has  to  say  Brunetto  I^tin^  [Sir  James  I^caita  wishes 
me  to  say  that  he  does  not  even  allow  this  much],  and  I 


Readings  on  the  Inferno.  535 

am  convinced  that  Ser  Brunetto  never  signed  himself 
Latin/,  but  always  Latins,  or  dei  Latini,  as  also  it  is  equally 
certain  that  were  he  living  now  he  would  sign  himself  Bru- 
netto Latini.  Therefore  we  come  to  this  conclusion  :  In 
olden  times  the  correct  form  of  the  name  was  Brunetto 
Latino,  in  modem  times  Brunetto  Latini." 

A  distinguished  University  Dantist  and  litttrateur  writes 
to  me  as  follows :  *'  Thank  you  very  much  for  Scartazzini's 
interesting  letter,  which  I  enclose.  I  entirely  agree  with 
you  and  with  him  as  to  the  correctness  now  of  writing 
Latini.  Latins?  would  be  mere  pedantry ;  as  bad  as  Stephan 
for  Stephen,  which  I  saw  lately,  Eadward  for  Edward,  or 
that  modern  hybrid  abomination  Vergil,  which  always 
irritates  me  extremely.  Vergilius  if  you  like,  but  Vergil  is 
neither  one  thing  nor  the  other." 

I  may  add  that  I  was  lu-ged  by  no  less  a  Dantist,  and  an 
Italian,  than  Sir  James  Lacaita,  to  draw  attention  to  this 
matter,  when  I  should  write  "  Readings  on  the  Infemo.^^ 

I  see  moreover  that  Adolfo  Bartoli,  perhaps  the  greatest 
living  authority  on  such  questions,  in  his  Storia  delta  Lette- 
ratura  Itatiana^  in  vol.  vi,  repeatedly  uses  the  expression 
Brunetto  Latini. 

The  Chief  of  modem  Dantists,  the  late  Karl  Witte,  both 
in*  his  text  of  the  Divina  Commedia,  and  in  his  Dante 
Forschungen^  speaks  of  Bmnetto  Latin/.  Therefore,  with 
such  authority  as  that  of  Witte  (who  reads  Latini  in  his 
text),  Scartazzini,  Bartoli,  Villari,  Lacaita  and  Church,  I  am 
afraid  I  must  still  continue  to  make  use  of  "the  popular 
though  incorrect  form  "  Brunetto  Latin/. 

Since  I  wrote  the  above,  Sir  James  Lacaita  has  spoken  to 
me  further  on  the  subject,  and  remarks  that  Latini  is  the 


536 


Readings  on  the  Inferno. 


genitive  of  Latinus^  and  is  equivalent  to  Wfmg  films 
like  Williamson  in  English  for  *'the  son  of  William,'' etc. 
In  Southern  Italy  the  form  is  almost  always  *'  di  Vincoizi,'' 
"  di  Pietri,"  **  di  Giovanni^"  etc ;  and  afterwards,  especially 
in  this  century,  they  have  gradually,  for  the  sake  of  abbre- 
viation, taken  to  write  it  as  one  word,  **  Devincenzi,"  '*  De- 
giovanni,"  "Desanctis,"  '' Depretis,"  etc,  and  Brunetto 
Latini  stands  for  **  Brunettus  filius  Latini/' 


Canto  XVI.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  537 


CANTO  XVI. 


JHE    Third    Round    of    the    Seventh 
^  Circle. 

The  Burning  Sand  {continued). 
The  Violent  against  Nature  {continued). 

gvido  guerra. 

Teqghiaio  Aldobrandi. 

jA€OPO  RUSTICUCCI. 

€tuglielmo  borsiere. 

^    Geryon. 

Many  commentators  have  contended  that  the  sin- 
ners whom  Dante  encounters  in  the  present  canto  were 
stained  with  an  even  deeper  dye  of  guilt  than  those 
described  in  the  last  canto  ;  but  it  is  more  probable 
(as  Scartazzini  suggests)  that  they  are  mentioned  as 
having  been  men  in  authority  and  position  in  public 
life,  in  contrast  to  the  clerics  and  teachers  spoken  of 
in  the  last  canto ;  the  distinction  being,  not  the 
gravity  of  the  offences,  but  the  position  in  life  of  the 
offenders. 

Benvenuto  divides  this  canto  into  four  parts. 
In  the  First  Division^  from  v.  I  to  v.  27,  Dante 
relates  how  he  was  accosted  by  the  shades  of  three 
noble  Florentines,  and  the  singular  method  adopted 
by  them  to  enable  themselves  to  enjoy  a  few  moments' 
conversation  with  him,  without  pausing  in  their  cease- 
less movement. 


538  Readings  an  the  Inferno,       Canto  XVI. 

In  the  Second  Division^  from  v.  28  to  v.  45,  Jacopo 
Rusticucci,  one  of  the  three,  names  both  himself  and 
his  companions  to  Dante,  after  asking  him  who  he  is. 

In  the  Third  Division,  from  v.  46  to  v.  90,  Dante, 
replying  to  the  questions  addressed  to  him  by  the 
three  shades,  describes  to  them  the  decadence  of  Flo- 
rence, which  he  attributes  to  the  pride  and  arrogance 
introduced  into  the  City  by  the  new  upstart  plutocracy. 

In  the  Fourth  Division,  from  v.  91  to  v.  136,  Dante 
relates  how  he  was  conducted  by  Virgil  to  the  brink  of 
the  Great  Abyss  that  overhangs  Malebolge,  down  into 
which  the  Phlegethon  falls,  and  he  describes  the 
strange  monster  called  up  by  Virgil  to  carry  them 
down  into  the  Eighth  Circle. 

Division  I  At  the  end  of  the  last  canto  the  Poets 
had  just  parted  from  the  shade  of  Brunetto  Latini, 
who  had  sped  away  in  pursuit  of  his  own  company,  as 
well  as  to  avoid  contact  with  another  troop  that 
were  approaching,  and  with  whom  he  told  Dante  he 
was  not  at  liberty  to  consort.  We  now  find  that  the 
Poets,  who  are  continuing  to  traverse  the  Burning 
Sand  by  walking  on  the  petrified  and  protected  mar- 
gin of  the  Phlegethon,  are  addressed  by  three  shades 
belonging  to  another  band  which  they  encounter,  but 
not  that  band  which  Ser  Brunetto  said  he  must  avoid, 
for,  since  leaving  them,  the  Poets  have  got  over  so 
much  ground  that  they  are  drawing  near  to  the  inside 
edge  of  the  Third  Round,  which,  we  must  not  forget, 
is  the  innermost  of  the  three  Rounds  of  the  Seventh 
Circle,  and  they  can  now  hear  the  sound  of  the  Phle- 
gethon falling  into  the  Eighth  Circle. 


Canto  XVI.       Readings  an  the  Inferno.  539 

Gik  era  in  loco  ove  s'  udia  il  rimbombo  * 
Dell'  acqua  che  cadea  nelP  altro  giro, 
Simile  a  quel  che  V  arnie  t  fanno  rombo  ; 

Quando  tre  ombre  X  insieme  si  partiro, 

*  rimbombo :  Gelli  says  that  the  proper  meaning  of  this  word  is 

that  reverberation  that  remains  after  some  sound  or  noise  (more 

especially  in  hollow  or  confined  spaces),  and  lasts  until  the  air  that 

has  been  violently  disturbed  by  the  noise,  returns  into  its  former 

condition.    And  hence  the  word  is  also  used  in  a  metaphorical 

sense  to  denote  some,  voice  or  memory  which  is  left  behind  by 

some  well-known  thing.    Petrarch  uses  it  in  both  senses.    In  the 

metaphorical  sense  in  5^»if^/cliv  (which  in  some  editions  is  cxxxv): 

"  Ma  questa  pura  e  Candida  colomba, 

A  cui  non  so  s*  al  mondo  mai  par  visse, 

Nel  mio  stil  frale  assai  poco  rimbomba." 

And  in  the  ordinary  sense,  in  Sonnet  Ix  (which  in  some  editions 

is  lii) : 

*'  Ma  la  sua  voce  ancor  quaggid  rimbomba  ; 

O  voi  che  travagliate,  ecco  il  cammino  ; 

Venite  a  me,  se  '1  passo*  altri  non  serra." 

t  P  arnie :  Gelli  reads  arme^  which  he  says  that  he  finds  in 

the  text  of  a  commentator  contemporary  with  Dante,  but  whom 

he  does  not  name.    He  remarks,  moreover,  that  he  has  never 

found  in  any  country  the  word  arnie  used  to  signify  beehives 

(sic).     It  is  somewhat  remarkable,  however,  that  Boccaccio, 

also  a  Florentine,  says:  ''cio^,  era  simile  a  quel  rombo  che  P arnie 

£Emno,  cio^,  gli  alvei  o  i  vasi  ne'  quali  le  pecchie  (bees)  fanno 

li  lor  Jiari  (honeycombs^  il  quale  h  un  suon  confuso,  che 

simigliare  non  si  pu6  ad  alcun  altro  suono." 

Scartazzini  says  arfiia  is  derived  from  the  Celtic  am^  hollowed. 

In  Georg.  iv,  260-263,  Virgil  compares  the  hum  of  the  bees  to 

the  moaning  of  the  waves  of  the  sea  : 

"  Tum  sonus  auditur  gravior  tractimque  susurrant : 

Frigidus  ut  quondam  silvis  immurmurat  Auster  ; 

Ut  mare  soUicitum  stridit  refluentibus  undis  ; 

iEstuat  ut  clausis  rapidus  fbmacibus  ignis." 

X  Quando  tre  ombre  ....  correndo  .  . '.  .  venian  ver  noi : 

Compare  Purg,  v,  28-30 : 


540  Readings  on  the  Inferno.       Canto  xvi. 

Correndo,  d'  una  torma  che  passava  5 

Sotto  la  pioggia  delP  aspro  martiro. 
Venian  ver  noi,  e  ciascuna  gridava  : 
— ''  Sostati  tu,  che  all'  abito  ne  sembri 
Essere  alcun  di  nostra  terra  prava." — 

Already  was  I  in  a  place  where  the  roar  of 
the  water  that  was  falling  into  the  other  Circle 
could  be  heard  like  the  humming  that  bee- 
hives make ;  when  three  shades  together,  as 
they  ran,  quitted  a  band  that  was  passing  be- 
neath the  down-pour  of  grievous  (iiery)  tor- 
ment.   They  came  towards  us,  and  each  of 
them  cried:   "Stay  thou,  who  by  thy  garb 
seemest  to  be  one  from  our  depraved  city 
(i,e.  Florence).** 
G.  Villani  (xii,  ch.  4)  relates  that  of  old,  before  the 
time  of  the  Duke  of  Athens  (Walter  de  Brienne),  the 
dress  of  the  Florentines  was  the  fairest,  the  noblest, 
and  the  most  dignified  of  all  national  costumes,  after 
the  fashion  of  the  Roman  Toga.  In  Costa's  Dante  there 
is  an   additional   note  on  this  passage  by  Brunone 
Bianchi,  describing  the  Florentine  civil  costume  as 
being  especially  distinguished  by  the  lucco  *  and  the 

"  £  due  di  loro  in  forma  di  messaggi 

Corsero  incontro  a  noi,  e  domandame  : 
*  Di  vostra  condizion  fatene  saggi.' " 

*  Those  present  at  the  festivities  that  followed  the  unveiling 
of  the  Facciata  of  the  Cathedral  of  Florence  by  the  King  and 
Queen  of  Italy  on  the  12th  May,  1887,  might  have  seen  in  the 
never  to  be  forgotten  historical  procession  through  the  streets 
of  Florence,  numbers  of  modern  Florentines  arrayed  in  the 
mediaeval  lucco.  The  same  costume  was  also  much  used  at 
the  historic  ball  in  the  great  Municipal  Hall  of  the  Cinque 
CentOy  where  their  Majesties  were  also  present. 


Canto  XVI.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  541 

cappiucio.  The  lucco  was  a  robe  without  any  folds,  that 
was  gathered  in  at  the  waist.  Dante  was  accustomed 
to  wear  a  cap  on  his  head,  from  which  descended  two 
bands,  and  this  cap  went  by  the  name  of  il  focale. 

Boccaccio  says  that  by  the  words  che  alV  abito  ne 
sembriy  one  may  understand  that  nearly  every  city  or 
State  had  its  own  distinctive  mode  of  dressing,  "  for 
not  yet,**  he  says,  **  had  we  become  English  or  Ger- 
mans, as  at  this  day  we  have  become  in  our  dress." 
Benvenuto  confirms  the  above,  but  adds :  "  At  the 
present  day  there  are  as  many  Florentine  costumes 
as  Florentine  faces,  because  they  bring  them  back 
from  the  different  parts  of  the  world  through  which 
they  are  always  rushing  about  quicker  than  these 
spirits  over  the  sand." 

In  his  meeting  with  Brunetto  Latini,  Dante  would 
seem  to  have  been  more  taken  up  with  the  recogni- 
tion of  his  old  master  than  with  the  'details  of  his 
sufferings.  Here,  however,  as  he  is  unacquainted  with 
the  features  of  these  spirits  (though,  when  he  hears 
their  names,  he  knows  them  by  reputation),  he  dwells 
more  upon  the  effects  he  sees  upon  their  persons  of 
the  terrible  torments  they  are  undei^oing. 

Aim^  che  piaghe  vidi  ne'  lor  membri  10 

Recent!  e  vecchie  dalle  fiamme  incese  ! 
Ancor  men  duol,  pur  ch'  io  me  ne  rimembri.* 

*purcH  io  me  ne  rimembri:  Compare  Purg,  xxvii,  16-18,  where 

Dante  throws  himself  down  in  an  agony  of  fear  at  the  prospect 

of  entering  into  the  flames,  recollecting  with  horror  some  terrible 

scenes  he  has  witnessed  of  human  beings  bein^  burnt  to  death: 

"  In  sulle  man  commesse  mi  protest, 

Guardando  il  foco,  e  immaginando  forte 
Umani  corpi  gih.  veduti  accesi.'* 


542  Readings  an  the  Inferno.       Canto  XVI. 

Ah  mel  what  sores,  recent  and  old,  did  I 
behold  upon  their  limbs,  burnt  in  by  the 
flames  1  It  grieves  me  still,  merely  when  I 
think  of  it. 

Scartazzini  points  out  that  while  the  old  wounds 
never  healed  up,  the  ever  falling  flakes  of  fire  were 
continually  creating  new  sores.  Boccaccio  thinks 
their  wounds  must  have  resembled  those  made  by 
red-hot  pincers,  a  not  unusual  mode  of  punishment  in 
the  13th  century. 

In  all  the  Divina  Commedia  there  is  perhaps  no 
episode  more  remarkable  than  that  which  now  occurs, 
wherein  Dante  describes  Virgil,  one  of  the  purest  of 
the  ancient  Poets,  impressing  on  him  the  great  respect 
he  is  to  pay  to  the  three  personages  with  whom  he  is 
now  about  to  converse.  Bartoli  expresses  his  extreme 
disgust,  and  quoting  the  diflerent  observations  that 
are  made  about  them,  denoting  reverence  and  admi- 
ration, in  lines  15,  39,  41-42,  50-51,  down  to  the 
crowning  marvel  of  all,  where,  in  lines  58-60,  Dante 
speaks  of  their ''  honoured  names,"  he  comes  to  the 
same  conclusion  referred  to  in  the  last  canto,  namely, 
that  although  Dante  has  branded  all  these  names  with 
what  would  be  considered  indelible  infamy  in  a  puref 
age,  the  public  opinion  of  rDante's  time  on  this  hideous 
subject  must  have  been  diflerent.  Bartoli  thinks  with 
Blanc  that  the  extreme  prevalence  of  the  crime  may 
have  caused  it  to  be  judged  with  less  opprobrium 
than  would  be  the  case  now.  A  marked  change  in 
public  feeling  would  seem  to  have  occurred  fifty  years 
after  the  death  of  Dante  respecting  this  vice,  for  Ben- 
venuto,  while  stating,  at  page  523  of  vol.   I   of  his 


Canto  XVI.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  543 

Commentary,  how  very  prevalent  it  had  been  when 
he  was  at  Bologna,  speaks  about  it  again  at  page  550, 
where,  after  affirming  Ihat  whereas,  in  the  past,  Flo- 
rence had  been  so  bad  as  to  have  merited  the  fate  of 
the  Cities  of  the  Plain,  he  concludes  by  saying :  "  But 
by  the  grace  of  God,  at  this  day  in  the  fourteenth 
century,  it  seems  to  have  become  much  more  purified  " 

Alia  lor  grida  il  mio  Dottor  s'  attese, 

Volse  il  viso  ver  me,  ed  : — "  Ora  aspetta,'' — 
Disse ; — "  a  costor  si  vuole  csser  cortese  :  15 

£  se  non  fosse  il  foco  che  saetta 
La  natura  del  loco,  10  dicerei, 
Che  meglio  stesse  a  te,  che  a  lor,  la  fretta.** — 

My  Teacher  paused  attentive  to  their  cries, 

• 

(then)  turned  his  face  to  me,  and  said :  "  Now 
wait,  to  these  we  must  needs  be  courteous : 
And  were  it  not  for  the  fire  which  the  nature 
of  the  place  darts  down,  I  should  say  that 
haste  would  become  thee  better  than  them." 

He  means  that,  were  it  not  for  the  fire,  he  should 
exhort  Dante  to  descend  from  the  margin,  and  run 
with  all  speed  to  meet  them,  as  they  had  been  per- 
sonages of  great  dignity. 

.  The  Poets  have  now  stayed  their  steps,  and  await 
the  questions  that  the  three  shades  are  about  to  put 
to  them.  It  must  be  remembered,  as  we  read  in 
canto  xiv,*  that  the  whole  body  of  the  degraded 
beings  of  this  circle  were  lifting  up  their  voices  in 
an  unceasing  wail  of  anguish.    To  address  the  Ppets 

*  Canto  xiv,  19-20 : 

"  D*  anime  nude  vidi  molte  gregge, 

Che  piangean  tutte  assai  miseramente." 


544  Readings  an  the  Inferno.       Canto  XVI. 

standing  on  the  causeway  above  them,  they  had  been 
obliged,  to  pause  for  an  instant ;  but  having  spoken, 
we  learn  that  they  recommenced  their  wailing,  and 
adopted  the  ingenious  expedient  of  forming  them- 
selves into  a  wheel,  by  joining  hands,  and  running 
round  and  round ;  so  that,  while  they  continued  in 
motion,  yet  they  remained  on  the  same  spot,  and 
their  attitudes  seem  to  have  reminded  Dante  of  those 
of  wrestlers. 

Ricominciar,  come  noi  ristemmo,  ei 

L'  antico  verso  ;  e  quando  a  noi  fur  giunti,         20 

Fenno  una  rota  di  se  tutd  e  trei. 
Qual  soleano  i  campion  far  nudi  ed  unti, 

Awisando  lor  presa  e  lor  vantaggio, 

Prima  che  sien  tra  lor  battuti  e  punti : 
Cos),  rotando,  ciascuno  il  visaggio  25 

Drizzava  a  me,  s)  che  in  contrario  il  collo 

Faceva  a'  pi^  continuo  viaggio. 

As  we  stopped,  they  resumed  the  old  refrain 
(of  their  lamentation) ;  and  when  they  had 
come  up  with  us,  they  all  three  made  of  them- 
selves a  wheel.  As  champions  stripped  and 
oiled  are  wont  to  do,  watching  for  their  grip 
and  their  vantage,  before  they  have  exchanged 
blows  and  thrusts :  so,  wheeling  round,  each 
(of  these)  directed  his  face  towards  me,  so 
that  the  neck  was  continually  travelling  in 
contrary  (direction)  to  the  feet. 

As  they  ran  round  and  round  in  a  circle,  wishing 
at  the  same  time  to  keep  their  eyes  fixed  upon  the 
Poets,  it  stands  to  reason  that  they  had  to  turn  them 
nearly  the  whole  time  in  the  opposite  direction  to 
that  in  which  they  ran. 


Canto  XVI.       Readings  on  the  Inferno,  545 

Benvenuto  lays  great  stress  upon  battuti  e  punti  tra 
loTy  signifying  with  their  palms  or  fists  {cum  palmis 
velpugnis),  "  Nor  are  you,"  continues  he,  "  to  under- 
stand that  it  means  with  the  sword  in  this  passage,  as 
some  used  to  fight,  and  indeed  still  do  at  the  present 
day,  as  when  two  petty  kings  fought  in  the  presence 
of  Scipio  at  Carthage  in  Spain ;  and  as  the  three 
Horatii  fought  with  the  three  Curiatii  of  Alba ;  for 
the  comparison  then  would  not  be  appropriate."  In 
Convito^  i,  8,  Dante  writes :  "  A  tto  libero  h  quando 
una  persona  va  volentieri  ad  alcuna  parte,  che  si 
mostra  vel  tenere  volto  lo  viso  in  quella :  atto  sforzato 
^,  quando  contra  a  voglia  si  va,  che  si  mostra  in  non 
guardare  nella  parte  dove  si  va."  {Free  action  is, 
when  a  person  goes  voluntarily  in  any  direction, 
which  is  made  evident  by  his  turning  his  face  that 
^^y  f  ^  forced  act  is  when  he  goes  against  his  will, 
which  he  shows  by  not  looking  in  the  direction 
he  goes.  Miss  Millard's  Translation)  Upon  this 
quotation,  as  applying  to  the  passage  in  the  text, 
Scartazzini  remarks  that  the  act  of  looking  is  an  atto 
libero  on  the  part  of  the  three  shades,  whereas  their 
running  round  and  round  in  a  circle  or  wheel  is  an  ' 
atto  sforzato. 


Division  II.  One  of  the  shades  now  names  his 
two  companions  to  Dante.  He  briefly  mentions  what 
was  noteworthy  in  their  lives,  and  then  makes  him- 
self known  as  Jacopo  Rusticucci,  decidedly  inferior 
in  birth  and  rank  to  the  other  two.  With  much 
sadness  and   shame  he   entreats    Dante  not  to  be 

NN 


54^  Readings  an  the  Inferno.       Canto  XVI. 

prejudiced  by  their  abject  condition  and  degraded 
appearance,  but  to  judge  them  by  their  former  repu- 
tation. 

— ^  Eh,  se  miseria  d'  esto  loco  sollo 

Rende  in  dispetto  noi  e  nostri  preghi," — 
.  Comincib  V  uno,— "  e  il  tinto  aspetto  e  broUo  ;    30 
La  £una  nostra  il  tuo  animo  pieghi 
A  dime  chi  tu  se\  che  i  vivi  piedi 
Cos)  sicuro  per  lo  inferno  freghi. 
Questi,*  1'  orme  di  cui  pestar  mi  vedi, 

Tutto  che  nudo  e  dipelato  vada,  35 

Fu  di  grado  maggior  che  tu  non  credi. 
Nepote  fu  della  buona  Gualdrada  :t 

*  Questi  .  .  .  Nepote  fuy  et  seq. :  Guido  Guerra,  grandson 
of  the  good  Gualdrada,  is  mentioned  by  Ricordano  Malespini 
(chapter  157)  as  commanding  the  Guelph  army  that  in  1255 
drove  the  Ghibellines  out  of  Arezzo.  He  was  banished  from 
Florence  after  the  battle  of  Montaperti,  with  the  other  leading 
Guelphs,  among  whom  was  Dante's  father.  He  was  sumamed 
Guerra  on  account  of  his  being  continually  engaged  in  some  sort 
of  fighting,  and  from  his  d<iring  exploits  in  war.  Benvenuto 
observes  that  many  have  wondered  why  Dante  should  have 
made  use  of  the  name  of  an  ancestress  to  introduce  a  man 
of  such  illustrious  descent,  and  distinguished  by  such  great 
achievements.  But  Benvenuto  thinks  it  was  quite  rightly  done, 
in  order  that  his  grandmother's  renowned  family  might  be 
mentioned. 

t  Gualdrada  was  the  daughter  oT  Messer  Bellincione  Bertt 
de*  Ravignani,  one  of  the  most  notable  and  honourable  citizens 
of  Florence,  and  of  whom  Dante's  ancestor,  Cacciaguida,  is 
made  to  speak  {Par.  xv,  112,  and  xvi,  94,  et  seq.)  with  profound 
respect  In  the  latter  passage  Cacciaguida  mentions  Guido's 
descent  from  Bellincione : 

"  Sopra  la  porta,  che  al  presente  h  carca 
Di  nuova  fellonia,  di  tanto  peso 
Che  tosto  fia  giattura  della  barca, 


Canto  XVI.       Readings  on  the  Inferno,  547 

Guido  Guerra  ebbe  nome,  ed  in  sua  vita 
Fece  col  senno  assai  e  con  la  spada. 


Erano  i  Ravignani,  ond'  h  disceso 

II  conte  Guido,  e  qualunque  del  nome 
Deir  alto  Bellincion  ha  poscia  preso.'' 
Boccaccio  {Comento)  relates  the  following  story  of  Gualdrada, 
namely,  that  the  Emperor  Otho  IV  happening  to  be  at  Florence, 
and  having  gone  to  the  Feast  of  San  Giovanni  to  render  it 
more  joyful  with  his  presence,  it  chanced  that  into  the  church 
there  entered  with  the  other  citizens'  wives,  Messer  Berto's, 
and  brought  with  her  a  daughter  of  hers  named  Gualdrada, 
who  was  yet  a  maiden  :  and  as  they  sat  with  others  on  one  side, 
because  the  girl  was  surpassingly  beautiful  both  in  form  and 
feature,  nearly  all  present  turned  round  to  look  at  her,  and 
amongst  others  the  Emperor ;  who  having  greatly  commended 
her  beauty  and  manners,  asked  Messer  Berto,  who  was  near 
him,  who  she  was  ;  to  which  Messer  Berto  answered  smiling  : 
"  She  is  the  daughter  of  one  who  would  I  dare  say  allow  you  to 
kiss  her,  if  it  pleased  you."  The  girl,  being  near,  heard  the 
words,  and  being  much  troubled  at  the  opinion  her  father  seemed 
to  have  of  Her,  in  letting  it  be  thought  that  she  would  allow  any 
one  to  kiss  her  otherwise  than  in  a  lawful  way  ;  stood  up  and, 
looking  at  her  father  with  a  blush  of  shame,  said :  "  Father,  I 
pray  you  not  to  make  such  liberal  promises  at  the  expense  of 
my  modesty,  for,  unless  by  violence,  no  man  shall  ever  kiss  me 
except  the  one  you  give  me  for  a  husband/'  The  Emperor 
greatly  commended  the  maiden's  reply,  saying  that  such  words 
could  only  proceed  from  a  virtuous  and  modest  heart,  and  at 
once  turned  his  thoughts  to  finding  a  suitable  bridegroom  for 
her,  and  calling  into  his  presence  a  noble  youth  named  Guido 
Beisangue,  who  was  afterwards  known  as  the  Conte  Guido  the 
Elder,  he  encouraged  him  to  espouse  her,  and  gave  him  as  a 
dowry  a  territory  of  great  extent  in  the  Casentino  and  in  the 
Alps,  of  which  he  created  him  Count.  Guido  and  Gualdrada 
had  several  children,  one  of  whom  was  the  fitther  of  Guido 
Guena. 

NN   2 


548  Readings  an  the  Inferno.       Canto  XVI. 

L'  altro  che  appresso  me  V  arena  trita,  40 

^  Tegghiaio*  Aldobrandi,  la  cui  vocef 
Nel  mondo  su  dovria  esser  gradita. 

Ed  10,  che  posto  son  con  loro  in  croce, 
Jacopo  Rusticucci  {  ftii :  e  certo 
La  fiera  moglie  ptik  ch'  altro  mi  nuoce." —  45 

"Ah !"  began  one  of  them,  ''if  the  wretchedness 
of  this  place  soft  (from  the  yielding  sand)  and 
our  blackened  and  charred  aspect  renders  us 
and  our  prayers  (objects)  of  scorn ;  let  our  re- 
nown incline  thy  mind  to  tell  us  who  thou  art, 
who  thus  in  all  security  movest  (lit.  rubbest)  thy 
living  feet  through  Hell.  This  one,  in  whose 
footprints  thou  seest  me  tread  {lit  kick),  albeit 
that  he  goes  naked  and  peeled,  was  of  higher 
rank  than  thou  mightest  imagine.  Grand- 
son of  the  good  Gualdrada,  his  name  was 
Guido  Guerra,  and  in  his'  life-time  he  did 
much  by  wisdom  and  with  the  sword.  The 
other  who  next  after  me  tramples  the  sand, 


*  TegghicUo  Aldobrandi  was  of  the  Adimari  family,  of  whom 
Boccaccio  says  that  he  was  a  knight  of  a  great  soul  and  deeds 
of  renown,  and  of  great  intelligence  in  the  art  of  war,  and,  had 
his  advice  been  listened  to,  the  Florentines  would  not  have 
taken  the  field  against  the  Sienese,  and  would  have  avoided  the 
disastrous  defeat  they  experienced  at  Montaperti. 

t  la  cui  voce :  Benvenuto  and  Blanc  both  interpret  voce  to 
mean  here  reputation^  and  Blanc  refers  to  11.  31-33 ;  and  85-87. 

X  Jacopo  Rusticucci  sprang  from  the  people.  There  are  con- 
tradictory accounts  as  to  his  guiltiness  of  the  sin  for  which  he 
is  represented  as  undergoing  punishment  here.  The  Anonimo 
Fiorentino  speaks  of  him  otherwise  as  a  great  statesman,  rich, 
prudent,  peaceable  and  liberal.  The  story  that  is  told  about 
him  can  be  read  in  the  old  commentaries. 


Canto  XVI.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  549 

is  Tegghiato  Aldobrandi,  whose  reputation 
ought  to  be  acceptable  up  in  the  world 
{i.e,  by  the  Guelphs  before  the  battle  of  Mon- 
taperti).  And  I,  who  with  them  am  placed 
in  torment,  was  Jacopo  Rusticucci ;  and  cer- 
tainly my  fierce  wife  more  than  anyone  else 
injures  me." 

He  means  that  her  savage  temper  made  his  home 
so  unhappy,  that  he  separated  from  her,  and  then 
fell  into  the  hideous  crime  for  which  he  suffers  to  all 
eternity,  and  therefore  she  still  injures  him.  Benve- 
nuto,  upon  this,  remarks  that  accursed  be  such  an 
excuse,  for  Jacopo  Rusticucci  would  seem  to  have 
followed  the  example  of  Orpheus,  who,  because  he 
had  lost  his  wife,  began  to  despise  the  ^hole  female 
sex,  and  the  Thracian  women,  in  revenge  for  his 
contempt  towards  them,  tore  him  to  pieces  under 
the  excitement  of  their  Bacchanalian  orgies.  Ben- 
venuto  adds :  "  I  could  well  wish  that  such  a  fate 
might  befall  all  such  men,  and  then  we  should  not 
hear  of  so  many." 

Division  III,  Dante  is  so  deeply  moved  on  hear- 
ing who  are  these  shades,  that  had  the  nature  of 
the  place  allowed  of  it,  he  would  at  once  have  joined 
them.  Gelli  says  that  Dante  means  to  lay  down  the 
principle  that  we  should  never  frequent  the  society 
of  any  one,  who,  however  virtuous  in  other  respects, 
is  tainted  with  any  one  besetting  sin,  with  which 
there  is  any  danger  of  our  being  contaminated. 
Therefore  Dante  shews  himself  as  resisting  his  great 
desire  to  embrace  these  renowned  Florentines.     Ben- 


550  Readings  an  the  Inferno.       Canto  XVI. 

venuto  expresses  the  same  idea  in  somewhat  more 
forcible  language. 

S'  to  ftissi  stato  dal  foco  coperto, 
Gittato  mi  sarei  tra  lor  disotto, 
£  credo  che  il  Dottor  1'  avria  sofferta 

Ma  perch'  io  mi  sarei  bruciato  e  cotto, 

Vinse  paura  la  mia  buona  voglia,  50 

Che  di  loro  abbracciar  mi  lacea  ghiotto. 

If  j[  had  been  sheltered  from  the  fire,   I 
should  have  thrown  myself  into  the  midst  of 
them  down  below,  and  I  believe  my  Teacher 
would  have  permitted  it.     But  as  I  should 
have  burnt  and  baked  myself,  fear  overcame 
my  good  will,  that  made  me  eager  to  embrace 
them. 
Dante  now  replies  in  regular  order  to  each  of  the 
questions  of  Jacopo  Rusticucci ;  and  first  of  all  warmly 
repudiates  the  idea  of  any  other  feeling  having  been 
aroused  in  him  than  that  of  intense  pity  at  the  sight 
of  their  terrible  sufferings. 

Poi  cominciai : — "  Non  dispetto,  ma  doglia 
La  vostra  condizion  dentro  mi  fisse 
Tanto,  che  tardi  tutta  si  dispoglia, 

Tosto  che  questo  mio  Signor  mi  disse  55 

Parole,  per  le  quali  io  mi  pensai, 
Che  qual  voi  siete,  tal  gente  venisse. 

Then  I  began  :  "  Not  scorn,  but  sorrow  your 
condition  has  fixed  so  deep  within  me,  that 
slowly  will  it  be  entirely  stripped  off,  so  soon 
as  this  my  Lord  spake  words  unto  me,  by 
which  I  conjectured  that  some  such  person- 
ages as  you  might  be  coming. 

Dante  next  tells  them  that  he  is  their  fellow-citizen, 
partly  to  answer  Jacopo  Rusticucci's  question  as  to 


Canto  XVI.         Rcadiuf^s  on  the  Inferno, 


551 


who  he  is,  and  partly  to  explain  why  he  feels  such 
deep  sympathy  for  them  as  Florentines,  whose  names 
and  reputation  are  so  well  known  to  him. 

Di  vostra  terra  sono  ;  e  sempre  mai 

L'  opre  di  voi  e  gli  onorati  nomi 

Con  afTezion  ritrassi  ed  ascoltai.  60 

Lascio  lo  fele,*  e  vo  per  dolci  pomif 

Promessi  a  me  per  lo  veracet  Duca ; 

Ma  fino  al  centro  pria  convien  ch'  10  tomi." — § 


*  Lascio  lo  fele :  According  to  Boccaccio  {Comento\  Dante 
means  that  he  is  quitting  the  bitterness  of  the  world,  or  rather 
that  which  is  the  consequence  of  sins  not  desisted  from ;  but 
Dante  wtis  desisting  from  his  sins,  and,  grieving  for  them,  was 
going  to  penitence. 

f  pomi:  Compare  Purg,  xxxii,  73-75  : 
''  Quale  a  veder  dei  fioretti  del  melo, 

Che  del  suo  pomo  gli  Angeli  fo  ghiotti, 
£  perpetue  nozze  fa  nel  cielo.** 
Scartazzini  thinks  the/r/f  refers  to  the  seiva  oscura^  and  the 
pomi  to  the  divina  foresia  in  the  Terrestrial  Paradise,  where, 
when  they  have  arrived,  Virgil  says  to  Dante  {Purg,  xxvii, 

115.117): 

"  Quel  dolce  pome,  che  per  tanti  rami 
Cercando  va  la  cura  dei  mortal!, 
Oggi  porrk  in  pace  le  tue  fami." 

X  verace :  Gelli  thinks  Dante  calls  Virgil  verace  because  he 
was  sent  to  him  by  Beatrice,  i.e,  by  Divine  Theology,  a  science 
which  cannot  err  from  the  truth,  and  looks  upon  him  as  her 
messenger  rather  than  as  a  poet  of  human  sciences,  in  which 
he  can  only  be  true  in  part. 

§  tomi :  tomare  is  properly  to  fall  head  first     The  word 
occurs  in  Petrarch.     Sestina  Prima^  st  5,  et  seq.  : 
"  Prima  ch'  i'  tomi  a  voi,  lucenti  stelle, 
O  tomi  giik  nelP  amorosa  selva, 
Lasciando  il  corpo  che  fia  trita  terra, 


552  Readings  an  the  Inferno,       Canto  XVI. 

I  am  of  your  city ;  and  ever  with  unceasing 
affection  have  I  recounted  and  listened  to 
the  report  of  your  deeds  and  your  honoured 
names.  I  am  leaving  the  gall  (i>.  the  bitter- 
ness of  my  sins),  and  go  after  the  sweet  fruit 
promised  me  by  my  trusty  Guide ;  but  before 
that,  shall  I  have  to  go  down  (lit.  fall  head 
first)  to  the  centre  (of  the  Earth)." 

• 

Jacopo  Rusticucci  has  heard  from  another  sinner, 
newly  arrived  in  their  place  of  torment,  a  very  start- 
ling report  of  the  present  changed  condition  of 
Florence,  and  earnestly  petitions  Dante  to  inform  him 
if  it  be  true.  He  adjures  him  by  his  hopes  of  two 
things,  which  Benvenuto  says  are  especially  to  be  de- 
sired by  man,  namely^  a  long  life  in  the  present,  and 
lasting  fame  in  the  future. 

— ''  Se  lungamente  1'  anima  conduca 

Le  membra  tue," — rispose  quegli, — "  ancora,      6$ 
£  se  la  fama  tua  dopo  te  luca, 
Cortesia  e  valor,*  di',  se  dimora 

Nella  nostra  cittk,  si  come  suole, 
O  se  del  tutto  se  n'  h  gita  fuora  ? 


Vedess'  io  in  lei  pietk,  ch'  in  un  sol  giomo 
Pu6  ristorar  molt'  anni,  e  'nnanzi  1'  alba 
Puommi  arrichir  dal  tramontar  del  sole." 
Benvenuto  thinks  the  word  is  used  advisedly,  because  Dante 
will  fall  head  first  to  the  centre  of  the  earth,  inasmuch  as  he 
will  have  to  turn  his  head  round  to  the  place  where  his  feet 
were  {quia  in  centra  infemi  tomabit^  quia  volvet  caput   ubi 
prima  habebat  fedes). 

*  Cortesia  e  valor  .  ,  .  sX  cotne  suole :  Boccaccio  considers  that 
cortesia  consists  in  acts  of  politeness,  or  in  learning  to  live  with 
each  other  liberally  and  happily,  and  to  render  due  honour  to 
every  one  in  so  far  as  it  is  possible  ;  valore  seems  rather  to  be 


Canto  XVI.       Readings  an  tlie  Inferno.  553 

Ch^  Guglielmo  Borsiere,*  il  qual  si  duole  70 

Con  noi  per  poco,  e  va  Ik  coi  compagni, 
Assai  ne  cruccia  con  le  sue  parole." — 

the  virtue  of  giving  most  thought  to  the  honour  of  the  State,  to 
noble  enterprises,  and  yet  more  to  feats  of  arms,  in  all  of  which 
these  three  shades   had  been  citizens  honoured  and  distin- 
guished.   Compare  Purg,  xvi,  1 1 5-1 16  : 
**  In  sul  paese  ch*  Adice  e  Po  riga 

Solea  valore  e  cortesia  trovarsi,  etc." 

See,  also,  Conv.  ii,  1 1  :  "  Cortesia  e  onestade  h  tutt'  uno  ;  e 
perocch^  nelle  corti  anticamente  le  virtudi  e  li  belli  costumi  s' 
usavano  (siccome  oggi  s'  usa  il  contrario),  si  tolse  questo  voca- 
bolo  dalle  corti ;  e  fu  tanto  a  dire  cortesia^  quanto  uso  di  corte." 

Benvenuto  thinks  the  question  implies  that  the  shades  are 
alluding  to  the  good  times  before  their  own  days,  when  there 
were  many  who  lived  nobly,  liberally  and  magnificently.  And  he 
adds  that  munificence  or  liberality  is  called  courtesy  {curiitiitas) 
because  it  first  and  foremost  emanated  from  the  courts  of 
princes,  a^  may  frequently  be  read  in  this  book  (the  Divina 
Comedta), 

*  Guglielmo  Borsiere  :  Bartoli  {pp,  cit  vol.  vi,  part  ii,  p.  70), 
quoting  both  from  Benvenuto  and  Boccaccio,  says  that  this  person 
was  a  Florentine,  who  made  purses,  but  afterwards  changed  his 
profession  to  become  a  man  in  society  (uomo  di  corte,  homo 
curialis\  and  that  he,  and  some  other  men  like  him,  made  it  their 
business  to  adjust  treaties  of  peace  between  men  of  noble  and 
gentle  blood,  to  arrange  marriages,  relationships,  and  sometimes 
with  pleasant  and  becoming  romances  to  refresh  the  minds  of  the 
weary,  and  encourage  them  to  honourable  deeds.  In  the  De- 
camerofiy  Giom.  i,  Nov.  8,  Boccaccio  relates  the  following  tale 
about  him:  "There  was  in  Genoa  a  gentleman,  named  Messer 
Ermino  de'  Grimaldi,  who,  in  immense  possessions  and  wealth, 
by  far  surpassed  every  one  of  the  most  wealthy  citizens  known 
in  Italy ;  and  as  he  surpassed  them  all  in  wealth,  so  in  avarice  and 
squalor  he  surpassed  every  other  squalid  and  miserly  person 
in  all  the  world  ...  for  which  reason  ...  he  was  called  by 
everybody  Messer  Ermino  Avarizia.     It  came  to  pass  that  about 


554  Readings  on  the  Inferno.       Canto  XVI. 

'*  So  may  thy  soul  long  guide  thy  limbs  (Le. 
may  thy  life  be  a  long  one)/' he  replied,  **and 
so  may  thy  fame  shine  forth  after  thee,  tell 
me,  if  liberality  and  worth  dwell  in  our  city 
as  they  are  wont,  or  have  they  entirely  gone 
out  of  it  ?  because  Guglielmo  Borsiere,  who 
has  been  (but)  a  brief  while  among  us  in  tor- 
ment, and  is  going  along  yonder  with  our 
companions,  afflicts  us  much  with  his  words 
(as  to  the  condition  of  Florence)." 

Bartoli  (Storia  delta  Letteratura  Italiana^  vol.  vi, 
part'  ii,  page  67)  points  out  that  there  are  seven 
Florentines    undergoing  punishment   for  the    same 

that  time,  whilst  by  spending  nothing  he  went  on  accumulating 
wealth,  there  came  to  Genoa  a  worthy,  well-bred  and  witty 
gentleman,  called  Guglielmo  Borsiere  .  .  .  who  was  respected 
and  always  welcomed  by  all  the  gentlemen  at  Genoa.  Having 
made  a  stay  of  several  days  in  that  city,  and  hearing  much  talk 
of  Messer  Ermino's  avarice  and  squalor,  he  became  desirous  of 
seeing  him.  Messer  Ermino  .  .  .  received  him  in  a  courteous 
manner  .  .  .  and  took  him,  and  some  Genoese  who  came  with 
him,  to  see  a  fine  house  which  he  had  built,  and  when  he 
had  shown  him  all  over  it,  he  said  :  *  Pray,  Messer  Guglielmo, 
can  you,  who  have  heard  and  seen  many  things,  tell  me  of 
something  that  was  never  yet  seen,  to  be  painted  in  my  hall  ? ' 
To  whom  Guglielmo,  hearing  him  speak  in  such  bad  taste, 
replied  :  '  Messere,  I  can  tell  you  of  nothing  that  has  never  yet 
been  seen,  that  I  know  of ;  .  .  .  but  if  it  please  you,  I  can 
indeed  tell  you  of  one  thing  which,  I  believe,  you  never  saw.* 
Messer  Ermino  said  :  '  I  pray  you  tell  me  what  that  is  *  ...  . 
To  whom  Guglielmo  immediately  replied  :  '  Have  Liberality 
painted  in  your  hall.*"  Boccaccio  adds  that  this  sharp  answer 
had  such  an  effect  on  the  Miser,  that  he  changed  entirely,  and 
became  one  of  the  most  liberal,  gracious,  and  respected  citizens 
in  Genoa. 


Canto  XVI.        Readings  on  the  Inferno.  5 55 

crime.  In  the  former  band  there  were  Brunetto  Latini, 
Bishop  Andrea  de'  Mozzi,  and  Francesco  d'  Accorso. 
In  this  second  band  we  find  Guido  Guerra,  T^ghiaio 
Aldobrandi,  Jacopo  Rusticucci,  and  Guglielmo  Bor- 
siere.  Bartoli  remarks  that  these  last  four,  as  belong- 
ing to  the  epoch  that  preceded  that  of  Dante,  are 
naturally  looked  upon  by  him  with  a  benevolent  eye. 
He  represents  them  as  punished  for  their  sin,  but  he 
loves  them,  and  takes  pleasure  in  recording  their  noble 
and  virtuous  deeds.  What  a  difference  in  his  de- 
meanour towards  them,  and  the  manner  in  which 
Andrea  de*  Mozzi  is  mentioned.  It  is  not  the  fault 
which  dictates  his  judgments  to  Dante,  but  something 
which  bursts  forth  from  his  mind,  from  his  recollec- 
tions, from  his  sympathies,  or  his  indignation. 

Dante  is  far  from  being  able,  to  reassure  Jacopo 
Rusticucci  as  to  his  misgivings  about  the  present 
condition  of  Florence,  which,  he  tells  him,  in  reply  to 
his  question,  has  wholly  deteriorated,  owing  to  the 
overweening  pretensions  of  its  parvenu  citizens. 

— "  La  gente  nuova,*  e  i  subiti  guadagni. 


*  Boccaccio  thinks  that,  by  nuova  gente^  Dante  means  those 
people  who  came  to  inhabit  Florence  in  addition  to  the  old 
citizens,  but  more  especially  does  he  think  Dante  is  referring  to 
the  Cerchi,  who  not  long  before  had  come  into  Florence  from 
ih^pivier  (parish)  of  Acone,a  small  rural  town  between  Pistoja 
and  Lucca.  In  Par,  xvi,  46-70,  Cacciaguida,  after  saying  that 
in  his  time  the  inhabitants  of  Florence  were  only  a  fifth  of  what 
they  had  become  in  that  of  Dante,  and  deploring  how  Florence 
had  recently  become  invaded  by  people  from  all  the  neighbouring 
townships,  adds,  v.  52  : 

"  O  quanto  fora  meglio  esser  vicine 


55^  Readings  on  the  Inferno.       Canto  XVI. 

Orgoglio  e  dismisura  *  han  generata, 
Fiorenza,  in  te,  si  che  tu  gik  ten  piagni."^         75 
Cos!  gridai  colla  faccia  levata  : 

£  i  tre,  che  ci6  inteser  per  risposta, 
Guatar  V  un  T  altro,  come  al  ver  si  guata. 

"The  upstart  (///.  new)  people,  and  their 
sudden  gains,  O  Florence,  have  engendered  in 
thee  arrogance  and  disparity,  so  that  already 

Quelle  genti  ch'  io  dice,  ed  al  Galuzzo 
Ed  a  Trespiano  aver  vostro  confine, 
Che  averie  dentro." 
He  then  goes  on  to  say  that,  had  the  Church  exercised  its 
proper  influence  in  Italy,  it  would  have  prevented  those  endless 
wars  between  the  great  cities,  which  had  the  effect  of  driving  the 
population  of  the  environs  into  Florence.     But  for  these  short- 
comings on  the  part  of  the  Church,  which  ought  to  exercise  the 
tender  influence  of  a  mother  over  her  child,  he  asserts  (61—69) : 
''  Tal  fatto  h  Fiorentino,  e  cambia  e  merca, 
Che  si  sarebbe  volto  a  Simifonti, 
Lk  dove  andava  T  avolo  alia  cerca. 
Sariasi  Montemurlo  ancor  dei  Conti ; 
Sariansi  i  Cerchi  nel  pivier  d'  Acone, 
£  forse  in  Valdigreve  i  Buondelmonti. 
Sempre  la  confusion  delle  persone 
Principio  fu  del  mal  della  cittade. 
Come  del  corpo  il  cibo  che  s'  appone." 
Scartazzini  thinks  it  more  probable  that  Dante  is  alluding 
to  the  two  factions  of  the  Cancellieri,  who,  in  1300,  had  recently 
been  transplanted  from  Pistoja  to  Florence,  and  from  them 
arose  the  two  parties  of  the  Neri  and  Bianchi^  the  principal 
cause  of  the  misfortunes  of  Florence,  and  of  Dante's  exile. 

*  dismisura :  Compare  again  Cacciaguida's  words.  Par.  xv, 
103-105  : 

"  Non  faceva,  nascendo,  ancor  paura 

La  figlia  al  padre,  ch^  il  tempo  e  la  dote 
Non  fuggian  quinci  e  quindi  la  misura.'' 


Canto  XVI.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  ^^7 

art  thou  mourning  over  it"  Thus  I  cried  out 
with  face  uplifted  {ue.  with  great  boldness) : 
and  the  three,  who  understood  this  for  an 
answer,  looked  upon  one  another,  as  men 
look  at  the  truth  {ue.  when  they  hear  it). 

They  are  filled  with  admiration  at  his  reply,  but,  in 
/what  follows,  hint  to  him  that  it  may  cost  him  dear. 

— "  Sc  \  altre  volte  si  poco  ti  costa," — 

Risposer  tutti, — "  il  satisfare  altnii,  80 

Felice  te,  ^e  si  parii  a  tua  posta.* 
Per6  se  campi  d'  esti  lochi  but, 
E  tomi  a  riveder  le  belle  stelle, 
Quando  ti  gioverk  f  dicere  :  '  lo  fui,' 
Fa  che  di  noi  alia  gente  favelle.'' —  85 

"  If  on  other  occasions,"  they  all  replied,  "  it 
costs  thee  so  litde  to  satisfy  others,  happy 
thou,  if  thou  speakest  thus  according  to  thy 
will.  J  Wherefore,  if  thou  escape  from  these 
darksome  regions,  and  retumest  to  behold 
again  the  beautiful  stars,  when  it  will  rejoice 

*  a  tuaposta:  Blanc,  alluding  to  this  particular  passage  in 
his  Vocabolario  Dantesco^  says  it  is  a  very  obscure  expression, 
which  seems  to  signify  :  "  at  your  convenience,"  '*  at  your 
pleasure.''    Compare  Inf,  x.  73-74  : 

''  Ma  queir  altro  magnanimo,  a  cui  posta 
Restato  m'  era,  etc." 

t  Quando  ti gioverd  dicere:  ^ lo  Jui\'  Compare  Virg.  jEn,  i, 

203: 

"  Forsan  et  haec  olim  meminisse  juvabit" 

Again,  Tasso,  Gems,  Uberata^  xv,  st  38 : 

"  Quando  mi  gioverh  narrare  altnii 

Le  novitk  vedute,  e  dire  :  lo  fui." 

X  The  meaning  of  this  passage  is,  that  Dante  has  in  few 

words  concisely  expressed  what  he  wanted  to  say,  but  with  a 

freedom  of  speech  that  will  be  dangerous  to  him. 


558  Readings  on  the  Inferno.       Canto  xvi. 

thee  to  say :  'I  was  (there)/  see  that  thou 
speak  to  men  of  us." 

The  interview  with  the  three  Florentines  is  now 
brought  to  a  conclusion.  Their  departure  is  very 
hurried,  and,  after  he  has  seen  them  speed  away,  Dante 
makes  no  further  mention  of  the  Violent  against 
Nature. 

Indi  nipper  la  rota,  ed  aiuggirsi 
Ale  sembiar  le  gambe  loro  snelle. 
Un  ammen  non  saria  potuto  dirsi 
Tosto  cos),  com'  ei  fiiro  spariti : 
Perch^  al  Maestro  parve  di  partirsi.  90 

Then  they  broke  their  wheel  (Le.  they  un- 
joined hands),  and  in  running  off,  their 
nimble  legs  seemed  wings.  An  Amen  could 
not  have  been  uttered  as  quickly  as  they  had 
vanished:  whereupon  my  Master  thought  it 
meet  to  depart. 

Division  IV.  The  Poets  are  moving  on,  and  are 
now  reaching  the  verge  of  the  immense  Abyss  that 
leads  down  from  the  Inner  Ring  of  the  Circle  of  the 
Violent  into  the  depths  of  Malebolge.  It  is  at  this 
point  where  we  see  the  great  divergence  in  the  com- 
putations of  the  size  of  Hell,  as  between  Vellutello 
and  Manetti.  Vellutello,  whom  we  follow,  gives  the 
Great  Abyss  a  depth  of  140  miles.  But  Manetti, 
who  makes  his  Hell  begin  much  nearer  the  surface  of 
the  Earth  than  Vellutello,  gives  no  less  a  depth  than 
750  odd  miles.  In  the  first  of  Galileo's  lectures  given 
before  the  Academy  of  Florence  in  support  of  Ma- 
netti's  theories  as  to  the  dimensions  of  Hell,  he  men- 
tions the  exact  spot  where  Dante  and  Virgil  now  are : 


Canto  XVI.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  559 

"  And  Dante  walking  alongside  of  the  said  river  (the 
Phlegethon)  towards  the  centre,  arrived  at  the  edge 
of  the  Abyss  {burrato)  of  Geryon,  where,  together 
with  Virgil,  mounting  upon  the  back  of  the  monster, 
he  was  lowered  through  the  murky  air  down  into 
that  division  of  Hell  where  all  species  of  fraudulent 
arc  chastised  in  ten  chasms  {bolgie).  And  this  division 
of  Hell  is  750/7  miles  distant  from  that  above,  and 
this  is  the  depth  of  the  Abyss." 

In  all  these  speculations  and  calculations  there 
needs  must  be  many  inconsistencies,  the  greatest  of  all, 
that  Dante,  on  foot,  could  travel  from  the  surface 
of  the  Earth  to  its  centre  in  the  short  space  of  twenty- 
five  hours,  a  distance  computated  in  Dante's  time  to 
be  3,245  miles.  This  distance,  had  Dante  walked 
at  the  very  improbable  pace  of  five  miles  an  hour,  it 
would  have  taken  him  twenty-seven  days  to  accom- 
plish, supposing  him  to  be  walking  the  whole  of  that 
time  without  ever  stopping  to  rest.  The  ingenious 
Manetti,  having  arrived  at  the  other  measurements  of 
the  depths  by  various  deductions,  finds  that  he  has  in 
all  accounted  for  about  2,515  miles  out  of  the  total 
semi-diameter  of  the  Earth  of  about  3,245  miles,  and 
from  that  he  comes  to  the  conclusion  that  the  750 
odd  miles  unaccounted  for  must  be  the  depth  of  the 
great  Abyss. 

By  way  of  reconciling  the  inconsistency  of  a  human 
being  being  able  in  twenty-five  hours  to  traverse  a 
space  of  3245  miles,  it  must  be  remembered  that  the 
Divina  Commedia  is  a  vision,  and  in  visions,  as  in 
dreams,  the  proportions  of  time  and  space  are  purely 
arbitrary. 


560  Readings  an  the  Inferno.       Canto  XVI. 

We  read  in  the  opening  lines  of  the  canto,  that  the 

Poets  were  within  hearing  distance  of  the  Cascade, 

when  the  three  Florentine  shades  addressed  them  ; 

now  they  have  advanced  farther,  and  are  close  upon 

the  Falls. 

lo  lo  seguiva,  e  poco  eravam  iti, 

Che  il  suon  delP  acqua  n'  era  si  vicino, 
Che,  per  parlar,  saremmo  appena  uditi. 

I  was  following  him,  and  we  had  gone  but  a 
short  way,  when  the  roar  of  the  water  was  so 
near  to  us,  that,  in  speaking  we  should  scarce 
have  been  heard. 

Dante  compares  the  Falls  of  the  Phlegethon  to 
those  of  a  river  (the  Montone)  in  North  Italy. 

Come  quel  fiume,*  ch'  ha  proprio  cammino 

Prima  da  Monte  Veso  in  ver  levante  95 

Dalla  sinistra  costa  d'  Apennino, 

*  Come  quel  fiutne :  In  Lord  Vernon's  folio  edition  of  the 
Inferno^  vol  iii,  tavola  xlvi,  page  123,  there  is  the  following 
description  of  the  Falls  of  the  Montone  : 

'*  The  Acquacheta  rises  in  the  Apennines  near  the  Badia  di 
San  Benedetto  in  Romagna,  and  after  many  tortuous  windings, 
forces  its  way  through  rocks  of  hard  schistous  stone,  and 
when  it  reaches  Fori),  it  is  deprived  (vacanie)  of  its  proper 
name,  and  is  then  called  the  Montone.  A  little  way  below  the 
Badia  is  the  village  of  San  Benedetto,  where  once  the  noble 
house  of  Delia  Rocca  di  San  Casciano,  and  the  Conti  Guidi  of 
the  Dovadola  branch  held  sway  ;  they  at  one  time  gave  hospi- 
tality to  the  divine  Poet,  who  was  a  friend  of  Guido  Salvatico 
and  of  Ruggiero  his  son.  Some  contend  that  in  their  castle  he 
wrote  some  cantos  of  the  Divina  Commedia^  in  which  he  clearly 
alludes  to  these  localities  ;  and  that,  to  show  himself  grateful  for 
their  courteous  hospitality,  he  immortalized  in  song  the  heroic 
end  of  Buonconte  da  Montefeltro,  whose  only  daughter  and 
heiress  was  Mantenessa,  wife  of  Count  Guido  Salvatico." 


Canto  XVI.       Readings  an  the  Inferno,  561 

Che  si  chiama  Acquaqueta  suso,  avante 
Che  si  divalli  giu  nel  basso  letto, 
Ed  a  Fori)  di  quel  nome  h  vacante,* 

Rimbomba  Ik  sopra  san  Benedetto  100 

Deir  alpe,  per  cadere  ad  una  scesa, 
Ove  dovria  f  per  mille  esser  ricetto  ; 

Cos),  giu  d'  una  ripa  discoscesa, 

Trovammo  risonar  quelP  acqua  tinta, 

S)  che  in  poc*  ora  avria  1'  orecchie  ofTesa.  105 

Like  as  that  river  which  holds  its  own  course^ 
first  from  Monte  Viso  towards  the  East,  on 
the  left  {i.e,  the  North-West)  side  of  the 
Apennines,  which  (river)  higher  up  is  called 
the  Acquaqueta,  before  it  rushes  down  into 
its  bed  below,  and  at  Fori)  is  deprived  (///.  is 
vacant)  of  that  name  (being  thereafter  called 
the  Montone),  falls  thundering  down  in  a 
single  leap  from  the  high  mountains  (///.  Alps) 
above  San  Benedetto,  where  there  ought  to 
be  habitation  for  a  thousand ;  thus,  down  from 
a  precipitous  cliff,  we  found  that  darksome 
cataract  re-echoing  so  that  in  a  short  time  it 
would  have  stunned  the  ear. 

Benvenuto  considers  the  whole  passage  relating 
the  above  comparison  so  intricate  and  difficult,  that 
he  says  he  shall  discuss  it  in  great  detail.  I  find» 
however,  that  the  explanation  given  by  Blanc  (Saggio, 

*  di  quel  nome  i  vacante :  compare  Purg,  v,  94-97  : 

"  appi^  del  Casentino 
Traversa  un'  acqua  che  ha  nome  1*  Archiano, 
Che  sopra  1'  Ermo  nasce  in  Apennino. 
Dove  il  vocabol  suo  diventa  vano  etc.'' 

t  dovria :  Witte  reads  dovea^  but  this  is  one  of  the  few  cases 
in  which  I  do  not  follow  his  reading. 

00 


562  Readings  on  the  Inferno.       Canto  XVI. 

pp.  156-157)  is  so  lucid  and  exhaustive  that  I  give 
that  in  preference.  He  says  :  '*  Rightly  to  understand 
these  verses,  it  is  necessary  to  make  one  or  two  ob- 
servations. Dante,  when  he  speaks  of  I*  Apenninno^ 
is  accustomed  to  look  at  that  range  of  mountains 
from  its  origin,  in  the  Maritime  Alps,  and  then  to 
follow  it  like  the  course  of  a  river,  so  that  the  Northern 
and  Eastern  slopes  appear  to  him  as  on  his  left  hand, 
and  those  of  the  South  and  West  as  on  his  right  ;  as 
for  instance  in  this  passage;,  and  also  in  his  De  Vulgari 
Eloquio  (i,  10).  Of  all  the  rivers  flowing  from  the  left 
flank  of  the  Apennines  towards  the  Po,  which  takes 
its  rise  in  Monte  Viso,  the  Acquacheta,  so  called  in  its 
upper  course,  and  Montone  in  its  lower  course  near 
Fori),  and  which  flows  into  the  sea  near  Ravenna  is 
the  only  one  that  does  not  discharge  into  the  Po,  but 
holds  its  own  course  {proprio  cammino).  At  the  place 
where  it  falls  down  from  the  Apennines,  near  a  Bene- 
dictine Monastery,  it  gathers  itself  into  a  thundering 
cascade,  which  Philalethes  thinks  has  much  diminished 
in  volume  since  the  time  of  Dante.  It  is  to  this 
river  that  Dante  is  now  comparing  the  Phlegethon> 
for  the  reason  that,  like  it,  it  forms  a  roaring  cascade, 
and  because  it  also  changes  its  name,  being  called 
Phlegethon  in  Upper  Hell,  and  in  the  lowest  Hell, 
Cocytus.  Dante  adds  that  near  to  this  fall  of  the 
river,  dovea,  or  dovria,  per  mille  esser  ricetto^  but  what 
does  this  mean  ?  Boccaccio  very  candidly  confesses 
that  for  a  long  time  he  was  in  doubt  as  to  what  was 
the  intention  of  the  author,  until  the  Abbot  of  the 
said  Monastery  related  to  him  how  one  of  the  Conti 
Guidi,  lords  of  that  mountain  region,  had  had  it  in  his 


Canto  XVI.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  563 

mind  to  build  a  castle  there,  and  to  establish  many 
residences  round  it,  but  that  through  the  death  of  that 
Count  the  project  fell  through.  Benvenuto  repeats 
the  same  story ;  Buti  reads  poria  (1.  e.  potria)  and 
rather  thinks  that  one  must  understand  that  in  that 
monastery  a  thousand  monks,  strangers,  and  passers- 
by  might  be  lodged.  It  is  pretty  clear  that  the  good 
Abbot  had  thrust  forward  the  explanation  which 
showed  him  and  his  monks  in  the  most  favourable 
light ;  but  on  the  other  hand,  all  interpreters,  both 
ancient  and  modern,  from  the  time  of  Guiniforte 
onwards,  explain,  and  I  think  rightly,  that  Dante  has 
here,  after  his  own  particular  manner,  aimed  a  severe 
blow  at  the  governing  body  of  those  monks  ;  their 
monastery  ought  to  be  a  receptacle  for  a  thousand 
monks,  while  in  fact  there  are  only  a  few  enjoying  its 
rich  revenues.  Now  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  read- 
ing dovria  is  the  one  that  best  fits  in  with  the  above 
interpretation,  which  has  therefore  been  adopted  by 
Daniello  and  all  the  commentators  that  came  after 
him,  while  on  the  other  hand  Boccaccio,  Benvenuto, 
Guiniforte  and  the  four  first  editions  read  dovea^ 

We  now  come  to  a  passage  which,  while  presenting 
no  difficulty  whatsoever  as  to  the  literal  sense  of  the 
words,  is,  notwithstanding,  generally  understood  to 
have  an  allegorical  or  mysterious  signification,  in  the 
interpretation  of  which  there  are  so  many  divergent 
opinions,  as  to  render  it  one  of  the  most  difficult  in 
the  whole  of  the  Divina  Commedia,  As  the  interpre- 
tation must  deal  with  the  whole  episode  from  here  to 
the  end  of  the  canto,  I  propose  to  defer  the  discussion 
of  it  until  the  conclusion. 

00  2 


t 

564  Readings  on  ilu  Infertto,       Canto  XVI. 

The  Poets  are  standing  on  the  edge  of  the  Abyss, 
into  the  gloom  of  which  their  eyes  are  unable  to 
penetrate. 

lo  aveva  una  corda  *  intomo  cinta, 
£  con  essa  pensai  alcuna  volta 
Prender  la  lonza  alia  pelle  dipinta.  . 

Poscia  che  V  ebbi  tutta  da  me  sciolta, 

SI  come  il  Duca  m'  avea  comandato,    .  1 10 

Porsila  a  lui  aggroppata  e  ravvolta. 

Ond'  ei  si  volse  inver  lo  destro  lato, 
Ed  alquanto  di  lungi  dalla  sponda 
La  gitt6  giuso  in  quelP  alto  burrata 

I  had  a  cord  girded  about  me,  and  with  it  I 
had  at  one  time  bethought  me  to  take  the 
Leopard  with  the  spotted  hide  (i,e.  the  Lusts 
of  the  Flesh).  When  I  had  quite  unloosed 
it  from  me,  as  my  Leader  had  commanded 
me,  I  handed  it  to  him  coiled  and  rolled  up. 
Whereupon  he  turned  him  to  his  right  side, 
and  cast  it  out  some  distance  from  the  edge 
right  down  that  deep  abyss. 

Virgil's  action,  in  turning  to  his  right  side  before 
discharging  the  coiled  rope,  exactly  describes  the 
gesture  of  a  man  when  about  to  throw  a  ball  or  a 
stone  with  his  full  strength. 

Virgil's  eye  follows  the  rope  into  the  darkness, 
and  his  rapt  attention  fascinates  Dante,  who  begins 

*  lo  aveva  una  corda  intomo  cinta :  This  means  the  cord  of 
the  Franciscans,  and  is  supposed  to  signify  that  at  one  period 
of  his  life  Dante  had  entered  the  Order  of  St.  Francis,  in  order 
to  mortify  his  carnal  appetites.     Compare  Inf,  xxvii,  67-68  : 
**  Id  fui  uom  d'  arme,  e  poi  fui  cordelliero, 
Credendomi,  si  cinto,  fare  ammenda." 


Caqto  XVI.       Readings  on  the  Infertio.  565 

speculating -as  to  what  may  be  coining.  But  he  soon 
finds  that  Virgil  has  guessed  his  thoughts,  and  tells 
him  so. 

—  "  E*  pur  cohvien"  che  novitk  risponda/' —  115 

•  Dicea  fra  me  medesmo, — "al  nuovo  cenno 
Che  il  Maestro  con  V  occhio  si  seconda." — 

Ahi  quanto  catiti  gli  uotnini  esser  denno 

Presso  a  color,  che  non  veggon  pur  V  opra, 

•  '  Ma  per  entro  i  pensier  miran  col  senno  I  120 

"Surely,"  said  I  within  myself,  "something 
new  must  answer  this  novel  signal,  which  my 
Master  follows  so  with  his  eye."  Ah,  how 
cautious  men  have  to  be  with  those,  who  look 
not  at  the  deed  alone,  but  look  with  their 
wisdom  at  the  thoughts  within  1 

This  means :  "  I  must  be  careful  what  I  even  think 

beside  Virgil,  for  he  at  once  guesses  what  is  in  my 

mind." 

Ei  disse  a  me  : — "  Tosto  verrk  di  sopra 

Ci6  ch*  io  attendo,  e  che  il  tuo  pensier  sogna 
Tosto  convien  ch*  al  tuo  viso  si  scopra." — 

He  said  to  me :  "  Soon  will  come  up  what  I 
am  expecting,  and  that  which  thy  thought 
dreams  of  must  soon  be  discovered  to  thine 
eyes." 

Dante  is  at  this  point  much  embarrassed  how  to 
describe  the  extraordinary  monster  that  ascended  in 
obedience  to  Virgil's  signal,  and  he  tells  his  readers 
that,  as  a  general  rule,  when  a  fact,  though  perfectly 
true,  seems  incredible,  it  is  far  better  not  to  speak  of 
it,  than  by  doing  so  to  incur  the  imputation  of  being 
a  liar.    The  Italian  proverb  that  the  truth  when  not 


566  Readings  on  the  Inferno,       Canto  XVL 

believed  is  held  to  be  a  lie  (La  veritade  nan  creduta 
bugia  i  tenuta),  would  evidently  be  present  in  his 
mind,  and  the  creature  that  he  saw  was  so  utterly 
unlike  anything  in  nature,  that  he  almost  fears  to  tell 
of  it,  and  only  does  so  in  obedience  to  the  imperative 
law  imposed  upon  him  of  relating  in  writing  all  that 
he  has  witnessed. 

Sempre  a  quel  ver  *  ch'  ha  faccia  di  menzogna 

De*  r  uom  chiuder  le  labbra  finch'  ei  puote,      125 
Per6  che  senza  colpa  fa  vergogna ; 

Ma  qui  tacer  no!  posso  :  e  per  le  note 
Di  questa  commedla,t  letter,  ti  giuro, 
S'  elle  non  sien  di  lunga  grazia  vote, 

Ch'  io  vidi  per  queir  aer  grosso  e  scuro  130 

Venir  notando  %  una  figura  in  suso, 
Maravigliosa  ad  ogni  cor  sicuro, 

♦  Sempre  a  quel  ver^  etc.  :  compare  Pulci,  Morgante  Mag- 
giore^  xxiv,  st  104  : 

'*  Sempre  a  quel  ver,  ch'  ha  faccia  di  menzogna, 
£  piu  senno  tener  la  lingua  cheta, 
Che  spesso  sanza  colpa  fa  vergogna." 
Compare  Inf,  xiii,  20-21  : 

'*  riguarda  bene,  e  si  vedral 
Cose,  che  torrien  fede  al  mio  sermone." 
And  Inf,  xxviii,  113-114  : 

"  £  vidi  cosa  ch'  io  avrei  paura, 
Senza  piu  prova,  di  contarla  solo.*' 

t  cotntnedia  :  Scartazzini  says  that  the  word,  in  this  instance^ 
is  to  be  pronounced  with  the  accent  on  the  /,  commedia^  as  in 
Greek. 

t  Venirnotando :  compare  Virg.  ^n,  vi,  14,  et  seq.: 
"  Daedalus,  ut  fama  est,  fugiens  Minola  regna, 
Prsepetibus  pennis  ausus  se  credere  ccelo, 
Insuetum  per  iter  gelidas  enavit  ad  Arctos 
Chalcidicaque  levis  tandem  superadstitit  arce." 


Canto  XVI.       Readings  on  tlu  Inferno.  S6y 

S\  come  torna  colui  che  va  giuso 

Talora  a  solver  ancora,  ch'  aggrappa 

O  scoglio  od  altro  che  nel  mare  h  chiuso,  135 

Che  in  su  si  stende,  e  da  pi^  si  rattrappa. 

Before  that  truth  which  has  the  semblance 
of  falsehood  a  man  must  ever  close  his  lips 
as  far  as  he  can,  because  (though)  blameless 
he  incurs  shame  (of  supposed  falsehood). 
But  here  I  cannot  be  silent :  and,  by  the 
rhymes  of  this  Comedy,  Reader,  I  swear  to 
thee — and  so  may  they  (these  rhymes),  not  be 
devoid  of  long-lasting  favour, — that  through 
that  thick  and  murky  air  I  saw,  grotesque 
(enough  to  strike  terror)  into  every  steadfast 
heart,  a  figure  come  swimming  up  like  him 
(the  diver)  who  sometimes  goes  down  to  clear 
an  anchor  which  has  got  fouled  on  a  rock,  or 
other  thing  which  is  hidden  in  the  sea,  who 
(when  he)  returns,  extends  the  upper  part 
(of  his  body),  and  from  his  feet  (to  the  waist) 
gathers  himself  up. 


Supplemental  Note  by  Dr.  Scartazzini  on 

LINES  106-136. 

In  Scartazzini*s  volume  of  Proiegomeni  delta  Divina 
Commedia^  page  531,  he  impresses  on  all  who  devote  them- 
selves to  the  interpretation  of  Dante,  especially  foreigners, 
that  the  more  they  draw  from  the  Italian  commentaries  of 
the  greatest  repute  the  more  useful  their  work  will  be,  and 
the  more  meagre  will  be  the  labour  of  those  who  think 
themselves  capable  of  dispensing  with  such  assistance.  Dr. 
Scartazzini,  who  is  looked  up  to  by  all  students  of  Dante, 


568  Readings  on  the  Inferno.        Canto  xvi. 

has  kindly  allowed  me  to  reproduce  the  whole  of  his  very 
valuable  supplemental  note  to  this  canto. 

He  writes : 

"  Although  the  literal  sense  of  the  last  [thirty-one]  verses 
of  this  canto  is  pretty  clear,  and  does  not  present  any  great 
difficulty,  these  lines  are,  notwithstanding,  some  of  the  most 
difficult  in  the  entire  Poem,  it  being  anything  but  easy  to 
discover  and  decipher  their  mystic  meaning,  or 
* ...  la  dottrina  che  s'  asconde 
Sotto  il  velame  degli  versi  strani.' 

First  of  all  let  us  be  allowed  to  remark  that  those  who 
attach  too  much  importance  to  the  fact  that  Virgil,  in 
throwing  down  into  the  Abyss  the  mysterious  cord  with 
which  Dante  was  girded,  causes  Geryon,  the  image  of 
Fraud  (sozza  itnagine  di  froda)  to  come  up,  have  in  our 
opinion  rendered  it  difficult  rather  than  easy  to  understand 
rightly  the  signification  of  these  verses.  I  myself  do  not 
think  it  is  a  question  here  of  showing  a  symbol  with  which 
to  attract  Geryon,  the  image  of  Fraud,  but  that  the  use 
which  Virgil  makes  of  the  cord  is  purely  accessory.  If 
Geryon  had  to  come  up  it  was  absolutely  necessary  that  he 
should  know  that  there  were  some  persons  above  who  had 
to  be  carried  down.  Now  how  were  Jhey  to  let  him  know  ? 
Shout  and  call  him  ?  Certainly,  if  he  could  have  heard  the 
shouts  1  But  as  the  two  Poets  could  scarcely  hear  them- 
selves speak  by  reason  of  the  loud  roar  of  the  falling  water, 
how  could  Geryon  have  possibly  heard  them  at  the  bottom  ? 
Therefore,  as  they  had  no  means  of  making  him  hear,  they 
must  perforce  make  him  some  signal^  But  this  could  not 
be  done  by  gestures,  since  neither  did  the  two  Poets  see 
Geryon,  nor  did  he  see  them.  The  only  way  then  out  of  the 
difficulty  was  to  throw  some  object  down  to  him,  so  as  to 
give  him  a  sure  indication  that  there  were  some  men  or 
shades  waiting  for  him  up  there,  who  wanted  him.     But 


Canto  XVI.       Readings  on  the  Inferno.  569 

what  had  they  to  throw  down?  A  stone,  perhaps,  or  a 
piece  of  wood  ?  Yes,  but  they  must  first  find  one.  And 
on  those  smooth  stone  margins  on  which  they  were  standing, 
and  on  the  Burning  Sand  Waste  there  were  neither  stones 
nor  pieces  of  wood.  The  only  thing  then  to  throw  would 
be  something  that  they  had  about  them,  and  they  naturally 
choose  in  preference  something  superfluous^  which  they  can 
do  without ;  and  this  object  is  just  the  mysterious  cord, 
which  consequently  need  not  necessarily  be  a  symbol  with 
which  to  attract  Fraud,  but  simply  a  signal  to  Geryon,  to 
take  the  place  of  the  shouts  which  he  would  not  have  heard, 
or  the  gestures  which  he  would  not  have  seen. 

Now  to  determine  with  approximate  certainty  what  may 
be  the  allegorical  signification  of  this  cord,  we  must  deal 
separately  with  the  circumstance  that  Virgil  threw  it  down 
the  Abyss  to  Geryon,  to  make  him  come  up  to  the  place 
where  the  two  Poets  are  standing. 

Having  first  stated  that,  let  us  turn  our  attention  to  the 
following  points : 

(i.)  The  Cord  is  not  a  mere  symbol^  hut  is  at  the  same  Jime 
a  real  cord,  Dante  speaks  of  it  in  a  way  that  absolutely 
forbids  our  taking  it  for-a  purely  metaphorical  cord.  Now, 
if  Dante  haci  been  speaking  of  a  mere  symbol  how  could  he 
possibly  have  made  use  of  the  terms  he  does  ?  The  Poet 
is  girded  with  the  cord,  he  unlooses  it  at  the  command  of 
Virgil,  and  puts  it  quite  off  him  (se  la  scioglie  tutta)^  then  he 
coils  it  upy  he  hands  it  to  his  Guide,  who  takes  it,  and  with 
his  right  hand  casts  it  down  the  Abyss  to  induce  Geryon  to 
come  up,  and,  as  he  casts  it,  follows  it  attentively  with  his 
eye.  This  must  certainly  mean  a  r^ft]  ^^r^  ;  such  actions 
demonstrate  it  to  be  so  quite  sufficiently,  beyond  the  fact  that 
it  is  used  as  a  material  signal  which  would  have  influence 
to  set  that  fiend  in  motion.  One  could  not  coil  or  roll  up 
a  purely  metaphorical  object 


/ 


570  Readings  an  t/u  Inferno.       Canto  XVL 


(2.)  77u  chief  importanu  of  the  card  cansisis  in  thai  the 
Poet  had  ana  hoped  with  it  to  overcome  the  Leopard^  and,  let 
us  rq>eat,  not  in  the  fact  that  Virgil  makes  use  of  it  to  call 
up  Geryool^nln  making  the  observation  that  with  that  cord 
he  had  once  hoped  to  overcome  the  Leopard  with  the  spot- 
ted hide,  Dante  is,  in  fact,  telling  us^himselLboth  the 
motive  thatjiad  induced  him  to  gird  himself  with  it,  and 
also'the  use^o  which  lie  Tntended_|o  put  it  'fherefore,  so 
far  at  least,  the  mysterious  cord  had  had  nothing  to  do  with 
Geryon,  and  consequently  the  commentator  must  be  laying 
stress,  nftt^so  much  on  the  time  when  Dante  takes  off  the 
cord  and  throws  it  away,  as  on  the  mptive^ihat^induced 
hun  to^rdiiiiQSelMntinriirthenrst  instaiice,  and  on  the. 
use  he  intended  to  make  of  it  during  the  time  he  was  girded 
with-it  "^  Now, "according  to  the  distinct  words  of  Dante, 
the  cord  has  no  connection  with  anything  except  the 
Leopard.  Therefore,  the  symbol  of  the  Leopard  will  serve 
to  explain  the  symbol  of  the  cord,  and  vice  versd  the  symbol 
of  the  cord  will  be  of  no  little  advantage  in  defining  the 
symbol  of  the  Leopard. 

(3.)  The  cord  Jias  become  superfluous  to  Dante  from  the 
moment  that  he  has  left  behind  him  tJu  last  of  the  circles  in 
which  are  punished  sins  of  Lasciviousness,  The  Poet  has 
not  indeed  up  to  now  made  any  mention  of  this  mysterious 
cord.  But  he  says  that  with  it  he  had  hoped  to  overcome 
the  Leopard.  He  never  saw  the  Leopard  except  in  the  selva 
oscura  ;  therefore  he  must  have  been  girded  with  the  cord 
when  he  first  became  conscious  that  he  was  passing  through 
the  dark  wood.  Here,  on  the  verge  of  the  Eighth  Circle,  he 
has  still  got  the  rope  about  his  body :  and  therefore  he  has 
been  girded  with  it  from  the  commencement  of  his  journey 
until  this  moment.  /Now  Virgil  casts  it  down  the  Abyss,  and 
Dante  /fn^tinf  f/ib^  ^/  ^^^  djQ^*^ :  therefore  from  this  moment 
it  has  become  to  him  a  perfectly  useless  object,  j 


Canto  XVI.       Readings  on  ilie  Inferno.  S/i 

/  But  what,  then,  can  this  cord  be  with  which  the  Poet  had 
at  times  thought  he  could  overcome  the  Leopard^  To  this 
question  we  find  an  answer  in  an  ancient  tradition,"according 
to  which  it  would  seem  that  in  his  youth  t)ante  had  donned 
the  garb  of  the  Franciscan  Order,  but  that  he  quitted  it 
before  completing  his  noviciate  Buti,  who  lived  in  the 
same  century  as  Dante,  speaks  of  the  tradition,  both  in  this 
passage  and  in  Purg,  xxx,  42,  as  an  undoubted  and  gene- 
rally-known  fact ;  undoubted  because  he  does  not  even  hint 
at  there  being  any  doubt  upon  the  subject :  generally  knotvn 
because  he  only  just  alludes  to  it,  evidently  taking  it  for 
granted  that  his  hearers  already  are  acquainted  with  the 
details.  But  can  we,  ought  we,  to  believe  Buti  ?  Well,  give 
us  any  plausible  reasons  for  not  giving  credence  to  him,  and 
then  teach  us  how  to  understand  this  passage  after  denying 
the  facts  he  states,  and  then  we  will  give  you  credit  for  your 
hypercriticism ! 

But  what  reasons  are  there  that  can  be  alleged  ?  The 
ever-to-be-revered  Blanc  {Versuch.  etc.  pt.  I,  Halle,  1861, 
page  143)  observes  that  'all  men  of  sense'  held  Buti'siale 
to  be  a  fable.  Without  forgetting  the  respect  due  to  the 
memory  of  so  distinguished  a  man)  we  must  still  be  allowed 
to  ask,  before  we  proceed  farther,  if  it  is  an  especial  mark 
of  good  sense  to  suppose  that  an  author  of  the  same  century 
as  Dante  should  not  have  had  the  possibility  of  informing 
himself  about  what  he  relates  ;  if  it  is  a  mark  of  good  sense 
to  suppose  him  to  be  a  person  of  such  bad  faith  that  he 
would  wish  to  be  the  first  to  spread  this  fable,  or  a  person 
so  rash  as  to  dare  to  publish  it  openly  at  a  period  when  the 
recollections  about  Dante  were  quite  fresh,  and  when  it  was 
not  possible  that  the  circumstances  could  be  unknown  in 
a  person  of  such  celebrity.  Would  it  not  rather  be  a  mark 
of  greater  good  sense  to  admit  that  Buti  takes  his  stand 
upon  a  tradition  that  was  common  at  that  time,  and  further 


572  Readings  on  the  Inferno.       Canto  xvi. 

to  admit  Uiat,  in  days  of  such  proximity  to  the  time  of 
Dante,  such  a  tradition  could  not  well  be  false. 

Now,  who  are  these  men  of  sense? 

Blanc  quotes  Tiraboschi,  Petti,  and  Balba  Well,  none 
of  these  three  were  men  who  would  easily  be  gulled  in  mat- 
ters of  history.  But  let  us  see  with  our  own  eyes  what 
these  men  do  say  !  Let  us  open  Tiraboschi,  and  in  vol.  v, 
part  ii,  of  his  Storia  ddla  Lttteraiura  Italiana  (and  edition, 
Modena,  1789)  at  page  492  we  read :  'Francesco  da  Buti, 
who  in  the  same  fourteenth  century  wrote  a  commentary  on 
Dante,  relates,  that  when  he  was  still  young  he  became  a 
Friar  of  the  Order  of  the  Minorites,  but  that  he  put  off  the 
garb  before  making  his  profession,  which  circumstance, 
however,  is  not  related  by  any  writer  of  the  Life  of  Dante.' 
Is  it  contended  from  these  words  that  the  Father  of  our 
history  of  literature  [Tiraboschi]  held  Buti's  narrative  to  be 
a  mere  fable  ?  Tiraboschi,  it  is  true,  winds  up  a  marginal 
note  with  this  sentence :  '  But  these  are  fables ' ;  only  that 
the  sentence  refers  to  what  is  related  by  Padre  Giovanni  di 
Sant'  Antonio,  and  not  at  all  to  that  by  Buti.  Pelli,  in  the 
eighth  paragraph  of  his  Memorie  iy tXi^iSa^  Zatta,  1758,  page 
58,  and  in  the  second  edition,  Florence,  1823,  page  79) 
after  alluding  to  Buti's  account,  goes  on  thus :  '  I  cannot 
really  say  that  there  is  any  authority  for  this  fact ;  but  I 
know  this,  that  the  fact  of  finding  it  distinctly  related  by  an 
author  [Buti],  who  wrote  not  more  than  70  years  after  the 
death  of  Dante,  is  a  pretty  strong  ground  for  presuming  it 
to  be  true.' 

So  then  Pelli  held  Buti's  account  for  a  fable  ?  And  how 
about  Balbo  ?  In  his  Vita  di  Dante  (Firenze,  Le  Monnier, 
1853)  page  95,  Balbo  writes:  'Anyhow  this  cord,  with 
which  Dante  says  that  he  had  once  thought  to  overcome 
the  Leopard  ....  does  not  seem  to  me  to  admit  of  a 
better  interpretation,  or   indeed  of  any  other,   than   that 


Canto  XVI.       Readings  on  tlu  Inferno,  573 

it  was  the  cord  of  the  Franciscans^  who  were  styled,  both 
then  and  by  himself,  Cordeliers^/and  by  donning  their  garb 
he  (Dante)  thought  to  overcome  the  conflicts  which  had  ^ 
arisen  in  him  at  the  time  we  are  speaking  about^  And  this 
is  really  the  interpretation  given  by  the  be^t  commentators. 
And  when  to  this  \ire  add  the  singular 'devotion,  nay  more, 
the  love  with  which  Dante  relates  the  life  of  St.  Francis  in 
the  Paradiso  (canto  xi),  and  his  other  also  loving  devotion 
to  St.  Clare,  who  was,  as  is  well  known,  a  sister  in  religion 
to  St.  Francis  {Par,  iii,  97) ;  and  his  very  outbursts  of  wrath 
against  those  who,  in  his  estimation,  were  causing  the  Order 
to  degenerate ;  from  all  these  it  seems  to  me  that  we  get, 
not  only  a  probability,  but  little  less  than  a  moral  certainty 
of  the  fact  alleged  by  Buti,  that  Dante  did  make  trial  of 
becoming  a  Franciscan.'  Did,  then,  Balbo  hold  the  fact  to 
be  a  fable  ?  If  Tiraboschi,  Pelli,  and  Balbo  are  the  group 
in  question  of  'men  of  sense,'  it  will  be  at  least  granted  to 
us  to  say  :  All  men  of  sense  held  the  fact  alleged  by  Buti  to 
be  either  certain^  or  at  least  probable.  The  epoch  in  which 
Dante  gave  way  to  the  idea  of  abandoning  the  world  shall 
be  established  in  the  internal  life  of  the  Poet  in  the  volume 
of  the  Prolegpmeni. 

If,  then,  there  are  well-founded  reasons  for  denying  cre- 
dence to  the  account  of  Buti ;  if,  moreover,  there  is  an  epoch 
in  Dante's  life  in  which  it  is  extremely  probable  that  he  was 
seriously  thinking  of  abandoning  the  world  (see  our  work  : 
Dante  Alighieri,  etc  Bienne,  1869,  page  227  et  seq.\  it  will 
then  only  be  necessary  to  explain  the  verses  in  question,  as 
we  have  done  in  our  Commentary,  ^he  cord  symbolizes 
the  habit  of  St.  Francis,  in  donning  wVch  Dante  had  hoped 
to  shelter  himself  from  the  temptations  of  the  flesh — he  had 
hoped  to  overcome  the  Leopard,  the  symbol  of  Lascivious- 
ness.  To  overcome  Lasciviousness  he  had  girded  himself"^ 
with  the  cord  of  St.  FrancisTy 


574  Readings  an  the  Inferno.       Canto  xvi. 

'  Pradngt  me^  Domine^  cingulo  ptrUaiis  ei  exHngiu  in 
lumbis  nuts  humorem  lUndinis^  ui  maneat  in  me  virtus  canH- 
neniia  ei  castitatis*  That  is  the  prayer  of  the  Priest  at  the 
moment  of  putting  on  the  girdle  round  the  Eucharistic 
vestment ;  and  that  must  hav^  been  Dante's  prayer  at  the 
moment  he  put  on  the  cord.  /  But  the  cord  alone  is  not  in 
itself  sufficient  to  overcome  tn^  temptations  of  the  Flesh,  to 
take  the  Leopard  Dante,  though  girded  with  the  cord, 
must  contemplate  the  punishment  of  the  Lascivious  before 
he  can  inwardly  and  entirely  subdue  his  carnal  appetites. 
But  now,  after  having  witnessed  the  torments  of  carnal 
sinners  and  the  hurricane  of  Hell,  which 

'  Di  qua^  di  /i,  di  sik^  di  giu  ^i  mena^ 
after  having  witnessed  on  the  horrible  Sandy  Waste  the  last 
and  extremest  consequence  of  unbridled  lust,  that  rain  of 
fire,  which  falls  upon  those  who  were  polluted  by  the  most 
disgusting  form  of  carnal  sins,  having  seen  the  sores,  both 
recent  and  of  old  standing,  that  have  been  wrought  by  the 
eternal  flames, — ngw-Dantehas.CQnquered, — and  conquered 
inwardly,  therefore  Virgil  bids  him  divest  himself  entirely  of 
the  cord  as  of  a  thing  that  from  henceforward  has  become 
quite  superfluous,  and  he  (^ts  it  down  into  the  Abyss  of 
Hell  to  resume  it  no  more.  J 

And  if  any  one,  notwithstanding  what  we  said  at  the 
commencement  of  this  digression,  would  ask  us  why  Virgil 
should  wish  to  make  use  of  this  particular  cord  to  call  up 
Geryon,  we  should  answer:  'Because  he  wished  to  pay 
back  the  loathsome  image  of  Fraud  in  its  own  coin.'  How 
often  was  not,  both  during  Dante's  time,  and  before,  and 
since,  the  monastic  garb,  here  represented  by  the  cord, 
nothing  else  but — a  loathsome  image  of  Fraud  1 

But  for  anyone  who  does  not  like  our  interpretation,  here 
are  some  others : 

Jacopo  dclla  Lana :  *  By  this  cord  Dante  means  fraudu- 


Canto  XVI.       Readings  on  tlu  Inferno.  575 

lence  .  .  .  and  adds  that  many  times  he  had  thought  to 
capture  temporal  goods  by  Fraud,  and  vainly  glorified  him- 
self in  their  acquisition.'  (1 1) 

Ottimo :  says  that  '  there  were  times  when  he  believed 
and  thought  that  by  it  he  could  capture  the  Leopard  with 
the  spotted  hide,  that  is  to  say,  with  deceitytO't^pture  some 
kind  of  Lasciviousness.'  (1) 

Anonimo  Fiorentino :  *  The  Author  says  here  that  with 
the  cord,  that  is,  with  deceit  and  fraudulence,  he  had  at 
times  thought  that  he  could  delude  some  young  woman 
whom  he  loved.' (!) 

Chiose  Anontme,  ed,  Selmi :  'With  this  cord  Fraud  itself 
is  to  be  captured,  with  which  indeed  Dante  formerly  thought 
to  beguile  and  flatter  women,  and  perhaps  he  did  so.'  (1) 

So  also  Pietro  di  Dantty  the  Postillatore  Cassinese,  Ben- 
venuto,  Daniello,  etc.  etc. 

Modern  exponents,  on  the  contrary,  see  in  the  cord  the 
symbol  of  the  virtue  the  opposite  to  Fraud,  namely, 
Tommas^o  and  Andreoli...  Good  Faith  ; 

Mauro       Sagacity; 

Barelli       Honesty  and  Uprightness 

of  purpose ; 

Fraticelli * Vigilance; 

Hoffinger Justice,  and  so  on. 

We  will  not  stop  to  combat  all  these  [modem]  opinions 
in  detail,  but  will  simply  say  this : 

If  the  cord  is  the  symbol  of  any  sort  of  virtue^  from  this 
passage  which  we  have  uftdertahen  to  discuss^  we  get  this 
inevitable  consequence ^  namely ^  that  in  1300,  in  the  very  yedr\i 
of  his  conversion^  Dante  divested  himself  wholly  and  entirely 
of  virtue  itself  (///),  for  Virgil  threw  away  the  cord^  nor 
does  Dante  ever  speak  of  having  retaken  it^  and  girded  him- 
self with  it  anew. 

And  to  sum  up  : 


576 


Readings  an  the  Inferno.       Canto  xvi. 


Since  Dante,  on  reaching  the  verge  of  the*  Eighth  Circle 
of  Hdl,  divests  himself  of  the  cord,  hands  it  to  Virgil,  and 
does  not  take  it  back  any  more,  that  cord  cannot  possibly 
signify  any  one  single  virtue  at  all,  but  only  eitho'  a  vice 
which  he  puts  away  from  himself  for  ever,  or  else  s<»ne 
object  so  utterly  indifferent  to  him  that  from  thenceforward 
it  is  of  no  further  use  to  him. 

Let  the  Reader  choose  which  of  these  explanations 
pleases  him  best" 


End  of  Canto  XVI  and  of  Volume  I. 


Drydbn  Press  t  J.  Davy  &  Sons,  137,  Long  Acre,  I^ixlon. 


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The  paper  is  Weyerhaeuser  Cougar  Opaque 

Natural,  which  exceeds  ANSI 

Standard  Z39.48-1984. 

1993 


Il 


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